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{{Short description|Book by Mumia Abu-Jamal}}
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{{No footnotes|date=April 2009}}
{{More footnotes|date=June 2021}}
{{Infobox book|<!-- See Wikipedia:WikiProject_Novels or Wikipedia:WikiProject_Books -->
| name = Live from Death Row
| image = File:Live_from_Death_Row.jpeg
| caption =
| author = [[Mumia Abu-Jamal]]
| cover_artist =
| country = United States
| language = [[English language|English]]
| genre = Memoir
| publisher =
| release_date = May 1995
| media_type = Print
| pages =
| isbn =
}}


'''''Live from Death Row''''', published in May 1995, is a memoir by [[Mumia Abu-Jamal]], an American journalist and activist from [[Philadelphia, Pennsylvania]]. He is known for having been convicted of the murder of a city police officer and sentenced to death in 1982, in a trial that [[Amnesty International]] suspected of lacking impartiality.<ref>Espada, Martin. "All Things Censored." <u>Progressive</u>. July 1997, Vol. 61 Issue 7: 20-22.</ref><ref>Featherstone, Liza. "Abu-Jamal and Son of Sam." <u>Columbia Journalism Review</u>. September/October 1995, Vol. 34 Issue 3: 9-10.</ref><ref>Tabor, Mary B.W. "Book Notes." <u>New York Times</u>. 15 February 1995: C14.</ref><ref>{{cite web|date=2008-12-01|title=USA: A life in the balance - the case of Mumia Abu-Jamal {{!}} Amnesty International|url=http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/AMR51/001/2000|access-date=2021-03-12|archive-date=2008-12-01|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081201103126/http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/AMR51/001/2000|url-status=bot: unknown}}</ref> Abu-Jamal wrote this book while on [[death row]]. He has always maintained his innocence. Publishers [[Addison-Wesley]] paid Abu-Jamal a $30,000 advance for the book.
'''''Live from Death Row''''', published in May 1995, is a memoir by [[Mumia Abu-Jamal]], an American journalist and activist who was convicted of murder and sentenced to death; he wrote the book while on death row. Abu-Jamal has always maintained his innocence. His sentence was commuted to life in prison without parole after he had been held for 29 years on death row. Publishers [[Addison-Wesley]] gave Abu-Jamal a $30,000 advance for the book, prompting Maureen Faulkner, the widow of [[Daniel Faulkner]], the Philadelphia Police Officer whom Abu-Jamal was convicted of murdering, to hire a plane to fly over the company's headquarters trailing a banner that read "Addison-Wesley Supports a Cop Killer", an invocation of [[Pennsylvania]]'s [[Son of Sam law]], and promoted a boycott of Addison-Wesley by the [[Fraternal Order of Police]]. Abu-Jamal's essays were finally published after [[National Public Radio]] backed out of an agreement, due to pressure from the Fraternal Order of Police and Senator [[Bob Dole]], to broadcast his writings on ''[[All Things Considered]]'', an act he referenced with the title of his 2000 book ''[[All Things Censored]]''.

Reports that Abu-Jamal would be paid for the book resulted in protests. In a case decided in Federal appeals court, it ruled that he had the right to be paid for commentary and writings. This is the first of several books that he has published which were completed in prison. His sentence was commuted to [[life in prison without parole]] in 2011, after he had been held for 29 years on death row.


==Context==
==Context==
Historically, Abu-Jamal references many important events of relevance to the standing of blacks in America. Utilizing numerous references to law and court cases, he relegates the [[Dred Scott case|Dred Scott ruling]] as still relevant; he believes blacks are still far from free denoting [[Nelson Mandela]]'s plight. He expresses a dislike for [[William Rehnquist]]'s conservative slant and [[Sandra Day O'Connor]]'s "Rehnquistian" dissent in ''[[Penry v. Lynaugh]]'', allowing the execution of the [[intellectual disability|intellectually disabled]]. He mocks [[Lewis Franklin Powell, Jr.|Lewis Powell]]'s dismissal of statistical evidence of racial discrimination in capital sentencing in ''[[McCleskey v. Kemp]]'' and his dissent in which he states "McCleskey's claim, taken to its logical conclusion, throws into serious question the principles that underlie our entire criminal justice system". He also mentions [[Harry Blackmun]]'s vote in ''[[Gregg v. Georgia]]'' that ruled the death penalty [[United States Constitution|constitutional]] and his later dissent in ''[[Callins v. Collins]]'' in which he states "from this day forward, I no longer shall tinker with the machinery of death ... I feel morally and intellectually obligated simply to concede that the death penalty experiment has failed".
Abu-Jamal explores many important historical events of relevance to the standing of black people in America. Using numerous references to law and court cases, he argues that the [[Dred Scott case|Dred Scott ruling]] is still relevant to racial relations. He asserts that black people are still far from free, denoting [[Nelson Mandela]]'s plight. He expresses a dislike for [[William Rehnquist]]'s conservative slant and [[Sandra Day O'Connor]]'s "Rehnquistian" dissent in ''[[Penry v. Lynaugh]]'', allowing the execution of the [[intellectual disability|intellectually disabled]]. He mocks [[Lewis Franklin Powell Jr.|Lewis Powell]]'s dismissal of statistical evidence of racial discrimination in capital sentencing in ''[[McCleskey v. Kemp]]'' and his dissent in which he states "McCleskey's claim, taken to its logical conclusion, throws into serious question the principles that underlie our entire criminal justice system". He also mentions [[Harry Blackmun]]'s vote in ''[[Gregg v. Georgia]],'' which ruled the death penalty to be [[United States Constitution|constitutional]]. Abu-Jamal notes that Blackmun changed his mind; in ''[[Callins v. Collins]]'' the justice stated, "from this day forward, I no longer shall tinker with the machinery of death ... I feel morally and intellectually obligated simply to concede that the death penalty experiment has failed".


A former [[Black Panther Party|Black Panther]], Abu-Jamal recalls some of his past experiences with the organization, his one-time role as bodyguard for [[Huey P. Newton]], whom he regards as a hero, the feuding between the Newton-led west coast and the [[Eldridge Cleaver]]-led east coast and, ultimately, its demise. He mentions his protest of a [[George Wallace]] rally with three other black teens, their subsequent beatings at the hands of white attendees, and his mistaken appeal for help to a police officer who, instead, kicked him in the face while he was on the ground.
A former [[Black Panther Party|Black Panther]], Abu-Jamal recalls some of his past experiences with the organization; his one-time role as bodyguard for [[Huey P. Newton]], whom he regards as a hero; the feuding between the Newton-led West Coast members and the [[Eldridge Cleaver]]-led East Coast and, ultimately, its decline. He recounts his protest of a [[George Wallace]] rally with three other black teens, their subsequent beatings at the hands of white attendees, and his appeal for help to a police officer. The man kicked him in the face while he was on the ground.


He also frequently references the [[MOVE]] organization, its founder [[John Africa]], and the massacre of 11 people (5 of them children) on May 13, 1985 by the Philadelphia Police Department which he compares to the raid at [[Waco, Texas|Waco]]. He also mentions the trial of [[Rodney King]], the succeeding [[1992 civil unrest in Los Angeles|riots in Los Angeles]], and his belief that the involved officers each had their constitutional right of [[double jeopardy]] violated by putting them on trial twice.
Abu-Jamal frequently refers to the [[MOVE (Philadelphia organization)|MOVE]] organization, its founder [[John Africa]], and the massacre of 11 people (5 of them children) in [[1985 MOVE bombing|a bombing attack on May 13, 1985]], and fire caused by the [[Philadelphia Police Department]]. He compares this to the [[Waco siege]], which resulted in 82 deaths. He also explores the 1992 trial of Los Angeles officers for the beating of [[Rodney King]], and [[1992 civil unrest in Los Angeles|riots in the city]] after the officers were acquitted. He said that he believed each of the indicted officers had their constitutional right of [[double jeopardy]] violated by being twice put on trial for the same offense.


==Synopsis==
==Synopsis==


Abu-Jamal structures the book as anecdotes, most exploring the [[prison]] system. In an end section titled "Musings, memories, and prophecies", he discusses past events in his life, and he commemorates some prominent black people in America.
Told as anecdotes, most of ''Live from Death Row'' details the [[prison]] system; in an additional end section titled "Musings, memories, and prophecies", Abu-Jamal discusses past events in his life and he remembers some prominent blacks in America. He delves into the purported purpose of prison, finding it hard to believe that "corrections" and [[deterrence (legal)|deterrence]] are its true goals using the policy to block education of inmates and the [[psychological]] problems caused by isolation and non-contact visits as support for his argument of an ulterior motive, to "erode one's humanity". He describes the procedures of death row blocs where twenty-plus-hour [[solitary confinement]] is offset by a few hours of recreation and exercise "outside" on penned-in plots of land and minimal{{Clarify|date=July 2012}} conversations with fellow inmates often regarding their attempts at appeal and their battles with the law. He details two [[suicide]]s of fellow inmates, one by hanging and one death caused by self-inflicted burns, and the drugging of inmates to make them more sedate even at the expense of one epileptic's health. He reports the interactions between "urban" prisoners and "rural" guards in which prisoners are subject to brutal beatings, cavity searches, racial harassment, and human rights violations after insurgencies.


He delves into the purported purpose of prison, suggesting that "corrections" and [[deterrence (legal)|deterrence]] are no longer its true goals: he notes that there are barriers to educating inmates and that [[psychological]] problems are caused by the practices of putting prisoners in isolation and prohibiting contact during visits. He suggests that prisons are operated in order to "erode one's humanity". He describes the procedures of death row blocs, where twenty-plus-hour [[solitary confinement]] is offset by a few hours of recreation and exercise "outside" on penned-in plots of land and limited conversations with other inmates. These often relate to their attempts at appeal and their battles with the law. He details two [[suicide]]s of fellow inmates, one by hanging and one by self-inflicted burns. He notes that inmates were given drugs to make them more sedated, although this endangered one man with epilepsy. He reports the interactions between "urban" prisoners and "rural" guards, and says that prisoners are subject to brutal beatings, cavity searches, racial harassment, and human rights violations after insurgencies.
In addition to prison conditions, he discusses social issues and their relevance to prison. He expresses dismay towards "three strikes" [[mandatory sentencing]] and politicians using "tough on crime" slogans as political gateways, offering the fact that the United States has the most incarcerated individuals in the world. He hints at racial discrimination, as proposed in the ''[[McCleskey v. Kemp]]'' case, by reciting statistics on America's death row population in comparison with America's population by race; the numbers are not proportional. He then looks at the elements of the judicial system, believing it is subject to racism; he mentions the choosing of "[[peer group|peer]]s", often white jurors who are pro-death, as jury members and expert witnesses who suppress or distort evidence to suit the [[criminal justice]] system. He also explores the topic of uneven justice with examples of police officers being acquitted with compelling evidence against them and, more often than not, guards receiving minimal,{{Clarify|date=July 2012}} if any, punishment for inappropriate actions against prisoners.


In addition to prison conditions, he discusses social issues and their relevance to prison. He expresses dismay toward laws requiring [[mandatory sentencing]], for instance those related to "three strikes"; and criticizes politicians using "tough on crime" slogans to gain support for election. He notes that the United States has the highest number of incarcerated individuals in the world. He hints at racial discrimination, as proposed in the ''[[McCleskey v. Kemp]]'' case. He cites statistics showing that the population on death row in the United States is disproportionately black and Hispanic. He explores elements of the judicial system that reveal it is affected by racism: he notes jury selection by prosecutors that is biased toward persons, often white, who approve the death penalty. In addition, he suggests that expert witnesses for the prosecution suppress or distort evidence to suit the [[criminal justice]] system. He also explores the topic of uneven justice, giving examples of police officers acquitted of murder of suspects despite compelling evidence against them. Similarly, he notes that guards frequently receive little if any punishment for inappropriate actions against prisoners.
* Political-rock band [[Rage Against the Machine]] is observed as a supporter of Abu-Jamal. Singer [[Zack De La Rocha]] has spoken to Congress, condemning the U.S. government's treatment of him. Guitarist [[Tom Morello]] visited Abu-Jamal and has interviewed him.

* Political hip hop artist [[Immortal Technique]] featured Abu-Jamal on his second album ''[[Revolutionary Vol. 2]]''.
==Publication==
* The punk band [[Anti-Flag]] has a speech from Mumia Abu Jamal in the intro to their song "The Modern Rome Burning" from their 2008 album ''The Bright Lights of America''. The speech is actually on the end of their track "Vices", which precedes "The Modern Rome Burning".
Abu-Jamal had started providing commentaries to Prison Radio and other outlets. [[Addison-Wesley]] paid Abu-Jamal a $30,000 advance for the book.

==Reception==
The notoriety of Abu-Jamal for his case and protests related to his book deal resulted in considerable coverage of this book at publication.


==References==
==References==
{{Reflist}}
*Espada, Martin. "All Things Censored." <u>Progressive</u>. July 1997, Vol. 61 Issue 7: 20-22.
*Featherstone, Liza. "Abu-Jamal and Son of Sam." <u>Columbia Journalism Review</u>. September/October 1995, Vol. 34 Issue 3: 9-10.
*Tabor, Mary B.W. "Book Notes." <u>New York Times</u>. 15 February 1995: C14.


==External links==
==External links==
*[https://web.archive.org/web/20050211114050/www.cjr.org/archives.asp?url=/95/5/jamal.asp "Abu-Jamal and Son of Sam"]
*[https://web.archive.org/web/20050211114050/http://www.cjr.org/archives.asp?url=%2F95%2F5%2Fjamal.asp "Abu-Jamal and Son of Sam"]

{{Portal bar|United States|Law|Books|1990s}}


[[Category:1995 books]]
[[Category:1995 non-fiction books]]
[[Category:African-American autobiographies]]
[[Category:African-American autobiographies]]
[[Category:Mumia Abu-Jamal]]
[[Category:Mumia Abu-Jamal]]

Latest revision as of 10:56, 24 July 2024

Live from Death Row
AuthorMumia Abu-Jamal
LanguageEnglish
GenreMemoir
Publication date
May 1995
Publication placeUnited States
Media typePrint

Live from Death Row, published in May 1995, is a memoir by Mumia Abu-Jamal, an American journalist and activist from Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. He is known for having been convicted of the murder of a city police officer and sentenced to death in 1982, in a trial that Amnesty International suspected of lacking impartiality.[1][2][3][4] Abu-Jamal wrote this book while on death row. He has always maintained his innocence. Publishers Addison-Wesley paid Abu-Jamal a $30,000 advance for the book.

Reports that Abu-Jamal would be paid for the book resulted in protests. In a case decided in Federal appeals court, it ruled that he had the right to be paid for commentary and writings. This is the first of several books that he has published which were completed in prison. His sentence was commuted to life in prison without parole in 2011, after he had been held for 29 years on death row.

Context

[edit]

Abu-Jamal explores many important historical events of relevance to the standing of black people in America. Using numerous references to law and court cases, he argues that the Dred Scott ruling is still relevant to racial relations. He asserts that black people are still far from free, denoting Nelson Mandela's plight. He expresses a dislike for William Rehnquist's conservative slant and Sandra Day O'Connor's "Rehnquistian" dissent in Penry v. Lynaugh, allowing the execution of the intellectually disabled. He mocks Lewis Powell's dismissal of statistical evidence of racial discrimination in capital sentencing in McCleskey v. Kemp and his dissent in which he states "McCleskey's claim, taken to its logical conclusion, throws into serious question the principles that underlie our entire criminal justice system". He also mentions Harry Blackmun's vote in Gregg v. Georgia, which ruled the death penalty to be constitutional. Abu-Jamal notes that Blackmun changed his mind; in Callins v. Collins the justice stated, "from this day forward, I no longer shall tinker with the machinery of death ... I feel morally and intellectually obligated simply to concede that the death penalty experiment has failed".

A former Black Panther, Abu-Jamal recalls some of his past experiences with the organization; his one-time role as bodyguard for Huey P. Newton, whom he regards as a hero; the feuding between the Newton-led West Coast members and the Eldridge Cleaver-led East Coast and, ultimately, its decline. He recounts his protest of a George Wallace rally with three other black teens, their subsequent beatings at the hands of white attendees, and his appeal for help to a police officer. The man kicked him in the face while he was on the ground.

Abu-Jamal frequently refers to the MOVE organization, its founder John Africa, and the massacre of 11 people (5 of them children) in a bombing attack on May 13, 1985, and fire caused by the Philadelphia Police Department. He compares this to the Waco siege, which resulted in 82 deaths. He also explores the 1992 trial of Los Angeles officers for the beating of Rodney King, and riots in the city after the officers were acquitted. He said that he believed each of the indicted officers had their constitutional right of double jeopardy violated by being twice put on trial for the same offense.

Synopsis

[edit]

Abu-Jamal structures the book as anecdotes, most exploring the prison system. In an end section titled "Musings, memories, and prophecies", he discusses past events in his life, and he commemorates some prominent black people in America.

He delves into the purported purpose of prison, suggesting that "corrections" and deterrence are no longer its true goals: he notes that there are barriers to educating inmates and that psychological problems are caused by the practices of putting prisoners in isolation and prohibiting contact during visits. He suggests that prisons are operated in order to "erode one's humanity". He describes the procedures of death row blocs, where twenty-plus-hour solitary confinement is offset by a few hours of recreation and exercise "outside" on penned-in plots of land and limited conversations with other inmates. These often relate to their attempts at appeal and their battles with the law. He details two suicides of fellow inmates, one by hanging and one by self-inflicted burns. He notes that inmates were given drugs to make them more sedated, although this endangered one man with epilepsy. He reports the interactions between "urban" prisoners and "rural" guards, and says that prisoners are subject to brutal beatings, cavity searches, racial harassment, and human rights violations after insurgencies.

In addition to prison conditions, he discusses social issues and their relevance to prison. He expresses dismay toward laws requiring mandatory sentencing, for instance those related to "three strikes"; and criticizes politicians using "tough on crime" slogans to gain support for election. He notes that the United States has the highest number of incarcerated individuals in the world. He hints at racial discrimination, as proposed in the McCleskey v. Kemp case. He cites statistics showing that the population on death row in the United States is disproportionately black and Hispanic. He explores elements of the judicial system that reveal it is affected by racism: he notes jury selection by prosecutors that is biased toward persons, often white, who approve the death penalty. In addition, he suggests that expert witnesses for the prosecution suppress or distort evidence to suit the criminal justice system. He also explores the topic of uneven justice, giving examples of police officers acquitted of murder of suspects despite compelling evidence against them. Similarly, he notes that guards frequently receive little if any punishment for inappropriate actions against prisoners.

Publication

[edit]

Abu-Jamal had started providing commentaries to Prison Radio and other outlets. Addison-Wesley paid Abu-Jamal a $30,000 advance for the book.

Reception

[edit]

The notoriety of Abu-Jamal for his case and protests related to his book deal resulted in considerable coverage of this book at publication.

References

[edit]
  1. ^ Espada, Martin. "All Things Censored." Progressive. July 1997, Vol. 61 Issue 7: 20-22.
  2. ^ Featherstone, Liza. "Abu-Jamal and Son of Sam." Columbia Journalism Review. September/October 1995, Vol. 34 Issue 3: 9-10.
  3. ^ Tabor, Mary B.W. "Book Notes." New York Times. 15 February 1995: C14.
  4. ^ "USA: A life in the balance - the case of Mumia Abu-Jamal | Amnesty International". 2008-12-01. Archived from the original on 2008-12-01. Retrieved 2021-03-12.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
[edit]