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Swords, Crowns, Censers and Books

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Cover
Front
Representation of a king, fragment of a stone panel, Baptistery of Split
Cathedral (photo: N. Belošević)
Representation of a warrior, fragment of the transenna from the Church
of St Mary at Crkvina in Biskupija, MHAS (photo: Z. Alajbeg)

Back
Detail from the fol. 214v, Egmont Gospel Book, KB 76 F1 (© the Hague,
Koninklijke Bibliotheek)

←
Silver censer from Cetina near Vrlika, MHAS (photo: Z. Alajbeg)
Swords, Crowns, Censers and Books
Francia Media - Cradles of European Culture

Edited by

Marina Vicelja-Matijašić

Center for Iconographic Studies

Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences – University of Rijeka
Rijeka, 2015
Publisher
Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Rijeka

For the publisher

Ines Srdoč Konestra

Editor
Marina Vicelja-Matijašić

Editorial assistant
Nikolina Belošević

Editorial and Advisory Board

Peter Bisták (Bratislava)
Koos Bosma (Amsterdam) †
Dirk Calebaut (Ename)
André Constant (Aix-en-Provence)
Maria Pia Guermandi (Bologna)
Isabel Kappesser (Frankfurt)
Špela Karo (Ljubljana)
Jana Maříková-Kubková (Prag)
Patrick Monsieur (Ename)
Hettie Peterse (Nijmegen)

Language editor
Martin Mayhew

Cover
Petar Popić Mileusić

Graphic design and text preparation

Sanja Jovanović (University of Rijeka)
K&K, Zagreb
Sizis d.o.o., Zagreb

Print
Denona, d.o.o. Zagreb

©2015 Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Rijeka, Croatia

ISBN 978-953-7975-32-6
University of Rijeka Library Cataloging Number (CIP): 130816029
UDK: 902/904(4)”04/14”(082) * 7(4)”04/14”(091)(082)
Table of Contents

Acknowledgements 6
Marina Vicelja-Matijašić Foreword 7
Dirk Callebaut Francia Media - Uncovering an Instructive Past for Europe 9
Rosamond McKitterick Francia Media - Introduction 21
Bert Thissen The Royal Palace of Nijmegen (ca. 750-1247) 53
Dirk Callebaut The Trifunctionality of an Ottonian Border Site 93
The Margravial Centre of Ename
Patrick Monsieur The Gallo-Roman and Early Mediaeval Settlement of 141
Feliciacum/Velzeke in Northern Gaul
A Survey of Archaeological Sources on Transition, Continuity
and Discontinuity within the Roman and Germanic Worlds
Isabel Kappesser Palace - Ruins - Monument 167
Nina Schücker Charlemagne’s Palatium in Ingelheim

Jana Maříková-Kubková Prague Castle 187

Katarína Mašterová
Katarína Válová
Jana Maříková-Kubková Church of San George in Kostoľany pod Tribečom 213
Peter Baxa
Peter Bisták
Zuzana Borzová
Špela Karo The Archaeological Image of the Land along the Upper Sava 249
Dimitrij Mlekuž River in the Late Antique and Early Medieval Period
A View in Space
Maria Pia Guermandi Ravenna - European Capital 273
A Bridge in Time and Space
Danko Dujmović An Overview of Historical and Archaeological Research of 297
the Early Medieval Period in Croatia
Maja Petrinec Crkvina - Biskupija 327
Ante Jurčević Insights into the Chronology of the Site from
8th to 15th Century
André Constant Hilltop Settlement Dynamics in Provence between 373
5th and 9th Centuries
Results and Research Prospectives
Vladimir P. Goss Francia Media and the Southeast of Europe 403
Dossier “Visual Arts” - Westwork and Rural Romanesque
Jan Kolen Rebuilding on Ruins 417
Linde Egberts Transformation of Legacies in Europe
Acknowledgments

We would like to thank individuals and institutions who contributed to the realisation of this
publication:

Vera Ameels, Koen De Groote, Hans Denis, Nancy Lemay, Jan Moens - Flanders Heritage
Agency, Belgium
Maurice Cornelis, Marie-Claire Van der Donckt - Provinciaal Archeologisch Museum (PAN),
Ename, Belgium
Patrick De Jaegher, Belgium
Louise Fredericq, Ename Expertisecentrum voor Erfgoedontsluiting, Belgium
Daniel Pletinkcx, Visual Dimension bvba, Belgium
Eva Roels, Tourist Office Oudenaarde, Belgium
Zoran Alajbeg, Museum of Croatian Archaeological Monuments, Split, Croatia
Petra Predoević Zadković, Department of History of Art, University of Rijeka, Croatia
Jacqueline Balen, Igor Krajcar - Archaeological Museum, Zagreb, Croatia
Institute of Archaeology of the CAS, Prague, v.v.i., Prague castle, Czech Republic
Jan Gloc and Martin Frouz, Czech Republic (for sharing copyrights)
Iva Herichová, Czech Republic (for sharing the results of her geological survey of the Prague
Castle promontory)
Aix Marseille Université, CNRS, LA3M UMR 7298, Aix-en Provence, France
Université de Caen Basse-Normandie, CNRS, CRAHAM UMR 6273, Caen, France
Heiko Schlombach, Solstice scop Sarl, France (translator)
Nicola-Jane Stevenson, Translation Ninja, France (translator)
Holger Grewe and Katharina Ferch, Forschungsstelle Kaiserpfalz Ingelheim, Germany
Arjan den Braven, Joep Hendriks, Rob Mols, Hettie Peterse, Katja Zee, Municipality of
Nijmegen (Gemeente Nijmegen), Netherlands
Centre for Global Heritage and Development, Leiden University, Netherlands
Research Institute CLUE+, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, Netherlands
Roman Catholic Parish Office, Ladice, Slovakia
Tomas Mařik, Slovakia (translator)
Timotej Knific, Narodni muzej Slovenije, Ljubljana, Slovenia
Tomaž Lauko, Narodni muzej Slovenije, Ljubljana, Slovenia (photographer)
Jože Hanc, Ljubljana (photographer)
Meta Osredkar, Ljubljana (translator)
Foreword

Swords, Crowns, Censers and Books is the product of the five year project Francia
Media – Cradles of European Culture which has brought together scholars, researchers and
experts in various fields of humanities in reference to the specific period of early medieval
European past. On the foundation of the Carolingian world, which provided the bedrock for
the subsequent development of medieval European culture, Francia Media prospered as a
political realm that connected the North Sea and Mediterranean, cultivating its diversities
and struggling and manoeuvring through a complex political narrative. Its power was
operated through royal and aristocratic courts, the military and church who contributed
and assured the appearance and specific formation of centres of culture, learning and
artistic patronage. The deliberate channelling of resources towards education in the service
of the Christian faith was a fundamental element in the formation of Europe and European
cultural identity. Fragments of this powerful and fertile social and cultural realm are
scattered throughout Europe and act as reminders of its great formative age.

In the publication authors present ten archaeological sites in nine European

countries: the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia,
Croatia, Italy and France. The conceptual framework presumed the representation
of heritage from the perspective of a crossroads of different backgrounds, traditions,
established practices and experience within the heritage route that the sites formed. The
articles discuss various issues and problems such as the relationship between centre and
province, the question of borders, elites and social classes, written and other historical
sources, reconstructing the past, conservation, protection and interpretation of heritage
etc. The sites possess distinct importance both for national histories and the overall
chronology of the early Middle Ages. The texts also highlight the importance of learning
about Europe’s cultural past in contemporary society as a means for supporting the
processes of identity creation, transcultural dialogue and regenerating and re-establishing
values and integrity. Each partner has demonstrated both good practice and problems
within the wider approach to the particular archaeological site or specific set of subjects.

The work on the project mobilised not only the partners’ institutions but other
individuals and associations in promoting the importance of the heritage of the early
Middle Ages and thus generating the idea of a strong platform that will continue building
bridges between the past and present.

Marina Vicelja-Matijašić
 Crkvina - Biskupija
Insights into the Chronology of the Site from Late
8th to 15th Century

Maja Petrinec
Ante Jurčević
 The site of Crkvina is located in the village of Biskupija near Knin. Biskupija, along
with Nin, Solin and Knin, is one of the most important early medieval settlements in
the Kingdom of Croatia. With its distinctive archaeological heritage it provides precious
evidence about the cultural and political rise of the medieval Croatian state’s continuity
from the 9th to the 12th centuries. In the following text we present a short overview of
the existing research and literature, we identify the issue connected to the individual
category of the finds and display chronologically the development of the complex at
Crkvina in all of its phases.

The geopolitical position and territorial coverage of Croatia

in the Middle Ages

The geopolitical position of Croatian regions in the area between the Pannon-
ian Plain and Adriatic Mediterranean coast significantly influenced the development of
Croatian medieval society. The natural relief of the mountain range of the Dinaric Alps,
which form high mountains situated directly along a narrow strip of the Adriatic coast,
dictated the emergence and further historical development of Croatian regions through-
out the entire Middle Ages. The first Croatian medieval state developed along the Adri-
atic coast with the same intensity alongside the sea as in the hinterland. Its centres were
located on the periphery of ancient towns along the coast such as Nin and Solin as well
328
as on karst plains between the mountains of present-day Dalmatia, Lika and southwest-
ern Bosnia, such as Knin and Livno. We learn about the territorial coverage and adminis-
trative distribution of Croatia from the description of the Byzantine Emperor Constantine
VII Porphyrogenitus, who stated that it spread along the coastal part of Liburnia reach-
ing to the west to the Raša river in Istria, and then into the hinterland to the basin of
the upper Kupa. In the north it followed the old Roman border between Dalmatia and
Pannonia along the Kapela mountains, Plješivica and Grmeč, encompassing the basin of
the upper Una, the Sana and the Vrbas. In the east in the lower part it stretched along
the river Cetina and then continued towards the northeast covering the area of today’s
Imotska krajina and southwestern Bosnia. To the south it bordered with Byzantine Dal-
matia, which was not a territorially complete unit but consisted of non-interconnected
coastal towns under Byzantine rule. The initial political centre in the hinterland, founded
by Croatian rulers gradually spread in two directions - towards the continental interior,
although simultaneously endeavouring to include the Byzantine towns on the coast in
its sphere of influence too. Thus as early as the 10th century the Croatian territory was
slowly stretching towards the Pannonian plain initially reaching the town of Sisak and
its surroundings and today’s northwestern Bosnia, and in the 11th century northwards
to the River Drava. The coastal towns finally entered the composition of Croatia plus the
territory of the closest neighbouring Sclavinia - the Neretva Principality (fig. 1).
 The spatial dualism of Croatia also conditioned political influences from both
directions so that during the Middle Ages the interests of various Mediterranean and
continental powers beginning from the Frankish and Byzantine empires and Republic of
Venice, through the Árpád and Anjou royal houses all the way to the Habsburg and Otto-
man empires, clashed and intertwined here.
In the period from the 9th century to the end of the 11th century Croatia was ruled
uninterruptedly by local princes and kings who, apart from a few exceptions, mainly
came from the ruling Trpimirović dynasty.

Geographical characteristics
The village of Biskupija is located on the east side of Kosovo Polje (Kosovo Field),
about 7 kilometres from the town of Knin. Kosovo Polje is one of three karst fields in
the upper course of the Krka River.1 It is situated between the Kninsko Polje and Petrovo
Polje and has a surface area of 33.8 km. In the north the Konj hill (367 m) and the Bu-
rum ridge (241 m) separate it from Kninsko Polje, whilst to the south, the southeast
slopes of Promina and northwest part of Svilaja separate it from Petrovo Polje.2 Kosovo
Polje took its name from the river Kosovčica, which flows through it from its source to
its confluence into the Krka River between the hills of Konj and Burum. Today the vil-
lage of Biskupija is part of the same-named district to which the settlements of Orlić,
329
Turić, Markovac, Riđane, Uzdolje, Zvjerinac, Ramljane and Vrbnik still belong. Kosovo
Polje emerged from the effect of tectonic and erosional influences and so at its base set-
tled loose soil, which made it fertile and favourable for habitation. The numerous natural
sources of water also contributed to the population of the area because five rivers and
streams flow through the wider region. These are the Krka and its tributaries - the al-
ready mentioned Kosovčica, then the Butižnica, Orašnica and Krčić. Also, in Kosovo Polje
are the Šarena and Burumska lakes, and in Biskupija, in the immediate vicinity of the
Crkvina site is Lake Bračić (fig. 2).

Historical-archaeological overview
In the early Middle Ages the territory of Kosovo Polje belonged to the Knin coun-
ty Tnena (ή Τνήνα) which was stated by Byzantine Emperor Constantine VII Porphyro-
genitus in his list of Croatian counties in the 10th century, and was named after the town
of Knin.3 Knin developed alongside one of the strategically most important fortresses
lasting from the Late Antique period to the present time.4 It is located close to a natural
pass, which via the valley of the upper Zrmanja links the Adriatic coast with the hinter-
land. The most important communication routes of ancient period and the Middle Ages
passed through Knin.5
The fact that one of the most important centres of the early medieval Croatian
state was located in Knin and Kosovo Polje is witnessed by the many long-known archae-
 1. Map of the Croatian Principality (from Hrvati i Karolinzi, 2000, vol. I, p. 91)

330

2. Kosovo polje (from A. JAKOVLJEVIĆ and N. ISAILOVIĆ,

2013a)
 331
3. Gable and fragment of the lintel of an altar screen with inscription
recording Duke Muncimir and year 895, from Uzdolje (photo: A. Jurčević)

4. Ambo panels with names of Croatian rulers Stjepana Držislav and Svetoslav, Kapitul, end of 10th c.
(photo: A. Jurčević)
[...Svetos]CLV DVX HROATOR(um) IN TE(m)PVS DRZISCLV DVCE(m) MAGNV(um)
 ological sites. It primarily concerns the Pre-Romanesque sacral buildings located on the
slopes of both sides of Kosovo Polje. On the south side of the field, at the turn into Petro-
vo Polje, in the area of the village of Uzdolje (at the Orthodox cemetery in the hamlet
of Čenići), an archaeological site with remains of a late medieval church dedicated to St
John, where fragments of an altar screen with the engraved name of the Croatian Prince
Muncimir and year 895 were found, was investigated (fig. 3).6 At the turn from Kosovo
Polje into the neighbouring Kninsko Polje, near to the spot where the Kosovčica flows into
the Krka, are located the remains of the royal Benedictine Monastery of St Bartholomew,
whose abbots, mentioned in the documents of kings Petar Krešimir IV and Demetrius
Zvonimir, played a notable role in the political life of the Croatian Kingdom in the second
half of the 11th century.7 From this site originate panels with the names of Croatian rulers
Stjepan Držislav and Svetoslav from the end of the 10th century (fig. 4). Also on the north
side of the field, in the village of Biskupija, the existence of five early medieval church
buildings was determined at the sites of Crkvina, Stupovi,8 Lopuška glavica,9 Bukorovića
podvornica,10 and beneath today’s Orthodox Church of the Holy Trinity.11 On the basis
of the five found churches S. Gunjača presumed that the present day village of Biskupija
could be equated with the historical village of Kosovo (villa Cossovo, Kosoua) which was
a royal possession.12 He believed that during the early Middle Ages the central and the
largest part of the village was named with the more local toponym of Pet crkava (Five
332 churches) after these churches noted in Hrvatska redakcija Ljetopisa popa Dukljanina (v
Petih crikvih v Kosovi) in connection with the assembly and murder of the Croatian king
Demetrius Zvonimir.13 However, results of the latest investigations, with respect to the
written sources of the Ottoman period, reveal some previously unknown facts and throw
new light onto the mentioned issue.14
The intensive Ottoman conquests during the first half of the 16th century reached
their peak with the occupation of the strategically important fortress of Klis. This is the
time that the new territorial unit of the Kliški sandžak (Sanjak of Klis) was established
into which all the newly-conquered regions in Croatia and Dalmatia were included.
Within the sanjak was the administrative unit (nahija) of Kosovo, which was already
mentioned in the first Turkish defter (land-tax register) created after the occupation of
Knin and its surroundings 1528-1530. The defter from 1550 notes all the settlements
on Kosovo Polje under their names from the pre-Ottoman period. So listed as villages
are the names Vrbnik, Zvjerinac, Ramljani, Orlić and Kosovo, and as mezra (uninhabited
or sparsely inhabited places) are the names Uzdolje and Biskupija.15 This is at the same
time the first and oldest known record of the today’s village name and as we can see it
is older than was previously believed.16 In the later register from 1574 Biskupija is stated
as a village, and the same source in the Kosovo nahija also notes a number of known
and existing villages and hamlets about which there is no written trace in the pre-Turkish
period such as Konj and Potkonj, Polača, Krčić, Pliskovo and Turić. Therefore, it can be
concluded that the sources of the Ottoman provenance, created immediately after the
conquest, confirm the existence of numerous medieval toponyms, but also clearly testify
that Biskupija is not identical to the village of Kosovo.

The archaeological image of Kosovo Polje and Biskupija in the period

leading up to the year 800

Indications exist (individual archaeological finds of ceramics) that the field was
inhabited as early as the Neolithic and Eneolithic period, although to date not one of the
archaeological sites has been investigated.17 The same also applies to the Bronze Age, so
it is possible to refer to individual finds only without a wider archaeological context.18 In
the period from the beginning of the first millennium BC various Illyrian tribes began to
form, then they also settled the area of Knin and Kosovo Polje. The basic form of settle-
ments in that time, as in the previous period of the Bronze Age, are so-called gradina (a
fortified settlement on a hilltop).19 The best known gradina is in Topolje, which is located
near to the Krčić waterfall. From as early as the Eneolithic period people had used this
exceptional position where they built housing all the way up to the 18th century. The
ancient geographer Claudius Ptolemaeus in his Geographia mentions Curcum, and this
probably relates in fact to Topolje.20 The gradina at Topolje guarded the entrance to
the gorge which leads to the ancient and most convenient route and passage towards
Kijevo-Vrlika-Solin or towards Bosnia in the north. At Topolje a Greco-Illyrian type hel-
333
met was also found. During the Roman period the region of Knin and Kosovo Polje was
initially part of Illiricum which in 59 BC Julius Caesar acquires as proconsul, however the
full subjugation of the whole territory came in 12 BC in the period of Octavian. Only in 9
AD was Illiricum organised as a province, and divided into two sub-provinces - Pannonia
and Dalmatia. The region of Knin and Kosovo Polje from then on was situated in Dalma-
tia.21 Strabo states that one of the most important settlements from the mentioned time
was Ninia, which could be located on the hill of Spas above today’s Knin. Such gradine
(plu.) as Topolje also continued into the Roman period, however smaller settlements,
as well as larger economic buildings, were also formed as centres of veteran or other
land possessions. In the region of Kosovo Polje three villae rusticae were discovered,
unfortunately though they have only been partially investigated. The best known one is
in the location of Dolina in the village of Orlić where rooms with mosaics and a bathing
area were identified which bear witness to the enviable level of housing of its owner.22
Recently one more economic structure was discovered in Orlić, which upon the basis of
the numismatic finds can be assumed to date back to the 4th century.23 Also in Orlić there
is an ancient fortress on Buačeva glavica (hill) and the remains of a Roman aqueduct,
although they have not been archaeologically investigated yet.
The area of the Kosovo Polje was under jurisdiction of Salona diocese which was
established during the 3rd century. An early Christian mosaicked inscription in a villa rus-
tica in the mentioned location of Dolina in Orlić is evidence of the spread of Christianity
 over the area of the field. The inscription dates from the post-Constantine era and can
be dated to the end of the 4th century.24 Also from the same period a sarcophagus was
found in the nearby location of Crkvina in Orlić. The inscription on the sarcophagus (CIL
III 9917) mentions Heladius and his wife Septimia Exuperia, and speaks of a respected
man and rich landowner, who was, without doubt, connected with the centre of the
province in Salona.
After the fall of the Western Roman Empire Dalmatia initially came under the rule
of Odoacer (480-490) the commander of Germanic troops in Italy, and then its greatest
part came under the state which the Ostrogoths founded (490-530). The period of Ostro-
gothic rule also left its mark on the area of Knin and Kosovo Polje. One Ostrogoth fibula,
the circumstances of its discovery unknown, originates from the area of Biskupija.
At the church council held on 4th May 533 it was decided that within the border
of the Salona archdiocese three more dioceses would be established. One of these new-
ly-established dioceses was Ludrum which was located right in Kosovo Polje at Knin.25
The remains of the foundations of a small church from the 5th or 6th century, which was
located inside a larger, although never systematically researched and today indiscern-
able architectural complex, situated in the immediate vicinity of the site in Crkvina in
Biskupija, bear witness to life in this period.
Not long after the invasion of the Avar Khagan Bayan to Dalmatia (597), the Slavs
334 began to move closer to the southern regions, and soon after that so did the Croats. Not
one contemporary historical source bears witness to the event of the arrival of the Cro-
ats, and most of the information is found in the work De administrando imperio of the
Byzantine Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus from the mid-10th century, in which
it is stated that it happened during the reign of Emperor Heraclius (610-641). In fact,
one of the most significant finds of the 7th century in Croatia originates from Biskupija.
It concerns a goldsmith’s hoard of pressing moulds for making jewellery, belt sets and
horse harness which can be compared to finds from early Avar goldsmith graves in the
Carpathian Basin (fig. 5).26
Two Slavic burial mounds in Biskupija and Orlić prove the settlement of Kosovo
Polje during the 8th century.27 At the end of the 8th century within the mentioned grave-
yards appeared some graves equipped with luxurious weapons and equestrian equip-
ment of Carolingian provenance, which reflects the beginning of the formation of a so-
cial élite under western influence. This is also the period when Christianity began to
spread amongst the, until then, pagan Slavs and Croats, via the Frankish missionaries
from Aquileia. A censer from the second half of the 8th century discovered along the
source of the River Cetina, which is only 20 km distance from Kosovo Polje, confirms the
presence of Frankish missionaries in the interior of Dalmatia (see the initial page of the
book).28 The building of the early medieval basilica of St Mary at the location of Crkvina
is also certainly linked to the acceptance of Christianity by the highest social class.
 Summarised overview of the investigations at Crkvina in Biskupija and an
overview of the most important literature about the site

Architectural complex
The beginnings of interest in the site at Crkvina in Biskupija are linked to the end
of the 19th century and the activities of Franciscan Stjepan Zlatović, who was, along with
his pastoral work, also involved in history and archaeology.29 Zlatović drew attention to
the account of Franciscan Gašpar Vinjalić from 1746 in which he gave the first descrip-
tions of the sites in the Biskupija area, and he supplemented these descriptions with his
own observations.30 Upon his initiative, the young Franciscan Lujo Marun was appointed
the parish priest of Knin.31 With Marun’s arrival in Knin began a period of major research
projects that would lay the foundations of medieval archaeology in Croatia, as well as
the Museum of Croatian Archaeological Monuments.
The first archaeological research began at the Crkvina site on 7th January 1886, and
with some intermittent interruptions, they lasted right up until 1918. The data of these
investigations is unfortunately very scarce and amount to the notes of Lujo Marun in his
Starinarski dnevnici (Antiquary Journals) and the reports in professional periodicals of the
time.32 We learn that a three-nave basilica and complex with the buildings connected to it,
plus a large number of stone fragments which belonged to the church furniture, as well as
335
a large number of medieval graves were discovered. Lujo Marun’s collaborator, the teacher
Frano Radić, published part of the findings in the first series of Starohrvatska prosvjeta in
the period from 1895 to 1904.33 Although it was made back in 1890 a ground plan of the
complex at Crkvina was, until recently, misplaced in the archive of the Archaeological Mu-
seum in Zagreb and unavailable to the wider professional and scholarly public, and so the
appearance of the church remained unknown right up until revision in the mid-20th cen-
tury (fig. 6).34 Marun’s pioneering investigations at Crkvina in Biskupija and nearby Kapitul
prompted one of the most prominent Croatian archaeologists from the time of the turn of
the 19th-20th centuries - Don Frano Bulić - to publish the first scientific discussion about the
emergence and origin of Pre-Romanesque art in 1888.35
Back in these first publications, differing interpretations appeared of the basili-
ca as well as of its northern annex, which are still present even in recent times. While
Zlatović and Radić36 believed that the cathedral of the Croatian bishop (Episcopus Chroat-
ensis) was located at Crkvina, Bulić situated the latter at Kapitul.37 Historians were also
included in the discussion about the ubication of the cathedral of the Croatian bishop
and Ferdo Šišić pressumed the existence of two cathedrals: an older cathedral of the
Croatian bishop at Crkvina, and a newer cathedral of the Knin bishop at Kapitul.38 Miho
Barada elaborated upon Šišić’s thesis later.39
 In the 1930s, preconditions for a new era in early medieval archaeology were cre-
ated by a generation which would be led by Ljubo Karaman, and then Stjepan Gunjača,
whilst at the same time field archaeology in Croatia would also begin to function as an
academic discipline. In his works, Ljubo Karaman presented a new perspective on the
question about the origin and development of medieval art and gave a wider overview of
the architecture, stone sculpture, as well as grave finds from the area of Croatia.40 In these
discussions he very frequently examined the issue connected with the site at Crkvina in
Biskupija, and referred to the finds which originated from there.41 He ascribed the con-
struction of the basilica at Crkvina to the influence of the Benedictine order in the early
Romanesque period, and considers it to be the cathedral of the Croatian bishop, which in
the presence of the Croatian King Demetrius Zvonimir, was dedicated to St Mary the Vir-
gin in 1078.42 The patron of the church was also confirmed by two finds: a fragment of an
architrave of the altar screen from the 9th century, with an inscription which, along with St
Mary also records St Stephen,43 and the gable of the altar screen from the end of the 11th
century, with a depiction of the Maria Orans and with an inscription which expresses the
acclamation of the Madonna calling for prayer in her honour (fig. 7).44
In the period after the Second World War S. Gunjača began a series of revisory
archaeological investigations in the area of Biskupija, as well as at Crkvina which was
excavated in the period between 1951 and 1957.45 He published the results of the inves-
336 tigation and his thoughts about the site in an extensive report from 1953.46 However, it
must be concluded that the majority of the findings and documentation of these inves-
tigations remain unpublished even to this day. For the first time in the literature there
appears a ground plan of the entire architectural complex – the Church of St Mary and
its northern annex (fig. 8). With a detailed analysis of the architectural complex Gunjača
assumed two distinct phases of construction. In the first, the oldest, a three-nave basilica
was built with no western front (narthex and bell tower) and after that, a western front
and complex with a cloister on the northern side of the church. From the ground plan it
is also evident that the complex was intersected by the country road, which L. Marun un-
successfully attempted to avoid at the end of the 19th century, whilst the southern part
of the site - the basilica and part of the northern annex - remained within the village’s
Roman Catholic cemetery, which in the period between Marun’s and Gunjača’s excava-
tions was enclosed by a stone wall. Gunjača described the basilica as a three-nave build-
ing with a three-part sanctuary without a prominent external apse. Due to the rustic
building texhnique he dated it to the 9th or 10th century and not the 11th, as Karaman had
previously determined. He interpreted the rooms of the narthex as the royal mauso-
leum, and the annexed architectural complex along the northern side as a monastery.47
The question of the dating of the monastery Gunjača left unanswered, and also excluded
the possibility that the remains at Crkvina belonged to the cathedral and the residence
of the Croatian court bishop.48 During the revision Gunjača also investigated 124 medi-
eval graves left behind after Marun’s excavations.49
 7. Fragment of a lintel (9th c.) and a gable (11th
c.) with the inscriptions recording patrons of
Basilica at Crkvina - St Mary and St Stephen
(photo: A. Jurčević)
5. Molds for casting jewlery, belt sets and horse harness,
Biskupija, second half of 7th c. (photo: Z. Alajbeg)

337

6. Ground plan of complex

at Crkvina in Biskupia
from 1890 (© Archives
of the Archaeological
Museum in Zagreb)

8. Ground plan of the complex at

Crkvina after the revisory reserach
in 1951 (from S. GUNJAČA, 1953)
 Upon his publication Karaman immediately reacted and polemicized with
Gunjača about the outward characteristics of the church’s front and the function of the
northern annex, assuming the presence of a prominent rectangular apse at the rear.50 In
accordance with his earlier opinions he still considered the northern annex as the resi-
dence of the Croatian bishop.51 Even today there is no consensus of opinion about these
questions and so all the authors who have dealt with the complex at Crkvina since rely
on Gunjača’s or Karaman’s pressumptions. Thus, Nikola Jakšić again actualised and ad-
ditionally reinforced the opinion that Crkvina was the residence of the Croatian bishop.52
Tomislav Marasović defined the basilica as a longitudinal building with three inscribed
elongated rectangular apses and traces of a bell tower at the front alongside which was
located a monastery with a cloister.53 Vladimir Gvozdanović (V. Peter Goss) presented
the opinion that the architecture of the basilica was created under western (Carolin-
gian) influence, which is reflected in the use of westwork, i.e. a western annex with a
two-storey bell tower. He points out how the western massives are characteristic for
royal foundations and so the appearance of westwork at Crkvina can be interpreted as
confirmation of Gunjača’s thesis about a royal mausoleum.54 Miljenko Jurković, adding
to Goss, points out the significant Frankish influences on sacral architecture in Dalma-
tia.55 The ground plan of the basilica at Crkvina is considered to be close to the concepts
that appeared in the early medieval architecture in the region of the Aquileia Patriarchy,
338 the region from where the first missionaries arrived in Croatia at the turn of the 8th-9th
centuries. Ante Milošević presented several differing theses about the development and
appearance of the complex at Crkvina. He initially presumed that the oldest building
was a burial chapel (mausoleum) onto which a three-nave church with two inscribed
rectangular and one external semicircular apses was built, whilst to the north there was
a monastery.56 However he abruptly changed his opinion and considered the basilica as
the oldest building from the turn of the 8th and 9th centuries onto which, before the mid-
dle of the 9th century, a narthex with a bell tower was built (on the ground floor was the
mausoleum of Croatian rulers, and above that a private royal chapel). Also built was a
complex to the north – a royal court, which in the mid-11th century, at the time when the
Church of St Mary became the cathedral of the Croatian bishop, took on the function of
the episcopal seat which it held all the way up to the end of the 13th century.57 Sometime
later, however, he proposed a different interpretation of the northern annex, which he
now interpreted solely as royal court, which was used from the 9th to 11th century.58 In
recent times, together with Željko Peković he also proposed a new reconstruction of the
church with two bell towers at the front with a dome, which rose above the sanctuary.59
With a comparison of the ground plans of the basilica at Crkvina in Biskupija and
the basilica at Crkvina in Gornji Koljani, Ante Jurčević arrives at the conclusion that in
both cases it concerns a three-nave building with rectangular three-part sanctuaries en-
closed by a smooth wall.60 Their original appearance was probably similar to that of the
large three-nave basilica in Guran in Istria. The western parts of the Biskupija and Koljani
churches are different, and in both cases it is probably due to subsequent extensions.
The author pressumes that both buildings were constructed around 820-830 and that
they were built by the same stonemasons’ workshop that equipped them with church
furniture and architectural decoration.
After Gunjača’s revision, until 2008, there were no serious archaeological inves-
tigations at Crkvina. The site has remained cut in two by the country road, which in the
1990s was asphalted over. The area north of the mentioned road had become abandoned;
it was slowly being overgrown with dense vegetation and had turned into an illegal dump-
ing ground which had been piling up for decades so that the remains of the architecture
were no longer visible. The most recent works at Crkvina, organized and conducted by the
Museum of Croatian Archaeological Monuments, with Maja Petrinec and Ante Jurčević
as the principal researchers, are split in two ways. The northern annex is undergoing a
revisory investigation, and at the same time an effort is being made to tidy up, consoli-
date and present the site. The vegetation and rubbish north of the country road has been
cleared. The road has been closed, and the asphalt has been removed from the section
that had covered the remains of the architecture. A part of the surrounding wall has also
been removed and now the site has finally been brought back to one piece (fig. 9). The
remains of the northern annex have been cleaned and protected, and several rooms in
the western section have been investigated. It was confirmed that Gunjača had not fully 339
investigated the complex because in the north-east a new room appeared. The north wall
of the new room, which continues towards the west, suggest that the annex had not been
completely excavated. Also uncovered was an eastern entrance to the complex, which
had been walled in by a drystone wall, and which Gunjača hadn’t spotted.
Inside the rooms none of the floors are preserved, and so it can be pressumed
that they were broken up during Marun’s excavations because Gunjača doesn’t men-
tion them in his report. Insignificant remains of the floors are preserved in a few places
just alongside the walls of the rooms. The layer above the level of these floors is mainly
jumbled up. A water drainage channel, which stretches in an east-west direction and has
an outlet at the far end of the west wall of the complex, was uncovered and explored
(fig. 10). Gunjača had discovered only the top of this channel, and he hadn’t completely
investigated the rooms along which it continued. Near the channel in one of the rooms a
stone arched furnace with traces of burning and charred animal bones was discovered in
2014. Also discovered were the extensions of five walls north and west of the removed
road and under the fence of the cemetery. The most interesting findings are two graves,
one previously investigated by Gunjača and one newly-discovered. They confirm the ex-
istence of a hitherto undetected older layer, which precedes the architecture, in other
words the raising of the northern annex, and they point to the fact that the terrain in
that section had not been investigated down to the subsoil (fig. 11).
 9. Archaeological site at Crkvina after the removal of the
surrounding wall in 2015 (photo: A. Jurčević)

10. Crkvina, a water drainage channel (photo: A.

Jurčević)

340

11. New ground plan of the part of the annex adjacent to the basilica north of the village road; A: east entrance to
the complex; B: new room on the northeast; C: drainage channel (design by Kaducej, d.o.o.)
 Sculpture (church furniture and architectural decoration)
Soon after the first archaeological campaigns at the end of the 19th century,
which brought to light a large number of fragments of stone furniture and decorated
architectural parts, attempts were made to date and interpret the material scholarly.
Whilst F. Bulić finds the origin of Pre-Romanesque art in the Lombard sculpture of North-
ern Italy,61 F. Radić sees its source in the Byzantine art of Dalmatian coastal towns.62 Lj.
Karaman believes that the emergence of Pre-Romanesque sculpture, especially the one
decorated with interlace, shouldn’t be sought in Byzantine or Lombard art but on the
ground of northern and central Italy in the 8th century. He also indicates that the emer-
gence of human figure and reduction of the interlace should be viewed in the context
of early Romanesque, rather than a pre-Romanesque sculpture.63 With the revison of S.
Gunjača the number of finds increased, so that certain parts of church furniture from
the basilica were completed and reconstructed (fig. 12).64 This enabled better insight
into the history of the development of the sculptural production as well as raised inter-
est for the sculpture and the archaeological site. Today a total of 1,133 stone fragments
are stored in the Museum of Croatian Archaeological Monuments, but only about fifty of
them are on display to the wider public whilst the rest are still awaiting publication.65
Following the syntheses of Bulić and Karaman in the period after the Second World
War, Kruno Prijatelj placed the foundations on which the further analyses of Pre-Roman- 341
esque and early Romanesque sculpture would develop.66 Prijatelj took into considera-
tion individual fragments of early Romanesque church furniture from Crkvina in Biskupija,
which were decorated with figural scenes (fragments of a transenna with the represen-
tation of the Mother of God and four Evangelists, a gable with figure of the Virgin Mary,
fragments of a stone crucifix) and came to the conclusion that the way in which these
images were composed indicates the influences of Byzantine sculpture and painting, but
also the influences of Carolingian and Ottonian miniatures. He dated the mentioned finds
to the second half of the 11th century and the beginning of the 12th century (fig. 13).
Ivo Petricioli went a step further by analysing a great number of the early Roman-
esque reliefs on the basis of certain common characteristics and singled-out two stylistic
groups which he defined as Split-Zadar and Zadar-Knin group.67 Nikola Jakšić presented
an important turning point in the study of the sculpture.68 Analysing the architecture,
i.e. the three-part sanctuary inside the Basilica of St Mary, he concluded that in front of
such a sanctuary there also stood an altar screen which had three accessible aisles to the
sanctuary above which three gables were located. He then, on the basis of the analysis
of the formal elements, singled-out twelve gables and pressumed that they were made
by four different stonecarvers’ workshops that operated in the period from the 9th to the
12th centuries, and he chronologically arranged them in the following order:
1. The so-called anepigraphic workshop or the workshop which executed the pulpit
2. The court workshop from the time of Duke Branimir
 3. The workshop of the Master of the Koljani chancel panel
4. The workshop that produced the gable with the figure of the Mother of God
Almost all of the authors who later dealt with the same issue accepted the mentioned
timelines of the typological clearly separated workshops. However, in 2000 Jakšić cor-
rected his previous opinion and then presented a new chronological sequence:69
1. The workshop of the Master of the Koljani chancel panel
2. The court stonecarver’s workshop from the time of Duke Branimir
3. The anepigraphic workshop
4. The workshop that produced the gable with the figure of the Mother of God
Such a deviation in the chronological assessment of individual workshops represent-
ed at Crkvina in Biskupija, primarily the Master of Koljani panel, came about therefore
because there was no epigraphic support as in the case of the court workshop from
the time of Duke Branimir.70 The stratigraphical relation of the architecture and graves
wasn’t even considered (primarily the sarcophagus with hippocampi which is attributed
to the workshop of the Master of Koljani panel) at the site itself, so with some authors
the deviations in the view of its dating are evident.71 However, today the majority ac-
cepts the thesis that the oldest stonecarver’s workshop that operated at Crkvina was in
fact the workshop of the Master of Koljani panel. Unlike the first workshop, the authors,
who dealt with the stonework production of the court workshop from the time of Duke
342 Branimir, based on the comparison of the stylistic and morphological characteristics, are
agreed upon the attribution of almost all the known examples of sculpture as well as
upon the chronological determination of its operation.72
In his latest works N. Jakšić defined the third workshop, originally called the
workshop which made the pulpit (anepigraphic), as the Benedictine stonecarver’s work-
shop which operated at the time of dukes Branimir and Muncimir, therefore at the turn
of the 9th and 10th centuries.73 The fourth phase of the furnishing of the church was
ascribed to the workshop that made the gable with the figure of the Mother of God.
Jakšić recognised the work of this workshop at some other sites in the surroundings of
Knin and marked it as the Romanesque workshop from Knin and dated it roughly to the
period of 1076 to 1089.74 Petricioli accepts the opinion that the gable with the Mother
of God was produced by the Romanesque workshop from Knin but considers how the
Zadar-Knin workshop, which executed the four-sided ciborium and the transenna, also
collaborated in the last great restoration of the Basilica of St Mary in Biskupija. The work
of this workshop falls between 1078 and 1086.75 Summarising the mentioned it can be
concluded that the church furniture in the Basilica of St Mary in Biskupija was completely
or partially changed four times, and that in those changes five workshops participated in
a period from about 820 to about 1078.
In recent times the sculpture from Crkvina in Biskupija was reviewed by Ante
Jurčević, who, on the basis of a detailed analysis, came to the conclusion that in the fur-
 12. Reconstructed sculptural monuments from Crkvina (photo: A. Jurčević, Z. Alajbeg)

343

13. Fragments of a tansenna with Mother of God 14. Sculptures executed by The workshop of the Master of
and a nobleman with a sword, 11th c. (photo: Z. Koljani panel, 9th c. (photo: A. Jurčević, Z. Alajbeg)
Alajbeg)
 15. Sculpture produced by The court workshop from the time of Duke Branimir (central fragment bears inscription
dux gloriosus), 9th c. (photo: A. Jurčević)

344

16. Products of the Benedictine workshop, 10th c. (photo: A. Jurčević)

17. Sculpture of The Knin-Zadar workshop, mid 11th c. (photo: A. Jurčević)

18. Stone sculpture from The Romanesque workshop from Knin, late 11th c. (photo: A. Jurčević) 345

19. Sculpture fragments of the workshops operating in 12th and 13th c. (photo: A. Jurčević)
 nishing of the basilica at Crkvina no less than six stonecarvers’ workshops participated
who alternated in the following order:76
1. The workshop of the Master of Koljani panel was active on the royal estates.
The period in which the workshop operated is linked to the beginning of the process of
Christianisation over the area of the Croatian Principality about 820-830 (fig. 13).
2. The court workshop from the time of Duke Branimir, as its name suggests oper-
ated in the time of his rule in the period of 879-892 (fig. 15).
3. The workshop which made the pulpit or anepigraphic workshop, whose ma-
sonry opus, according to the latest works of N. Jakšić, is attributed to the Benedictine
workshop which operated at the time of Duke Branimir (and Muncimir), dating to the
beginning of the 10th century (fig. 16).
4. The Knin-Zadar workshop which operated at the time of King Petar Krešimir IV
in the period between 1058 and 1074 (fig 17).
5. The Romanesque workshop from Knin operated during the time of King Dem-
etrius Zvonimir in the period 1075-1089 (fig. 18).
6. The workshop or workshops which altered the already existing sculpture or
worked on smaller individual interventions on the architecture, and operated during the
12th century (fig. 19).
A. Jurčević payed special attention to The workshop of the Master of the Koljani
346 panel. By comparing the sculpture and architecture of the churches at Crkvina in Biskupi-
ja and Crkvina in Gornji Koljani, he came to the conclusion that the aforementioned
workshop was the first that equipped both churches with liturgical furnishing.77 One
of its special features was the use of ancient monuments as material for the furniture,
but also as building material which is particularly visible in the surviving elements on
the sides of the entrance to the church in Koljani. Therefore, Jurčević also attributes the
construction of both churches to The workshop of the Master of the Koljani panel in the
period between 820 and 830.
From Crkvina in Biskupija come 27 fragments or whole monuments with engraved
inscriptions in Latin. This valuable epigraphic material was analysed and published in its
entirety by Vedrana Delonga.78 The inscriptions from Crkvina are just a small part of a
greater corpus of 400 similar monuments from more than 50 sites of the region of the
Croatian Principality/Kingdom.79 These are the oldest written monuments of the Croats
from the period of the 9th to 11th centuries, which present a kind of archive in stone. This
archive in stone itself in the pure meaning of the word determined the place of the Cro-
ats and their state in the earliest history of Europe. These inscriptions in a distinctive way
provide a direct confirmation of the political and cultural identity illuminating the period
when Croatia was a full participant in the most current development of Latin literacy as
an expression of the Carolingian Renewal - the political and cultural movement which lay
the foundations of Europe.80
 Cemetery
The oldest records about the graves at Crkvina in Biskupija originate from 1889
when L. Marun began regularly writing his Dnevnik (Journal),81 and his memories of the
achieved results were published later on under the title Bilježke kroz starinarske izkopine
u kninskoj okolici od god. 1885-1890.82 Also mentioned here were all the circumstances
that followed this pioneering venture. Since the site at Crkvina was principally chosen
with the aim of uncovering the remains of the existing church architecture, special at-
tention was not initially dedicated to the graves. However as remains of them were also
found within the complex of the basilica, and especially when it was noticed that they
contained finds, they became the subject of Marun’s particular interest.
Before the start of the archaeological works Marun noted that the entire surface
area of the cemetery totalled 8,128 square metres.83 This information probably related
to the then visible part of the cemetery covered with massive tombstones (stećci) and
recent graves considering that it functions as a Roman Catholic burial site used by the vil-
lage of Biskupija. In recalling the works within the uncovered architecture of the basilica,
Marun mentioned two layers of graves. The upper layer was covered with massive slabs
- stećci, whilst the lower was partially broke through the uncovered floor of the church. At
that time the naves of the church were not excavated deeper than the level of this floor.
Continuing the research into the vestibule (narthex), in whose southern room, upon re- 347
moving the third uncovered layer, a burnt lidless sarcophagus was discovered on the floor
of the room, Marun went down to the graves which were located at the very subsoil at
a depth of 5 to 7 metres and assumed that they were older than the basilica. The graves
found at the deepest layer contained mostly finds of Frankish horsemen’s equipment plus
Byzantine coins.84 We don’t learn much about the other graves at the site; there are only
general remarks such as “many graves were found,” “almost graves one after another,”
without detailed information.85 Aware of the oversights made during the first campaigns
Marun carried out revisory research on parts of the site for which he believed he had
not investigated well. However none of the notes created after these “revisions” contain
much data about the graves themselves apart from a generalised list of finds amongst
which are mentioned jewellery, horsemen’s equipment, tools, textile straps, deer horns
and coins or it is simply concluded that “our already extremely important collection of
metal items, is expanded.”86 Nevertheless, we do learn that part of the later graves in the
side naves of the basilica and in the area of the narthex negates the existence of the floor,
that above the fundamental remains of the northern annex there were no graves and that
in the graves, of the southern end of the basilica, that were located outside of the area
of today’s cemetery, coins of Louis I of Hungary were found. It is not possible to confirm
how many graves Marun investigated. If we take into consideration the data that in the
period from 16th August to 2nd September 1897 some 80 graves were investigated at the
 Crkvina site it can be assumed that their total number exceeded 1,000.87 Part of the grave
finds was published in the first series of Starohrvatska prosvjeta in the texts of F. Radić
and Marun himself, although as individual items and without much information about
the circumstances of their discovery.88 Greater attention was dedicated to the graves with
finds of weapons and horsemen’s equipment of Frankish provenance and Byzantine gold
coins, which were discovered in 1891 and 1892 along the southern wall of the basilica,
as well as in the northern room of the narthex and southern nave.89 It became immedi-
ately clear that this related to the burials of members of the highest social rank (fig. 20).
It can be read from these first publications that the deceased in the graves south of the
church were buried in wooden coffins (fig. 21), the deceased in the southern nave was
buried in a vaulted stone tomb, whilst the deceased in the northern room of the narthex
in a sarcophagus. All the graves contained Carolingian spurs, and some Byzantine gold
coins used as oboli.90 In the majority of cases the coins belong to the period of the Byz-
antine Emperor Constantine V and his son Leo IV.91 However, the coin in the sarcophagus
was attributed to Emperor Basil I the Macedonian (867-886) according to the analysis of
Šime Ljubić.92 Accepting Ljubić’s opinion Marun and Radić immediately linked the burial
to Duke Branimir (879-892), a contemporary of the mentioned emperor.
Marun also went a step further and then ascribed the charred sarcophagus in
the southern room of the narthex to Branimir’s wife Maruša, and the burial of a boy in
348 the vaulted tomb in the southern nave to his heir to the throne.93 The lack of any kind of
documentation about the location of the graves, and even the varying data about their
total number, and above all the disregard of Marun’s assertions of the stratigraphic rela-
tion between the graves and the remains of foundations of the basilica and the narthex
would result in various interpretations and various chronological determinations of the
graves as well as the architecture, so the discussion about these questions is not con-
cluded and lasts even to this day. The literature about the mentioned issues is so exten-
sive that we present only a brief overview of the most important publications here.
In the period which followed Marun’s amateur investigations the first scholarly
interpretation of Biskupija’s graves was offered by Ljubo Karaman within two of his syn-
theses.94 He considered how, due to the enclosed weapons and utensils, the graves in
wooden coffins south of the church, belonged to the pagan period, whilst the graves
inside the church and narthex, which contained no such items are undoubtedly from a
later time. Karaman found additional confirmation in the fact that the graves in coffins
were dated by the Byzantine coins. Although he emphasised how the coins in the graves
represented only a terminus ante quem non he believed that the fact that it concerns
Byzantine gold coins, that every emperor minted and repeatedly put into circulation,
nevertheless allows them to be taken as an argument for the approximate dating of the
graves. In connection with this he also pointed to an identical find of a coin of Constan-
tine V and Leo IV in a woman’s grave with luxurious gold jewellery in Trilj near Sinj, and
concluded that the latter represented a female counterpart to the male warrior graves
in Biskupija, and that all of them belong to the time before the Christianisation of the
Croats, in other words the late 8th century.95
Also on the same track are the first texts of Zdenko Vinksi which are dedicated to
the graves of Biskupija.96 This author, who worked in the period after the Second World
War, right until the 1980s, was at the same time the first to try to perceive the Biskupija
finds in the wider European context, pointing to their Carolingian origin, as well to the
related appearances in Central Europe. In 1974 the significant work of Ulrike Giesler ap-
peared, which on the basis of the coins dated from the Biskupija graves differentiated the
whole horizon with the related archaeological inventory, labelling it as the Biskupija-Crkvi-
na horizon.97 She emphasised how in the case of the coins of Constantine V Copronymus it
concerns examples from the Syracusan mint with a depiction of the emperor and his son
Leo IV, which corresponds entirely to the 2B type of the Constantinople struck (according
to Cecile Morrisson), and they were released in the period from 760 to 775, so this is the
time frame in which their arrival to the area inhabited by the Croats should be calculated.
The coins have a general dating value, and they began to be added in the graves after 780.
However, in just a few years there came a complete turnaround. Considering
the function of the oboli in the graves, Eva Kolniková came to the conclusion that oboli
appeared first with the Slavs in the regions where the political, economic and cultural
influence of the Franks can be determined – in Moravia in the 9th century and in Croatia, 349
but only after the year 800.98
Joachim Werner complemented Kolniková, when upon dating the Biskupija
graves he gave precedence to the archaeological inventory, and assumed that the golden
Byzantine coins (from Biskupija and Trilj) were only part of the treasure in the posses-
sion of some Croatian noble family.99 Therefore they have no dating value because they
were placed successively in the graves throughout the first half of the 9th century, but
not before the year 800. The additional relativisation of the dating value of the coins was
also contributed to by the fact that a coin from a sarcophagus which was considered lost
had been found, and so it was confirmed that it did not belong to Basil I but to the Syra-
cusan gold coin of Constantine V, identical to those from other Biskupija graves. Vedrana
Delonga published the coin also leaning towards the opinion that it can serve only as an
aid in dating, in other words as a general terminus post quem.100 However, this author
drew attention to the numerousness of the mentioned coins in Dalmatia which brings
into question Werner’s presumption of “family treasure.”
The situation was additionally blurred by Z. Vinski, who, following Werner, com-
pletely disregarded the finds of the coins, and so dated the Biskupija graves, as well as
the remaining graves with the related inventory in the region of Croatia, to the wider
span from the beginning of the 9th century all the way to the start of the 10th century.101
He even dated individual graves within the small group south of the basilica at Crkvina
 variedly in the period from 800 to the late 9th century. Although Vinski doesn’t discuss it
at all he actually rejects the possibility of the existence of a single formative, cultural and
time-defined horizon according to the criteria which U. Giesler proposed. Considering
the fact that during the 1970s and 1980s Vinski’s idea was followed by other Croatian au-
thors, the concept of the Biskupija-Crkvina horizon never took hold nor was it accepted
amongst local experts. At the same time, unlike the situation in Croatia, the issue of dat-
ing and duration of the Biskupija-Crkvina horizon was considered by numerous authors
from Central and Western Europe. In these debates the dilemma is present of whether
the start of the horizon should be sought early in the last decades of the 8th century or
only after 800.102 Linked to the earlier dating of the Biskupija-Crkvina horizon Mechthild
Schulze-Dörrlam, in 1995, points to the find from grave 217 in Schortens in Frisia with
spurs and silver denarus of Charlemagne minted between 768 and 790, believing Wer-
ner’s general dating to the first half of the 9th century as unjustified.103
These debates, however, do not find any kind of echo in the framework of Croa-
tian archaeology which developed further mostly on the trail of the conclusions of Z.
Vinski.104 Not even the knowledge that the sarcophagus in the northern room of the
narthex contained a gold coin, identical with the others found in the graves south of the
basilica, affected the generally accepted opinion that the burial in the sarcophagus was
significantly later than the burials in the mentioned graves. As along with that it was also
350 considered that the burials in sarcophagi and the tomb in the southern nave were per-
formed in the already existing church, they more frequently began to be interpreted as
a mausoleum of the rulers from the Croatian dynasty of the Trpimirović’s, and added to
them was also one non-existing grave with luxurious gilded spurs, which didn’t originate
from Biskupija but from another site.105
At the end of the last century some new factors appeared and gradually the ap-
proach in the study of the issues linked to the graves of Biskupija began to change. During
the revisory excavations of S. Gunjača he once again excavated the tomb in the southern
nave arguing that it was considerably deeper than the foundations of the basilica, and
from the accompanying floorplan it is also apparent that it is orientated in a southwest-
northeast direction and that it is not level according to the architecture.106 Then in 1983,
upon the conservation of the walls of the basilica, another grave was accidentally uncov-
ered, that is, a walled vaulted tomb such as those in the southern nave. It was a child’s
grave with a find of luxurious horseman’s spurs, which was located in the base of the foun-
dations of the partition wall of the southern room of the narthex.107 This situation clearly
proved that the grave was older than the architecture. On the basis of all the available
information from Marun’s Dnevnici (Journals) and reports plus other documents from the
Archives of the Museum of the Croatian Archaeological Monuments, M. Petrinec in 1998
attempted to determine the approximate position of the graves south of the basilica and
to reconstruct the situation from the period of Marun’s initial investigations.108 From the
20. Luxurious spurs and other objects from the sarcophagus with hippocampi and stone tombs
(photo: Z. Alajbeg)

21. Finds from 351

graves with
wooden
coffins
(photo: Z.
Alajbeg)

22. Hypothetical plan of the

graves from the Biskupija-
Crkvina horizon (drawing by
M. Petrinec, A. Jurčević)
 mentioned data it became clear that one of the graves in wooden coffins (the so-called
fourth grave) was not buried south of the church, but that it was located inside the south-
ern room of the narthex. Therefore, it could be assumed with a degree of certainty that
this grave as well as both walled vaulted tombs are older than the architecture. Adding to
this assumption there was Marun’s record in which the sarcophagus in the northern room
of the narthex was “placed alongside the chapel, turned slightly towards the centre of the
basilica.”109 Finally, in 2000, small scale revisory excavations were carried out in the area
of the basilica’s narthex.110 At this time the grave discovered in 1983 was documented,
and also uncovered were the remains of the burial pit of the so-called fourth grave. In
the central part of the narthex were found the remains of one more walled vaulted tomb,
which was not mentioned in Marun’s and Radić’s reports, but was drawn on the floorplan
of 1890. This tomb is orientated the same way as the one in the southern nave and is also
not level according to the architecture. Moreover, it was discovered the position in which
the sarcophagus in the northern room was located, situated in a northwest-southeast
direction in a crevice between two rocks.
The drawing of M. Petrinec, supplemented by the ground plan of the mentioned
revisory investigations, was published in 2000 by A. Milošević (fig. 22).111 At that time he
also presented a new interpretation according to which the architecture at Crkvina was
preceded by a small early Christian necropolis over which an early medieval row cem-
352 etery developed in the 8th century. In the central part of this cemetery, over the graves
with burials in wooden coffins and burials in re-used walled early Christian tombs, a
mausoleum was built in the 9th century, in other words, a burial chapel. Thereafter, along
the eastern wall of the mausoleum a three-nave church was built. However, shortly af-
terwards, the same author proposed a different interpretation demonstrating that the
oldest building at Crkvina was a three-nave basilica constructed at the turn of the 8th
and 9th century, over which later, in the first decades of the 9th century, a mausoleum
was built.112 This mausoleum also encompassed some of the graves which were situated
there earlier. The graves south of the church contained weapons as grave goods, whilst
this was missing in the graves in the mausoleum. Since amongst the latter there were
also the burials of children, Milošević assumed that it concerned the family mausoleum
of the rulers from the princely lineage of the Trpimirović’s. In recent times his third inter-
pretation has also appeared according to which the Croatian Duke Branimir was buried
in a sarcophagus in the mausoleum at the end of the 9th century.113
Analysing the modes of the decoration on the liturgical and sacred metal objects
of Frankish provenance, which appeared in the region of the Croatian Principality at the
beginning of the 9th century, A. Jurčević remarked that the same systems were applied
on the precious gilded and silver spurs from Crkvina in Biskupija, as well as on the spurs
from some other sites throughout the principality.114 As well as the so-called “Croatian
type” iron spurs they also had a uniform method of decoration which can be connected
with the aforementioned luxurious spurs and liturgical items. Jurčević also pointed to
the fact that the items of Carolingian provenance at all the sites were found in the same
stratigraphic layer regardless of whether the deceased were buried in sarcophagi, walled
tombs or wooden boxes. Therefore, he concluded that all the analysed objects were
the products of Frankish workshops and their appearance in Croatia can be dated to a
short time period in a way which, discussing the Biskupija-Crkvina horizon, U. Giesler, M.
Schulze Dörrlam and M. Petrinec had previously proposed.
We generally conclude about the remaining graves at Crkvina in Biskupija, as
well as the span of the duration of the cemetery, on the basis of the grave finds.115 The
revision of S. Gunjača only partially completed the picture when 124 new graves were
systematically investigated. M. Petrinec published the results of these investigations in
2009.116 It mostly concerns the graves of the Late Middle Ages ranging from the 12th to
15th centuries. Two graves represent an exception. The first (grave 29) can, with great
probability, be dated in the 10th century.117 The second grave (grave 88) was discovered
in the area of the north annex next to the basilica. The deceased was buried in a wood-
en coffin in a plain earth pit, and alongside him were found early Carolingian bronze
spurs.118 S. Gunjača presumed that the grave was older than the architecture and cor-
rectly linked it chronologically to the graves south of the basilica and dated it to the end
of the 8th century. With the very latest revisory excavations carried out in the area of the
northern annex in 2015, the base of the burial pit of grave 88 was uncovered plus an al- 353
most complete skeleton, which Gunjača had left there. In the immediate vicinity of grave
88, at the same level, one more grave was found (grave 125) (fig. 23).
The grave was located under two walls of one room and it is evident that it was
dug before the raising of the mentioned annex. The find of this grave clearly proves that
the area was not investigated all the way to the original subsoil which opens up the pos-
sibility of the existence of more graves nearby. Although grave 125 hasn’t been inves-
tigated completely it nevertheless provides significant information. Unlike grave 88 its
burial pit was lined with stone slabs and repeated here is the already observed situation
that in the same layer appeared various grave architecture - wooden and stone. On the
lid of the grave was located a wreath made from fine rounded stones inside which was
discovered a larger fragment of a ceramic container, animal bone and a fragment of a
bone T-shaped vessel. By connecting the mentioned circumstances and finds from both
graves with other related finds from the territory of the Croatian Principality we can,
with considerable certainty, chronologically date them to around the year 800.

An overview of the development of the complex at Crkvina in Biskupija

and an interpretation of the finds

From the oldest layer at Crkvina in Biskupija two separate groups of graves can be
considered – the graves south of the basilica and those underneath it, as well as graves
 88 and 125 underneath the northern annex. Both groups belong to approximately the
same time, in other words the Biskupija-Crkvina horizon (fig. 24). They can be placed
within the range of the last decade of the 8th century to the 920s. All precede the for-
mation of the architectural complex at Crkvina, and therefore the possibility that this
concerns a mausoleum in the literal sense should be rejected. Not one of the graves was
placed within the existing building regardless of whether it is to do with a grave chapel,
narthex or the interior of the basilica. Therefore, these burials cannot be connected
with the ruling dynasty of the Trpimirović’s, which is only mentioned for the first time in
written sources around the middle of the 9th century. Nevertheless, it is quite clear that
the location at which the basilica would be erected was chosen precisely because of the
mentioned graves. The approximate date of the construction of the basilica was deter-
mined by a burial in a sarcophagus beneath the northern room of the narthex. The burial
in this sarcophagus took place before the narthex was built, but it could be dated at the
time of the building of the church, in other words at the time of the first arrangement of
its furniture. In fact, the main link between the burial and the building of the basilica is
the stone sarcophagus. This sarcophagus was made from ancient spolia, and in the lit-
erature the name of the sarcophagus with hippocampi became attached to it. It is linked
to the work of the Workshop of the Master of the Koljani chancel panel which is also
attributed to the first equipping of the basilica. Considering that this happened in the
354 period between 820 and 830 the burial of the deceased in the sarcophagus must also
have happened at the same time. The beginning of the 9th century is also the time of the
Christianisation, and the affiliation to Christianity of the buried in sarcophagus is proved
by the cross carved on its lid. Bearing in mind the time determination of the graves of the
Biskupija-Crkvina horizon, and especially the burial in the sarcophagus, the possibility
that this refers to the remains of Duke Branimir should be dismissed completely.
Contributing to this is also the fact that the most intensive contacts with the Frank-
ish Empire happened at the beginning of the 9th century, and also the greatest amount
of arms and horsemen’s equipment was imported in the Liburnia and Dalmatia regions
during this period. Therefore, considering the amount and value of such finds in Biskupija,
as well as in the wider Knin area, it can be assumed that it was a centre of a governing-
political power, in other words, the place from where a duke ruled. Historical sources
from the time (Vita Hludowici Imperatoris 818, Annales regni Francorum 819 and Annales
Sithienses 821) record Duke Borna, who was a Frankish vassal and who participated in
the quashing of the uprising of the Pannonian Duke Ljudevit Posavski, and also visited the
court of Louis the Pious in Aachen. Therefore, it is more accurate to link the deceased in
the sarcophagus to Duke Borna. Although for this assumption there is no direct evidence,
the burial undoubtedly belongs to the period of the reign of this duke. Summarising the
aforementioned it can be said with certainty that the Workshop of the Master of the
Koljani chancel panel built and furnished the three-nave basilica at Crkvina in Biskupija in
the period between 820 and 830. This workshop, which normally worked at royal sites,
carved the altar screen (on which is also preserved the first record of the titular of the
Church of St Mary and St Stephen), then the hexagonal ciborium and stone holy water
font. The Workshop of the Master of the Koljani chancel panel also made the sarcophagus
with hippocampi in which Duke Borna or one of his contemporaries was buried.119
How the architectural complex at Crkvina in Biskupija developed further is not
entirely clear but there do exist some reference points that enable an approximate re-
construction. First of all the aforementioned charred sarcophagus in the southern room
of the narthex should be taken into consideration (fig. 25). According to Marun’s notes
this sarcophagus, unlike the sarcophagus underneath the northern room, was located
on the floor between two partition walls, which is confirmed on the ground plan from
1890. The fact that it was located on the floor means that the burial was carried out in a
time when alongside the basilica a narthex with a bell tower was already added, in other
words, it was a burial inside the existing architecture. In both places, in the sarcopha-
gus and underneath, a large single-beaded silver gilded temple earring was found. The
earrings make a pair, and belonged to the deceased who was originally buried in the
sarcophagus.120 They can only be approximately dated, however it is indisputable that
such jewellery did not appear before the last third of the 9th century, and that it was used
during the whole of the 10th century and in the first half of the 11th century.
In the records from the first campaigns in the narthex of the basilica more graves 355
are mentioned, however it is difficult to estimate to which period they belonged and
what their connection with the architecture was. One exception is a male grave, about
which F. Radić wrote in Starohrvatska prosvjeta.121 Although we know nothing about
the aspect or even the position of this grave inside the narthex, the iron spurs it con-
tained represent an important chronological determinant. They belong to a type which
appeared at the end of the 9th century and was in use until the end of the 10th century.
The finds of the mentioned spurs and temple earrings in the charred sarcophagus
enabled the determination of the lower and upper chronological limits for the addition
of the narthex with the bell tower. The earliest the narthex could have been added was
after the burial in the sarcophagus with the hippocampi, sometime in the second third
of the 9th century, and no later than the end of the 10th century. In this time span the in-
terior of the church went through two changes. The first took place at the end of the 9th
century when the Court workshop from the time of Duke Branimir, which operated in the
period from 879 to 892, executed the altar screen. Belonging to this screen is a fragment
of the gable with the remains of an inscription [...] DVX GLO[riosus... ].122 Soon after, at
the beginning of the 10th century, the Benedictine workshop which operated at the time
of Duke Branimir (and Muncimir), fitted the basilica with a new altar screen. The same
workshop also carried out the pulpit with rosettes. Therefore, it is safe to assume that
it was during one of these reconstructions that the narthex with the bell tower was also
 added. The fact that both workshops were also working intensively at other churches
in Biskupija also indicates such a possibility; the Court workshop at Lopuška glavica, at
Bukorovića podvornica and at a church whose remains are situated beneath today’s Or-
thodox church, and the Benedictine workshop at Lopuška glavica, Bukorovića podvornica
and Stupovi. At about the same time the large cemetery near the basilica at Crkvina
began to develop. The luxurious finds of jewellery discovered during the time of Marun’s
investigations bear witness to the numbers of graves, which can be dated to the period
stretching from the end of the 9th century to the middle of the 11th century. It predomi-
nately concerns large temple earrings with beads, which are characteristic to regions
under the immediate rule or greatly influenced by the Byzantine Empire, and particu-
larly amongst the Slavs in the Balkans (fig. 26). The use of beads on earrings became a
frequent element in Byzantine jewellery after the iconoclastic period, and their function
as a fastener of earrings (by threading into a bead) made them even more popular. This
type of jewellery appeared in territory of the Croatian Principality at the time of Duke
Branimir when the first endeavours of change in the church hierarchy, in other words the
attempts of the restoration of the former Salona church province.
This was eventually achieved so that the Split and Zadar dioceses spread to the
Croatian region whereby the way opened to more powerful influences from the Byzan-
tine towns in the Croatian hinterland. In this context the appearance of the mentioned
356 jewellery should also be interpreted.123 Apart from the earrings found in the graves,
rings and various other decorative and functional pieces of clothing are also represent-
ed. Horsemen’s spurs based on Frankish models also appeared in smaller numbers, al-
though they can be considered to be the products of local armoury workshops.124
New major changes happened in the mid-11th century. In the time of King Petar
Krešimir IV (1058-1074) there was some renovation at Crkvina which was not only limit-
ed to the intervention to the interior of the basilica but related to the architectural parts
(transennae) too. The Knin-Zadar workshop carried out the restoration and it carved the
altar screen, the quadrilateral altar ciborium and beam with the depiction of a fantastic
animal. Soon after, in the last quarter of the 11th century, the Romanesque workshop
from Knin was active at Crkvina so that the smaller quadrilateral ciborium and the archi-
tectural decoration of unknown purpose can be attributed to this workshop. Changes
to the upper parts of the altar screen were also made, and new beams and the already
noted gable with the depiction of the Mother of God were placed, whereby the titular
of the church was once more confirmed. Throughout this time burials at the cemetery
continued. However, while in previous periods there also existed other contemporary
cemeteries in the Biskupija region, there then came changes, which were noticeable
over the entire territory of the Croatian Kingdom.
During the 10th century and the first half of the 11th century the increasing num-
ber of cemeteries pointed to a densely populated area with groups of smaller hamlets.
The inhabitants of these hamlets created their own burial sites nearby. However, during
the second half of the 11th century burials near a church became obligatory.125 This is con-
ditioned by the appearance of the exchange economy, church reforms and the changes
in the organisation of the Church. In the area of Croatia the phenomenon was noted that
one cemetery, typically the one that developed previously in the church surroundings,
took over the function of all the other cemeteries. This was also the case in Biskupija
where it was in fact the cemetery near the basilica at Crkvina, which took on the function
of the parish cemetery. This phase of burial is characterised by the disappearance of large
temple earrings with beads and the appearance of new types of jewellery – luxurious sil-
ver and gilded little earrings with nodes and plaited earrings (fig. 27). Also accompanying
the earrings were a luxurious rings made using filigree and granulation techniques. In the
male graves we came across new types of spurs (fig. 28). These are spurs with a bi-pyram-
idal spike on which a slightly bent spike in relation to the spur arch which is the reason of
the increased use of armour gear of horsemen, because like this the better movement of
the legs was made possible. This layer of graves at Biskupija can be followed throughout
the whole of the 12th century and during the first half of the 13th century when a range of
versions of the mentioned luxurious earrings appeared and new types of greater curved
horsemen spurs, which gained a spike with a ball or conical shaped tip.
After the last two restorations of the basilica in the period that followed, there
were no major interventions. Minor individual works can be observed on the architec- 357
ture and modifications to the existing sculpture (furnishings), and they are attributed to
an unknown workshop or workshops that operated in the second half of the 12th century
or the beginning of the 13th century.
At present there is not much to say about the time of the emergence of the
northern annex next to the basilica nor about its function. It is only certain that it hap-
pened after the end of the 8th century and the beginning of the 9th century to which point
the correctly dated graves 88 and 125 underneath the architecture. It should be noted
nevertheless that Marun emphasised how in the area of the northern annex there were
no graves and this was also confirmed by S. Gunjača’s revisory excavations carried out
in the mid-20th century. Unlike the situation in other parts of the cemetery individual
objects, which could have originated from the graves, and which remained behind after
Marun’s investigations, were not found here. Therefore the probability exists that the
annex emerged either at the time of the erection of the basilica or when the narthex
with the bell tower was finished. This question still remains unanswered. Nor is it en-
tirely clear whether basilica operated, and for how long, after the 12th century. It is only
known that in the late medieval age a small church was erected in the central nave of
the basilica, and the graves of that period negate the existence of the side naves and
the narthex. Marun and Gunjača spoke about the Church of St Luke, however this titular
has not been confirmed and refers to the later Roman Catholic cemetery established at
 23. Positions of graves under the nartex (drawing by A. Jurčević)

358

24. Position of a grave within churred sarcophagus on the floor in the southern room of the narthex (drawing by A.
Jurčević)
 25. Large temple earrings with beads, end 9th-mid 11th c.
(photo: Z. Alajbeg)

359

26. Different types of earrings, 12th-14th c. (photo: Z.

Alajbeg)

27. Spurs, 10th-15th c. (photo: A. Jurčevič)

 the end of the 17th century, and not to the church. Gunjača believed that it dated from
the period of the Ottoman conquest, which is not particularly probable if one takes into
consideration the already mentioned fact noted in the first recorded defters, from which
it can be concluded that Biskupija, during the time of Ottoman occupation, was aban-
doned by its inhabitants. We are more inclined to the opinion that the smaller church
appeared in the Gothic period i.e. the end of the 13th century or in the 14th century, be-
cause the layer of graves next to it belong precisely to that period. These are graves with
luxurious jewellery, and the examples found (earrings with three beads, rings, diadems,
buttons, belt buckles with mushroom-like rings, spurs with a very bent arch with a cog
in the shape of a star on the tip of the spike) were part of the general style of the Anjou
period. These graves were covered with large, sometimes rustically decorated, stone
slabs - stećci - characteristic of late medieval tombstones in certain parts of Croatia and
Bosnia and Herzegovina.126 The dating of the graves to the Gothic period is also con-
firmed by the numismatic finds - the already mentioned graves with the coins of Louis I
of Hungary (1342-1382), which were discovered by L. Marun, grave 59 from the revisory
excavations with the coins of the Venetian Doge Pietro Gradenigo (1289-1311), and the
now lost soldino of Doge Andrea Dandolo (1342-1354).
In the period which followed the liberation of Knin from Ottoman rule (1688)
an entirely new population settled in Biskupija. A part of this newly-settled population
360 which was of Roman Catholic denomination began to bury their dead at Crkvina, which
they called the cemetery of St Luke, and this is the cemetery which is still in use today.
In 1939 in the immediate vicinity of the remains of the foundations of the basilica at
Crkvina according to the design of one of the most significant Croatian sculptors of the
20th century, Ivan Meštrović, the new Church of Our Lady was built.

1 M. MATAS, Krš Hrvatske, Geografski pregled i značenje, Zagreb, Hrvatsko geografsko društvo
Split, 2009, pp.77-79.
2 Ibid., pp.77-79.
3 F. SMILJANIĆ, “Teritorij i granice kninske županije u srednjem vijeku”, Radovi Filozofskog fakulte-
ta u Zadru, vol.14, Zadar, 1988, pp. 125-149.
4 S. GUNJAČA, Tiniensia archaeologica – historica – topographica (Special edition in Honor of
Stjepan Gunjača), Split, 2009, pp. 87-167.
5 See: I. BOJANOVSKI, “Dolabelin sistem cesta u rimskoj provinciji Dalmaciji”, Djela Akademije
nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, book XLVII, Centar za balkanološka ispitivanja, Sarajevo,
1974; Ž. MILETIĆ, “Rimske ceste Između Jadera, Burnuma i Salone”, Radovi filozofskog fakulteta
u Zadru, vol. 32 (19), 1993, pp. 117-150; N. JAKŠIĆ, “Il ruolo delle antiche chiese rurali nella
formazione del ducato Croato medieval”, Hortus Artium Medievalum 14, Zagreb-Motovun, 2008,
pp. 103-112; A. JURČEVIĆ, “Nalazi ranokarolinškog oružja i konjaničke opreme u doba formiranja
Hrvatske kneževine”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. III, vol. 38, Split, 2011, pp. 133-135.
6 LJ. GUDELJ, “Ruševine sv. Ivana u Uzdolju kod Knina”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. III, vol. 32,
2005, pp. 53-75.
7 T. BURIĆ, “Ranosrednjovjekovna skulptura s Kapitula kod Knina”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser.
III, vol. 18, 1990, pp. 91-117.
8 S. GUNJAČA, “Starohrvatska crkva i groblje na Lopuškoj glavici u Biskupiji kod Knina”, Starohr-
vatska prosvjeta, ser. III, vol. 3, 1954, pp. 7-29.
9 Idem, “Ostaci starohrvatske crkve sv. Cecilije na Stupovima u Biskupiji kod Knina”, Starohrvatska
prosvjeta, ser. III, vol. 5, 1956, pp. 65-127.
10 Idem, “Četvrta starohrvatska crkva u biskupiji kod Knina i groblje oko nje”, Starohrvatska pros-
vjeta, ser. III, vol. 2, 1952, pp. 57-80.
11 Idem, “Kako i gdje je svršio hrvatski kralj Dimitrije Zvonimir s dodatkom o grobu kralja Zvonimira
na Kapitulu kod Knina”, Rad Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti, Odjel za filozofiju u
društvene nauke book IV, Zagreb, 1952, p. 292.
12 Idem, “Hrvatsko historijsko Kosovo”, in: Ispravci i dopune starijoj hrvatskoj historiji, book III,
Zagreb, 1975, pp. 131-168.
13 Ibid., p. 158.
14 See: А. ЈАКОВЉЕВИЋ and Н. ИСАИЛОВИЋ, “Попис нахије Косово из 1574. Године”, Мешовита
Грађа - Miscellanea 34, Belgrade, 2013, pp. 25-70; А . ЈАКОВЉЕВИЋ and Н. ИСАИЛОВИЋ, “Попис
нахије Петрово поље из 1574. Године”, Инициал 1, Belgrade, 2013, pp. 255- 290. The authors
extensively present and elaborate on the previous works of the authors who studied the topo-
graphical issues related to borders, settlements, parishes and counties in the wider Knin area.
15 Opširni popis Kliškog sandžaka iz 1550. Godine, F. Dž. Spaho, Ahmed S. Aličić and B. Zlatar (eds.),
Sarajevo, 2007, pp. 89, 396, 426.
16 V. DELONGA, The Latin Epigraphic Monuments of Early Mediaeval Croatia, Split, 1996, p. 59.
17 M. BUDIMIR, “Arheološka topografija kninske općine”, in: Izdanja hrvatskog arheološkog društva
15, 1992, p. 23.
18 Ibid., p. 24.
19 Ibid., p. 24-25.
20 Ibid., p. 26.
21 Ibid., p. 26-27.
22 M. BUDIMIR and LJ. RADIĆ, ”Istraživanje antičkog lokaliteta u Orliću kod Knina”, in: Izdanja hr- 361
vatskog arheološkog društva 15, 1992, pp. 41-50; M. ZANINOVIĆ, “Ranokršćanski mozaični nat-
pis iz Orlića kod Knina”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. III, vol. 30, 2003, pp. 25-32.
23 M. PETRINEC, “Frühmittelalterliche Gräber aus Orlić angesichts bisheriger Erkenntnisse den Hori-
zont mit heidnischen Bestattungsmerkmalen”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. III, vol. 42, 2015, p. 89.
24 M. ZANINOVIĆ, op. cit., 2003, pp. 25-32.
25 I. BOJANOVSKI, “Bosna i Hercegovina u antičko doba”, Djela Akademije nauka i umjetnosti Bosne
i hercegovine, book XLVII, Centar za balkanološka ispitivanja, Sarajevo, 1988, pp. 251-252.
26 Z. RÁCZ, Die Goldschmiedegräber der Awarenzeit, Mainz, 2014, pp. 8-9.
27 M. PETRINEC, op. cit., 2015, pp. 81-131.
28 A. JURČEVIĆ, op. cit., 2011, pp. 117-119.
29 Hrvatska enciklopedija, http://www.enciklopedija.hr/natuknica.aspx?id=67312 (accessed: 23
June, 2015).
30 S. ZLATOVIĆ, “Stare narodne zadužbine hrvatskih kralja u Dalmaciji”, Viestnik hrvatskog
arheologičkog družtva, vol. 5, 1883, pp. 52 -55.
31 K. JURIŠIĆ, Fra Lujo Marun osnivač starohrvatske arheologije, Split, 1979, p. 6, n. 40.
32 L. MARUN, Starinarski dnevnici (transcription and preparation for editing by M. Petrinec), Split, 1998,
pp. 27-280; Idem, “Bilješke kroz starinske iskopine u Kninskoj okolici od god. 1885.-1890.”, Glasnik
starinarskog družtva u Kninu, Viestnik hrvatskog arkeologičkog družtva, vol. 12, Zagreb, 1890., pp.
60-72, 139-144; Idem, “Bilješke kroz starinske iskopine u Kninskoj okolici od god. 1885.-1890.”, Glas-
nik starinarskog družtva u Kninu, Viestnik hrvatskog arkeologičkog družtva, vol. 13, Zagreb, 1891, pp.
62-64; Idem, “Bilješke kroz starinske iskopine u Kninskoj okolici od god. 1885.-1890.”, Glasnik stari-
narskog družtva u Kninu, Viestnik hrvatskog arkeologičkog družtva, vol. 14, Zagreb, 1892, pp. 26-32.
33 F. RADIĆ, “Tegurij starohrvatske biskupske crkvine sv. Marije u Biskupiji kod Knina sa plosnoreznim
Gospinim poprsjem”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I, vol. I, Knin, 1895, pp. 7-9; Idem, “Primjetbe
na izvještaj ‘Katoličke Dalmacije’”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I, vol. II, Knin, 1895, pp. 112-128;
Idem, “Hrvatska biskupska crkva sv. Marije u Biskupiji i kaptolska crkva sv. Bartula na sadašnjem
Kapitulu kod Knina”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I, vol. III, Knin, 1895, pp. 150-156; Idem, “Neko-
 liko ulomaka lezena pluteja, vratnih pragova i lukova sa starohrvatske bazilike Sv. Marije u Biskupiji
kod Knina”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I, vol. III, Knin, 1895, pp. 166-173; Idem, “Starohrvatski
ratni mač”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I, vol. IV, Knin, 1895, pp. 242-247; Idem, “Hrvatsko-bizant-
ske nadstupine Prvoga muzeja hrvatskih spomenika”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I, vol. IV, Knin,
1895, pp. 205-211; Idem, “Hrvatsko-bizantske nadstupine Prvoga muzeja hrvatskih spomenika”,
part II, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I, vol. I, Knin, 1896, pp. 10-13; Idem, “Ulomci s jedanaest
tegurija oltarskih ciborija i jednog vratnog okvira starohrvatske bazilike S. Marije u Biskupiji kod
Knina”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I, vol. II, Knin, 1896, pp. 51-59; Idem, “Grobna raka iz starohr-
vatske biskupske bazilike S. Marije u Biskupiji kod Knina, i u njoj nadjeni mrtvački ostanci”, Starohr-
vatska prosvjeta, ser. I, vol. II, Knin, 1896, pp. 71-86; Idem, “Nekoliko ulomaka kamenitih rešetaka
(transennae) i krstova pripadajućih bazilici S. Marije u Biskupiji kod Knina”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta,
ser. I, vol. IV, Knin, 1896, pp. 211-216; Idem, “Pločaste nadstupine sa srednjih stupčića dvostrukih
prozora (bifora) staro-hrvatskih zvonika”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I, vol. I, Knin, 1898, pp. 21-
26; Idem, “Kitnjasti akroterij sa razvalina bazilike S. Marije u Biskupiji kod Knina”, Starohrvatska
prosvjeta, ser. I, vol. I, Knin, 1898, pp. 34-36; Idem, “Postanak razvitak i rad Hrvatskog starinar-
skog družtva”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I, vol. II, Knin, 1898, pp. 89-95; Idem, “Izvješće o radu
Hrvatskoga starinarskoga družtva u Kninu u obće, a napose o kršćanskim starinama do sada od-
krivenim i objelodanjenim u Dalmaciji, osjem Solina, Bosni-Hercegovini, Hrvatskoj, Slavoniji i Istri”,
Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I, vol. III-IV, Knin, 1898, pp. 157-174; Idem, “Treći tip starohrvatskih
mamuza (par ostruga iz Biskupije)”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I, vol. II, Knin, 1898, pp. 113-118;
Idem, “Hrvatsko-bizantski slog”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I, vol. I, Knin, 1900, pp. 3-36; Idem,
“Još o hrvatsko-bizantskom slogu”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I, vol. III i IV, Knin, 1900, pp. 123-
130; Idem, “Pregrade svetišta (septum) i s njima spojene kamenite grede (trabes) starohrvatskih
crkava”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I, vol. I i II, Knin, 1904, pp. 35-40.
34 A. MILOŠEVIĆ, “Karolinški utjecaji u kneževini Hrvatskoj u svjetlu arheoloških nalaza”, in: Hrvati
i Karolinzi - Rasprave i vrela, Split, 2000, p. 124; I. MIRNIK, “Novac iz starohrvatskih grobova”,
Vjesnik Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu, vol. 3, Zagreb, 2004, pp. 206-207.
35 F. BULIĆ, “Hrvatski spomenici u kninskoj okolici uz ostale suvremene dalmatinske iz dobe narodne
362 hrvatske dinastije”, Djela Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti, book VIII, Zagreb, 1888.
36 F. RADIĆ, “Hrvatski spomenici u kninskoj okolici uz ostale suvremene dalmatinske iz dobe
narodne dinastije”, Viestnik hrvatskog arheološkog družtva, vol. 11, Zagreb, 1889, pp. 50-55,
82- 85, 115-119; Idem, “Hrvatski spomenici u kninskoj okolici uz ostale suvremene dalmatinske
iz dobe narodne dinastije”, Viestnik hrvatskog arheološkog družtva, vol. 12, Zagreb, 1890, pp.
12-24, 45-54, 90-95, 122-134.
37 F. BULIĆ, op. cit., 1888, pp. 6-10, 52-53, n. 6-7.
38 F. ŠIŠIĆ, Povijest hrvata u vrijeme narodnih vladara, Zagreb, 1925, pp. 690-695.
39 M. BARADA, “Episcopus Chroatensis”, Croatia Sacra, Arkiv za crkvenu povijest Hrvata, 1, Zagreb,
1931, pp. 201-203, 208-209, n. 14.
40 LJ. KARAMAN, Iz kolijevke hrvatske prošlosti, Zagreb, 1930.
41 Ibid., pp. 68-71, 73-78.
42 Ibid., pp. 68, n. 27.
43 V. DELONGA, op. cit., 1996, pp. 65, Pl. IX.
44 Ibid., pp. 72-73, Pl. XIV.
45 S. GUNJAČA, op. cit., 1952 a, p. 292.
46 Idem, “Revizija iskopina u Biskupiji kod Knina 1950”, Ljetopis, book 57, Zagreb, 1953, pp. 9-49.
47 Ibid., p. 48.
48 Idem, “O položaju kninske katedrale”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. III, vol. 1, Zagreb, 1949, pp.
84-86, n. 44.
49 M. PETRINEC, “Groblje na Crkvini u Biskupiji – rezultati revizijskih istraživanja Stjepana Gunjače”,
Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. III, vol. 36, Split, 2009, pp. 163-197.
50 LJ. KARAMAN, O reviziji iskopina u Biskupiji kod Knina, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. III. sv. 4, 1955.
51 Ibid., pp. 217-218.
52 N. JAKŠIĆ, “O katedralama hrvatske i kninske biskupije”, Radovi Filozofskog fakulteta u Zadru,
vol. 27, Razdio povijesnih znanosti, 14, Zadar, 1988, pp. 115-133.
53 T. MARASOVIĆ, “Prilog morfološkoj klasifikaciji ranosrednjovjekovne arhitekture u Dalmaciji”,
Prilozi istraživanju starohrvatske arhitekture, Split-Zagreb, 1978, p. 16, T. IV 64, 67.
54 V.P. GOSS (V. GVOZDANOVIĆ), “Značaj starohrvatske arhitekture za opću povijest hrvatske pre-
dromanike”, Prilozi istraživanju starohrvatske arhitekture, Split-Zagreb, 1978, pp. 133-148;
Idem, Predromanička arhitektura u Hrvatskoj, Zagreb, 2006, pp. 165-167.
55 M. JURKOVIĆ, “Crkve s westverkom na istočnom Jadranu”, Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dal-
maciji, Split, 1987, pp. 61-86; Idem, “Arhitektura karolinškog doba“, in: Hrvati i Karolinzi, Ras-
prave i vrela, Split, 2000, 164-189.
56 A. MILOŠEVIĆ, op. cit., 2000, pp. 123-124.
57 Idem, Crkva sv. Marije mauzolej i dvori hrvatskih vladara u Biskupiji kraj Knina, Kulturno-pov-
ijesni vodič 18, Split, 2002, pp. 17-23.
58 Idem, “Dvori hrvatskih vladara na Crkvini u Biskupiji kod Knina“, in: Zbornik Tomislava Marasovića,
Split, 2002, pp. 205.
59 Cfr. A. MILOŠEVIĆ - Ž. PEKOVIĆ, Predromanička crkva sv. Spasa u Cetini, Dubrovnik-Split, 2009,
pp. 155.-156, figs. 157 a and b.The authors, however, do not provide any arguments that would
stem from the analysis of the existing architecture.
60 A. JURČEVIĆ, “Usporedba skulpture i arhitekture s lokaliteta Crkvina u Gornjim Koljanima i
Crkvina u Biskupiji kod Knina”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. III, vol. 36, 2009, pp. 55-77.
61 F. BULIĆ, op. cit., 1888, pp. 16.
62 F. RADIĆ, op. cit., 1889, pp. 50-55, 82- 85, 115-119; Idem, op. cit., 1890, pp. 12-24, 45- 54, 90-95,
122-134.
63 LJ. KARAMAN, op. cit., 1930, pp. 73-118.
64 S. GUNJAČA, “Restauracija i rekonstrukcija kamenih spomenika”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser.
III, vol. 2, 1952, p. 23.
65 A. JURČEVIĆ “O klesarskim radionicama koje su djelovale na Crkvini u Biskupiji kod Knina”,
Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. III, vol. 41, 2014, pp. 127-163.
66 K. PRIJATELJ, “Skulpture s ljudskim likom iz starohrvatskog doba”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. 3
vol. 3, 1954, pp. 65-91.
67 I. PETRICIOLI, Pojava romaničke skulpture u Dalmaciji, Zagreb, 1960, pp. 6-12.
68 N. JAKŠIĆ, “Zabati oltarne pregrade iz Crkvine u Biskupiji kod Knina”, Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti
21, 1980, pp. 97-110. 363
69 Idem, “Klesarstvo u službi evangelizacije”, in: Hrvati i Karolinzi, Split, 2000, pp. 204-205.
70 In the inscriptions preserved on the liturgical furniture made by this workshop there is no trace
of the name of the ruler which would help determine the time of its activity, such is the case with
Workshop from the time of Duke Trpimir or the Royal workshop from the time of Duke Branimir.
71 A. JURČEVIĆ, op. cit., 2009, p. 66, n. 37.
72 I. PETRICIOLI, “Oko datiranja umjetničkih spomenika ranog srednjeg vijeka”, in: Gunjačin zbornik,
Zagreb, 1980, pp. 113-120; Idem, “Prilog diskusiji o starohrvatskim crkvama s oblim kontraforima”,
Izdanja hrvatskog arheološkog društva, vol. 8, 1984, pp. 221-226; Idem, Od Donata do Radovana,
Pregled umjetnosti u Dalmaciji od 9. do 13. stoljeća, Split, 1990; Idem, “Crkva sv. Spasa na vrelu
Cetine”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. III, vol. 22, 1995, pp. 19-28; N. JAKŠIĆ, op. cit., 1980; Idem,
“Klesarska radionica iz vremena kneza Branimira”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. III, vol. 22, 1995,
pp. 141-150; Idem, “Croatian Art in the Second Half of the Ninth Century”, Hortus artium medi-
evalium, 1997, pp. 41-54; Idem, op. cit., 2000, pp. 192-213; Ž. RAPANIĆ, “Bilješka uz četiri Branimi-
rova natpisa”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. III, vol. 11, 1981, pp. 179-190; M. ZEKAN, “Pet natpisa
kneza Branimira s posebnim osvrtom na nalaz iz Otresa”, Kačić 25, 1993, pp. 405-420; T. BURIĆ,
“Predromanička skulptura iz crkve sv. Spasa u Cetini”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. III, vol. 22, 1995,
pp. 91-116; V. DELONGA, “Latinski epigrafički spomenici starohrvatske županije Livno”, in: Livanjski
kraj u povijesti, 1994, pp. 81-98; A. MILOŠEVIĆ - Ž. PEKOVIĆ, op. cit., 2009, pp. 193-245.
73 N. JAKŠIĆ, “U selu Uzdolju nije bilo izgrađene crkve u vrijeme kneza Muncimira”, Starohrvatska
prosvjeta, ser. 3, vol. 40, Split, 2013, pp. 135-153.
74 Idem, “Romanička klesarska radionica iz Knina”, Peristil, 24, 1981, pp. 27-33.
75 I. PETRICIOLI, op.cit., 1990, pp. 58-62; Idem, “Ciborij katedrale hrvatskog biskupa u Ninu”, Peri-
stil, 38, 1995, pp. 23-26.
76 A. JURČEVIĆ, op. cit., 2014, pp. 127-163.
77 A. JURČEVIĆ, op. cit., 2009.
78 V. DELONGA, op. cit., 1996, pp. 52-80.
79 Ibid.
80 Eadem, Državni arhiv u kamenu/National archive in stone, Split, 2009, pp. 3-23.
 81 L. MARUN, Starinarski dnevnici (transcribed and edited by M. PETRINEC), Split, 1998.
82 Idem, “Bilješke kroz starinske iskopine u Kninskoj okolici od god. 1885.-1890.“, Glasnik stari-
narskog družtva u Kninu,Viestnik hrvatskog arkeologičkog družtva, vol. 12, Zagreb, 1890, pp.
45-72; Idem, “Bilješke kroz starinske iskopine u Kninskoj okolici od god. 1885.-1890.”, Glasnik
starinarskog družtva u Kninu, Viestnik hrvatskog arkeologičkog družtva, vol. 13, Zagreb, 1891,
pp. 62-64; Idem, “Bilješke kroz starinske iskopine u Kninskoj okolici od god. 1885.-1890.“, Glasnik
starinarskog družtva u Kninu,Viestnik hrvatskog arkeologičkog družtva, vol. 13, 1891, pp. 93-96.
83 L. MARUN, op. cit., 1891 a, p. 96.
84 L. MARUN, op. cit., 1890, p. 144 (burnt sarcophagus); L. MARUN, op. cit., 1891, p. 63 (the most
deep-seated grave); L. MARUN, op. cit., 1891 a, p. 93 (grave at the 5 m depth).
85 Ibid. op. cit., 1891, p. 63.
86 “Izvješće X. glavne skupštine Hrvatskog starinarskog družtva u Kninu, Izvještaj društvenog ta-
jnika dr. Mihe Šimetina“ (Report of the 10th Conference of the Croatian Heritage Association in
Knin), Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I, 3, vol. 3-4, Knin, 1897, p. 171.
87 L. MARUN, Notesi (Notebooks), 26. 08.–2. 09. 1897, Archives of the Museum of Croatian Ar-
chaeological Monuments, Split.
88 L. MARUN, “Popis naušnica (okosnica, mingjuša) ‘Prvoga muzeja hrvatskih spomenika’ u Kn-
inu“, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I/5, vol. 1, 1900, pp. 40-47; Idem, “Popis naušnica (okosnica,
mingjuša) ‘Prvogamuzeja hrvatskih spomenika’ u Kninu”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I/5, vol. 2,
1900, pp. 67-69; Idem, “Popis naušnica (okosnica, mingjuša) ‘Prvoga muzeja hrvatskih spomeni-
ka’ u Kninu”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I/6, vol. 1-2, 1901, pp. 26-33; Idem, “Popis naušnica
(okosnica, mingjuša) ‘Prvoga muzeja hrvatskih spomenika’ u Kninu”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser.
I/7, vol. 1, 1903, pp. 43-47; F. RADIĆ, “Vrhovi starohrvatskih strelica u ‘Prvom muzeju hrvatskih
spomenika’ u Kninu”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I/3, vol. 3-4, 1897, pp. 114-123; Ibid. “Starohr-
vatske bojne sjekire ‘Prvoga Muzeja hrvatskih spomenika’ u Kninu”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser.
I/3, vol. 3-4, 1897, pp. 124-131.
89 L. MARUN, op. cit., 1898; F. RADIĆ, “Srebrne ostruge i saponi iz starohrvatskog groba u biskup-
skoj bazilici S. Marije u Biskupiji kod Knina”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I/2, vol. 1, 1896, pp.
364 5-9; Ibid, “Grobna raka iz starohrvatske biskupske bazilike S. Marije u Biskupiji kod Knina, i u
njoj nadjeni mrtvački ostanci”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I/2, vol. 2, 1896, pp. 71-86; Ibid.
“Mrtvački ostanci nadjeni u prostu grobu na staro– hrv. groblju uz biskupsku baziliku Sv. Marije u
Biskupiji kod Knina”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I/2, vol. 3, 1896, pp. 143-147; Ibid. “Mrtvački
ostanci iz triju starohrvatskih grobova uz ruševine biskupske bazilike Sv. Marije u Biskupiji kod
Knina”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I/3, vol. 1, 1897, pp. 31-38.
90 For the complete graves’ inventory see in: M. PETRINEC, Gräberfelder aus dem 8. bis 11. Jahr-
hundert im Gebiet des frühmittelalterlichen kroatischen Staates, Split, 2009, pp. 75-78.
91 Coins were minted in Syracuse from 760 to 775; Cfr. C. MORRISSON, Catalogue des monnaies
byzantines de la Bibliothèque Nationale II, Paris, 1970, p. 471, 23/Sy/Au/01,02.
92 F. RADIĆ, “Grobna raka iz starohrvatske biskupske bazilike S. Marije u Biskupiji kod Knina, i u njoj
nadjeni mrtvački ostanci”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I/2, vol. 2, 1896, pp. 71-86.
93 L. MARUN, “O najznamenitijim starohrvatskim grobovima na groblju odkrivene biskupske bazi-
like S. Marije u Biskupiji kod Knina”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. I/ 4, vol. 3-4, 1898, p. 118.
94 LJ. KARAMAN, Iz kolijevke hrvatske prošlosti, Zagreb, 1930, p. 122; Idem, “Iskopine društva
‘Bihaća’ u Mravincima i starohrvatska groblja”, Rad Jugoslavenske Akademije znanosti i umjet-
nosti, book 268, Zagreb, 1940, pp. 24-25.
95 Idem, “Zlatni nalaz na Trilju nedaleko od Sinja”, Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku, n.
44, 1921, pp. 3-20.
96 Z. VINSKI, “O nekim zajedničkim značajkama slavenskih nekropola s područja Dalmatinske Hr-
vatske, Blatnoga jezera i Moravske u 9. stoljeću”, Peristil, n. II, 1957, pp. 71-79; Idem, “Oružje
na području starohrvatske države do godine 1000.”, in: I międzynarodowy kongres archeologii
słowiańskiej, Warszawa 14-18 IX 1965, Wroclaw-Warszawa-Kraków, 1970, pp. 135-158.
97 U. GIESLER, “Datierung und Herleitung der vogelförmigen Riemenzungen”, Studien zur vor- und
frügesichlichten Archäologie, München, 1974, pp. 521-543.
98 E. KOLNIKOVÁ, “Obolus mrtvych v častnostredovekyh hroboch na Slovnesku”, Slovenska Archeo-
logia, 15/1, Bratislava, 1967, pp. 189-245.
99 J. WERNER, “Zur Zeitstellung der altkroatischer Grabfunden von Biskupija-Crkvina (Marien-
kirche)”, Schild von Steiet, n. 15/16, Graz, Festschrift Modrijan, 1978-1979, pp. 227-237.
100 V. DELONGA, “Bizantski novac u zbirci Muzeja hrvatskih arheoloških spomenika u Splitu”,
Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. III/11, 1981, pp. 201-208.
101 Z. VINSKI, “Novi ranokarolinški nalazi u Jugoslaviji”, Vjesnik Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu, X-XI,
1977-1978, pp. 143-208; Idem, “O nalazima karolinških mačeva u Jugoslaviji”, Starohrvatska
prosvjeta, ser. III, vol. 11, 1981, pp. 9-53; Idem, “Ponovno o karolinškim mačevima u Jugoslaviji”,
Vjesnik Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu, XVI-XVII (1983-1984), 1984, pp. 183-210; Idem, “Margi-
nalia uz izbor karolinškog oružja u jugoistočnoj Evropi”, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, ser. III/15 (1985),
1986, pp. 61-117.
102 D. BIALEKOVÁ, “Zur Datierungsfrage archäologischer Quellen aus der ersten Hälfte des 9. Jh. bei
den Slawen nördlich der Donau”, in: Rapports du IIIe Congrès international d´archéologie slave, Bra-
tislava, 1979, pp. 93-103; J. GIESLER, “Zur Archaologie des Ostalpenraumes vom 8. bis 11. Jahrhun-
dert”, Archaologisches Korrespondenzblatt, 10, Munchen, 1980, pp. 85-98; K. WACHOWSKI, “Das
Problem der Chronologie der karolingischen Einflüsse auf das Gebiet von Jugoslawien”, Zeitschrrift
für Archäologie des Mittelalters ,11, Bonn, 1983, pp. 163-167; U. KOCH, “Der Runde Berg bei Urach
V. Die Metallfunde der frühgeschichtlichen Perioden aus den Plangrabungen 1967-1981.”, Teil 1:
Text, Heidelberg, 1984; M. LENNARTSSON, “Karolingische Metallarbeiten mit Pflanzenornamen-
tik”, Offa, 54-55, 1997-1998, pp. 440-619. More recently cfr.: E. NOWOTNY, “Das frühmittelalterli-
che Gräberfeld von Hohenberg, Steiermark”, Archaeologia Austriaca, 89, 2005, pp. 177-250; J. KL-
EEMAN, “Karolingisches Fundgut im Südosten und das Verhältnis lokalier Eliten zum Karolingreich”,
Anteus 31-32, 2010, pp. 81-91; Š. UNGERMAN, “Tzv. blatnicko-mikulčický horizont a jeho vliv na
chronologii raného středověku”, in: Zborník Slovenského národného múzea - Archeologia, Supple-
mentum 4, Bratislava, 2011, pp. 135-151; T. KIND, “Westliche Einflüsse auf der östlichen Balkanhal-
binsel im Spiegel der früh und hochmittelalterlichen Reitausrüstung”, in: Post-Roman Towns, Trade
and Settlement (J. Henning, ed.), vol. 1, Berlin-New York, 2007, pp. 543-612.
103 M. SCHULZE-DÖRRLAM, “Bestattungen in den Kirchen Grossmährens und Böhmens während
des 9. und 10. Jahrhunderts”, Jahrbuch des Romisch– Germanischen Zentralmuseums Manz, 40
(1993), Mainz, 1995, pp. 557-619; Idem, “Gräber mit Münzbeigabe im Karolingerreich”, Jahr-
buch des Romisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz, 57/1 (2010), 2012, pp. 339-386.
104 Ž. TOMIČIĆ, “Prilog istraživanju karlinškog oružja u Međimurju i varaždinskoj regiji”, Starohrvat- 365
ska prosvjeta, ser. III/14 (1984), 1985, pp. 209-230; D. JELOVINA, Mačevi i ostruge karolinškog
obilježja u Muzeju hrvatskih arheoloških spomenika, 1986; M. ZEKAN, “K novoj atribuciji nalazišta
mačeva karolinškoga obilježja iz Muzeja hrvatskih arheoloških spomenika u Splitu”, u: Arheološka
istraživanja u Kninu i Kninskoj krajini, Zagreb, 1992, pp. 131-139; Ibid, “Karolinški i poslijekarolinški
nalazi iz Bosne i Hercegovine”, in: Livanjski kraj u povijesti, Split-Livno, 1994, pp. 55-73.
105 The spurs originate from Morpolača site; for more information see: M. PETRINEC, op. cit., 2009
b, pp. 24-25.
106 S. GUNJAČA, “Revizija iskopina u Biskupiji kod Knina 1950”, Ljetopis, book 57, Zagreb, 1953, p. 35.
107 M. BUDIMIR,”Arheološka topografija kninske općine”, in: Izdanja hrvatskog arheološkog društva,
15 (1987), 1992, p. 29, fig. 6.
108 M. PETRINEC, “Starohrvatska groblja u Biskupiji kod Knina” (master thesis defended in 1988 at
the University of Zagreb).
109 L. MARUN, op. cit., 1891, p.61.
110 The research was conducted by Lj. Gudelj; the results were not published.
111 A. MILOŠEVIĆ, “Karolinški utjecaji u kneževini Hrvatskoj u svjetlu arheoloških nalaza“, in: Hrvati
i Karolinzi - Rasprave i vrela, Split, 2000, p. 124, fig. 25.
112 Idem, Crkva sv. Marije mauzolej i dvori hrvatskih vladara u Biskupiji kraj Knina, Muzej hrvatskih
arheoloških spomenika, Kulturno-povijesni vodič, 18, Split, 2002.
113 Idem, “Sarkofag kneza Branimira”, Histria Antiqua, 18-2, 2009, pp. 355-370.
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