IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 1

Peter Jeffery A WINDOW ON THE FORMATION

OF THE MEDIEVAL CHANT
REPERTORIES:
THE GREEK PALIMPSEST
FRAGMENTS IN PRINCETON
UNIVERSITY MS GARRETI 24

How were the medieval chant repertories assembled? Even in the earliest
manuscripts, each is a vast arrangement of thousands of texts, organ-
ized to follow a daily sequence of liturgical services, endlessly varying
throughout the fixed and movable cycles of a complicated liturgical year.
Since our oldest sources already reveal a high level of organization,
which remained stable throughout the medieval period, there must have
been a long prehistory, during which the texts and melodies wre not only
created, but collected, categorized, and assigned to a specific day, service,
or function.
But there is little documentation for these processes, which is why
they should be referred to prehistory rather than to recorded history. In
general we do not have primitive or transitional sources, in which we can
observe a chant tradition gradually taking shape over time. On the other
hand, there are a few marginal documents that can help us visualize the
development of the medieval repertories. At first, chant texts may have
been written down individually. This is how we find them, for example,
on bits of papyrus, like the troparion' Y1tO 1:T]v OT]V €u(J1tAayxviav, which
also survives in the Western church as Sub tuum praesidium. 1 In fact a great
1 Rylands Papyrus 470. CH. Roberts, Catalogue of the Gmle and Lztin Papyri in tIN John rylantis
LJbrary 3 (Cambridge, 1938), Nr. 470 with photo. Ono Stcgmiiller, "Sub Tuum Praesidium:
Bemcrkungen zur altesten Uberlieferung", Zeitschrijt for leatholischm Theologje 74 (1952),
76-82. Gabriele Giamberardini, "1\ 'Sub tuum praesidium~ e il titolo 'Theotokos' nella tradi-
zione egiziana", MarianulII 31 (1969), 324-362. Hans Queckc, "Das 'Sub tuum praesidium'
in koptischen Horologion", Euchoria 1 (1971), 9-17. Chrysogonus WaddeU, "The Oldest.
Marian Antiphon Text", Liturgy: Cistercians of the Strict Observance, Vol. 20, No. 3 (1986), 41-
60. Marek Starowieyski, "Le titre Theot6kos avant le coocile d'Ephese", Studio Patnstic(J 19:
 Peter Jeffery
------------- ------------ ~----------------------------

many ancient papyn preserve Christian chant texts - some of them al-
ready familiar from the medieval sources, others new to us. We still await
the full cataloguing and evaluation of this materiaJ.2
Chant texts were wntten not only on papyrus, but also on shards of
broken pottery known as os/mea. An example is on exhibit at the Metro-
politan !\1useum of Art in New York. It was found during excavations of
the Monastery of Epiphanios, built over the ruins of a Pharaonic tomb
near Thebes in Egypt. According to the sign on the exhibit, the shard
was discovered on a sleeping mat in one of the monks' cells, and is
thought to have been written between the years 580 and 640. The ostra-
con is placed too far behind the exhibition glass for a visitor to make out
the Greek text, but the following English translation is given on the sign:

Mar), the Mother of God, the Ever Virgin, has borne for us today
Emmanuel, both God and Man, "Lo the virgin shall conceive and bear
a son, and his name shaH be called Emmanuel, God with us." Him did
an archangel suddenly announce; him did a virgin's womb conceive
without intercourse. A virgin conceived, a virgin was with child, a vir-
gin was in travail, a virgin brought forth and remained virgin, before
bearmg virgin, and in bearing virgin, and after bearing virgin. 3

The next stage logically, if not also chronologically, was for groups
of chant texts to be assembled into small collections of various sorts.
A fascinating example from sixth-century Egypt consists of three texts

Papers Presenteato the Tenth Inlerna/lonal COllference on PalriJtic S lumes held in Oxford 1987: Histori-
(0 Tbeoiogita, Gnostica, Bib/ica et Apocrypba, cd. Elizabeth A . I,ivingstone (Lcuvcn: Peters Press,

1989), 236-242.
2 For now sce: Henry Leclcrcq, "Papyrus", Die/ionnoire a'archi%gie chritienfle el de liturgic, cd.
Fernand Cabrol and Hcnri Lcclercg (paris: Lctouzcy et Anc), 13/1 (1937) , 1370-1520.
Joscph van Haclst, Calaiogue des papyrtLf lilteraim juift el chritiens, Universitc de Paris IV Paris-
So rbonne. Scric "Papyrologic" 1 (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonnc, 1976), 263-330.
DcOlsc .lourdan-Ilcmmerdinger, "r\spccts meconnus des theories et notations antigues et de
leur transmission" , [Link] midiivale: Notaliolls el sequences: Actes rU 10 table rOl/de de [Link].
a /'IlIstitlll ae Recberche el d'Histoire des Texlcs, 6-7 septemlm 1982 (paris: Champion, 1987),
67-99, espeCIally p. 93 footnotes 35 and 41. Kurt Aland, Reperlorillln der griechischen ciJrist/icheJI
Pap)'11 2: Kjrchenl'iilrr-Papyri 1: Besc/JfI!ibungen, Patristische Textc und Studicn 42 (Berlin: Waiter
De C;ruyrcr, 1995),561-571
:) New York, f\fctropolitan l\·fuseum of Art, Rogcrs I"und, 1914 (14.1.198). The ljuotc in the
middle of the rcxt is, of course, from lsaiah 7: 14.
 THE GREEK PALlMPSEST FRAGMENTS ...

written on a wooden board: a troparion (?) "Rise up, sons of light, let us
glorify the Lord", Psalm 133 (134): 1-3, and Psalm 118 (119): 169-176.
The resulting complex is perhaps an early form of the monastic mid-
night office or Mesonuktikon. The text is so badly spelled that it looks
more like a phonetic transcription than like literate Greek, as if it were
written down by or for an inexperienced young monk trying to memo-
rize the liturgical recitation. 4 In the Latin world, groups of liturgical texts
were often gathered into what liturgical scholars call libelli. As under-
stood by Pierre-Marie Gy, a libellus was a small gathering of parchment
leaves - or a few such gatherings - unbound, containing texts and/or
rn'usic for some portion of the liturgy, such as a particular ceremony or a
particular feast. s Few such libelli actually survive, but some did because
they were eventually bound into a codex with other material. Thus we
have libelli for the offices of St Foy; and perhaps St Gregory,7 for exam-
ple, along with some of the earliest copies of the Office of the Dead.s
Sometimes a manuscript can be seen to contain multiple small col-
lections that appear to have been copied from independent libelli. We
may then call such a unit a "libellus" in a derivative sense, though the
original p~rchment gathering no longer exists. Thus the earliest manu-
script of chants for the Roman office,9 the so-called ''Antiphoner of

4 Harry M. HubbeU, "A Christian Liturgy from Egypt", Yale CIoJsica/ Stlldies 8 (1942),69-78
and plate 11.
5 Michel Huglo, us JivreJ de chant /iturgiqut, Typologic des sources du moyen age occidental 52
(furnhout: Brepols, 1988),64-75, 122-123. Pierre-Marie Gy, "The Different Forms of Li-
turgical 'Libelli"', FOllntain of Ufo: In Memory of Niels K [Link], cd. Gerard Austin, NPM
Studies in Church Music and Liturgy (Washington, nc.:"Pastoral Press, 1991),23-34.
6 Huglo, Les livres 70-73.
7 Franz Unterkircher, "Pragmente eines karolingischen Chorantiphonars mit Neumen", Codi-
ces Ma1l11Scripti 11 (1985), 97-109. Because this manuscript consists of . fragments, it is not
certain whether it was an independent libellus Or part of a more extensive antiphoner.
8 Knud Ottosen, The Responsories and Versicle.r of the Latin Office of the Dead (Aarhus: Aarhus
University Press, 1993), 42-43.
9 Doubly-paJimpsest fragments of an eighth-century antiphoner for the rite of Milan survive
in St. Gall 908, but very little of the text can now be read. For description and bibliography
on this item sec Elias Avery Lowe, Codice.r Latini Antiqlliores: A Paloeogrupmca/ Cuiilt to Latin
Manllscripts Prior 10 the Ninth Century, 11 vok plus Supplement (Oxford: Clarendon Vress,
1934-71), Vol. 7, No. 955. Klaus Gambcr, Codices Lilurgici Latin; AnliqNiores, 2nd ed. in 2 vols,
Spicilegii Friburgensis Subsidia 1 (Frciburg: Universitatsverlag, 1968), No. 550. See also, (on
a different liturgical [Link] in the same codex), Klaus Camber, "Fragmcnte eines oberita-
E_ Peter Jeffery

Charles the Bald" of the ninth century (paris, Bibliotheque Nationale,

ivfS latin 17436), can be shown to have been assembled from a collection
of distinctubeUi, of disparate origins. There are odd duplications, omis-
sions, and inconsistencies that would not occur in a liturgical book that
had been thoughtfully planned out. There are too many patronal feasts,
and they come from so many different locations that we cannot rely on
them in the customary way for establishing the place the manuscript was
written. III It is as if the scribe collected all the libelli he could find, of
whatever provenance, and copied each one into the manuscript at
roughly the appropriate point in the liturgical year. The result is an ap-
proximation of a complete antiphoner, but the fact that he left so many
blank spaces for future additions makes clear that he envisioned this as a
work in progress. 1l
However, this pattern may not have been the most common one.
More often, it seems, a small collection of texts was gradually enlarged
by the addition of related material, forming a kind of nucleus around
which the rest of the repertory eventually coalesced. This happened,
for example, with the works of the early hymnodists - Ephrem,12 Am-

licnischcn [Link] JUS dem 6. Jahrhundert als Palimpsest im Codex Sangallensis

908", rlo17iegiJllll Sanga/lense: Festschriji flir Johannes Duft ~m 65. Gebl/rlstag, cd. Ono P. Clavadet-
scher, I·Iclmut Maurcr, Stcfan Sondcregger (St. Gallen: Verlag Ostschweiz; Sigmacigen: Jan
Thorbecke. 1980),165-179, esp. 166 note 8.
I0 Jacquc~ Proger did his best in "Le lieu de destination et de provenance du 'Compendien-
sis''', Ut mens concordel /JOci: Festschriji El/gene Cardine ZI/m 75. Geburtstag, cd. Johannes Berch-
mans Gb,chl (Sankt Ottilien: EOS Verlag, 1980),338-353.
11 Sce my remarb in "Rome and Jersualem: From Oral Tradition to Written Repertory in Two
i\nClcnt I iturgJcal C::nters", Em!Js on Metlitval Music in Honor of David G. Hughes, ed. Graeme
M Roone, Isham Library Papers 4 (Cambridge, Mass.: Music Department, Harvard Univer-
sity, 1995). 207-247, 219 note 36. Ritva Jacobsson suggests the manuscript should be con-
sidered "an anthology, a treasury of chant texts", compiled from "different sources" and
"not preci~cly tied to any single liturgical use", in her "The Antiphoner of Compiegne: Pans,
Bl\TF /01. 17436", The Divine Office ill the Lotin Middle Ages: Mtthodology and SOl/ra Studies, Re-
gio1/a/ Developments, Hagiograpf?y, written in honor of Professor RNth Sleiner, cd. Margot E. Fassler
and Rebccca;\ [Link] (Oxford University Press, 2000),147-178, see pp. 150-151.
12 Sec Ephrcm the Syrian, Hymm, translated and introduced by Kathlecn E. McVey, The Clas-
sics of Western Spirituality (New York and Mahwah, New Jersey: Paulist Press, 1989), p. 4
note 6, pp 29-30.
 THE GREEK PALlMPSEST FRAGMENTS .. . 51

brose,B Severus,14 Romanos ls - as later, often anonymous, emulators

contributed hymns of their own in the same form and style. That is why
it is so difficult for scholars today to sort out the authentic corpus of
originals from the legion of imitative works among which they have. been
scattered.
Often it was the Bible, or a liturgical derivative of the Bible, that
served as the core to which chant texts were added. Thus the seventh-
century Bangor antiphoner, which was preserved in the Irish monastery
of Bobbio in northern Italy, seems to be a kind of appendix or supple-
ment to the Psalter. It contains canticles and hymns that seem not to be
arranged in any particular order, and its antiphons are organized in small
groups according to differing plans: some by the daily cycle of hours,
~ome by the internal structure of the morriing service, some by the can-
ticle with which they were sung. 16 In the Orational of Verona, on the
other hand, antiphon and responsory incipits are attached to the collects
or prayers that punctuated the' structural points of the daily office in the
early Mozarabic rite of the Spanish peninsula. 17 In Jerusalem, meanwhile,
the annual lectionary of readings from the Bible had included responso-
rial psalms and alleluia psalms (corresponding to the graduals and allelu-
ias of Gregorian chant) since the early fifth century, but in later ffi.a nu-

13 The genuine hymns of St. Ambrose became the core of two distinct hymn traditions: 1) the
hymnal of Milan ,Preserved in the Ambrosian chant rcpcrtory, the carliest wi!ness to which
is the hymnal of the Cisteccian reform, sce The Twelfth-Cent1l'Y Cistercian Hymnal, ed. Chry-
sogonus WaddeU, 2 vols., Cistcrcian Liturgy Series 1-2 (frappist, Kentucky: Gethsemani
Abbey, 1984) which I reviewed in Worship 59 (1985),559-561; 2) The "Old Hymnal" which
circulated outside Milan and was further expanded into the hymnal of the Roman Breviary,
see my article "Eastern and Western Elements in the Irish Monastic Prayer of the Hours",
Th~ Divine Office ill the Latin Midtfl, Ages: Methodology and Source Sl1IditS, ~gional DevelDpmtnu,
Hagiol,rop~ Written in Honor of Prq/mor RMfh Steiner, cd. Margot E. Fassler and Rebecca A.
Baltzer (Oxford University Press, 2000),99-143, espccially 118-119, 128, 139, 141.
14 James of Edessa, The Hymns of SeVtr1lJ of Antioch and Othtrs: Syriac tlmion, ed. and trans!' E.W.
Brooks, Patrologia Orientalis 6/1, 7/5 (paris: Firmin-Didot, 1909-11; rcpr. Turnhout: Bre-
pals, 1980-81).
15 Sec the literature cited in Sancti RDmani Melodi CanJica: Cantica Gtnllina, cd. by Paul Maas and
CA. Trypanis (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963; repr. Sandpiper Books, 1997), xvii-xviii,
XXV-XXV11.

16 Jeffery, "Eastern and Western Elements", 112-127.

17 Jose Vives, Oracional visigotico: edicion critica, Monumcnta Hispaniac Sacra, Scric liturgica 1
(Barcelona: Consejo Superior de lnvestigaciones Cientificas. 1946) .
 Peter Jeffery

scripts one also finds incipits for the troparia sung at the entrance, hand-
washing, offertory, and communion of the Mass, and in one manuscript
even a libellus of complete chant texts for Christmas, Epiphany, and
Holy Week. 18 In the West Syrian liturgical tradition, despite its close rela-
tionship to Jerusalem, ' the chants seem to have gathered not around the
lectionary of Biblical readings, but around the homiliary of Patristic
readings. 19
"It may be no accident that most of these examples are associated
with traditions that failed to survive: the Irish and Mozarabic traditions
were supplanted by Gregorian chant, the Greek rite of Jerusalem by
Byzantine chant. In the Gregorian and Byzantine traditions that ulti-
mately dominated, perhaps it was particularly unlikely that early manu-
scripts from the formative period would be preserved: they were not use-
ful for liturgical purposes, but they also had no value as souvenirs of the
formerly independent local tradition. But there is at least one instance
where we can observe something of this process in sources of the Ro-
man rite, where documents that outlined the annual cycle of readings for
Matins began to attract antiphon and responsory texts as well.
The preserved evidence begins with the seventh-century document
published by Michel Andrieu as Ordo Romanus 14, a brief text that ex-
plains which books of the Bible are read in each season of the liturgical
year at St. Peter's basilica in Rome. 20 An eighth-century writer expanded
this document into Andrieu's Ordo Romanus 16, largely by adding in-
formation about the antiphons, responsories, and psalms that were to be
said. 21 He rarely cited any actual chant incipits, however, but seemed
to assume that the reader already knew or had access to a repertory of
18 Scc Michcl Tarchnischvili, Lt grand lectionnmre de I'/glise dI Jirusalem, 2 vols. in 4, Corpus Scrip-
torum Christianorum Orientalium 188-189 and 204-205, Scriptorcs lbcrici 9-10 and 12-14
(Louvain: Secretariat general du CorpusSCO, 1959-60), especially Vo!. 205, 91-116. For !he
historical context of this source among the other sources of Jerusalem chant see Peter
Jeffcry, "The Earliest Christian Chant Repertory Recovered: The Georgian Witnesses to
Jerusalem Chanf' > Journal of /he American M1Jnc%gico/ Society 47 (1994), 1-39.
19 Anto~ Baumstark, Fes/brevi" Nnd IGrche,yahr dlr fjrischen Joleobiten: Eine IitllrgitgtIChichtliche ~r­
orbe;t, Studicn zur Geschichte und Kultur des Altertums 3 (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schon-
ingh, 1910),61-71.
20 Michel Andrieu, Le.r Ordines Roman; du hallt 11If!Yen age 3 (Louvain: Spicilegium Sac rum Lovaru-
ense, 1951),37-41.
21 Ibid. 145-54.
 THE GREEK PALlMPSEST FRAGMENTS ...

psalms, antiphons, and responsories associated with the various books of .

the Bible or liturgical seasons. Interestingly, the eighth-century authoes
provisions for the chants are somewhat more modern than those for the
readings. Ordo Romanus 14 envisions a rather primitive liturgical year: The
Nativity readings from Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Daniel begin December 1,
rather than on the fourth Sunday before Christmas, and continue until
Epiphany (6 January). The reading of the Heptateuch, the first seven
books of the Bible from Genesis to Judges, begins at Quinquagesima,
and ends a week before Easter, when one begins the Passion readings
from Isaiah and the Lamentations of Jeremiah. Ordo Romanus 16 retains
these provisions as far as the readings are concerned, but directs that the
Nativity chants are- to cease at the Christmas Octave Oanuary 1) rather
than Epiphany. The PassiOn chants begin two weeks before Easter, even
though the Passion readings begin only one week before.
The early eighth-century text Andrieu published as Ordo Romanus 13
is more detailed than either Ordo Rnmanus 14 or Ordo Romanus 16, and it
gives us essentially the classic medieval arrangement, with Advent begin-
nil?-g on the first Sunday in December and the Passiop readings two
weeks before Easter. The summer readings are also assigned more spe-
cifically by month. This is the arrangement we find in the surviving Old
. Roman antiphoner from St. Peter's,22 as well as in the medieval Gregor-
ian antiphoners. 23 As the basis of the standard practice, it not surpris-
ingly survives in multiple recensions. Andrieu himself published .four:
one found in collections of liturgical ordines and in liturgicallectionaries,24
one augmented and Gallicanized text incorporated into medieval pontifi-
cals,25 one included in the eleventh-century canon law collection of Bur-
chard of Worms,26 and one, preserved at St. Gall, in which the incipits of

22 Now published in a facsimile edition: Biblioteca ApoStODCIJ Vatictmo Arrhivio S. Pilwo B 79: All·
tifonario dtUa Bosi#co di S. Piem (Sec. XII), cd. by Boni&cio Giacomo Baroffio and Soo Jung
Kim, Musica ltaliae Liturgica 1, 2 vols. (Rome: Edizioni Tone d'Orfeo, 1995).
23 Urnberto Franca, Le antiJone bib6che tl6po Pentmste: s11ldio cotIkoltJgit:O storico tes11lall <<In dfJpendict
mJlncale, Analccta Liturgica 4, Studia Ansclmiarra 73 (Rome: Editricc AnselmWia 1977), esp.
221 ff.
24 Ortlo Romalllls 13 A, pubfuihcd in Us OrditIIJ RiJlllmU tiN hlJllt 1II'!}t1l "I! 2 (Louvain: Spicilegium
SacJ'urn Lovaniense, 1948),479-488. .
25 Ordo Romanlls 1J B, ibid 497-506.
26 Ordo Roman"s 1J C, ibirl. 5 t 1-514.
la Peter Jeffery

many responsory texts have been inserted. 27 By expanding these incipits

into the full texts, a medieval compiler would have laid out the begin-
nings of a responsoriale, though we don't know if anyone actually did so.
A fifth recension of Ordo Romanus 13, preserved in a ninth-century lec-
tionary that Andrieu had not seen, gives information about the arrange-
ment of both responsories and antiphons, though without citing the
incipits of specific texts.28 It thus marks a step toward the kind of devel-
?pment we have observed it) Ordo Romanus 16 as compared with Ordo
Romanus 14.
To all this should be added an early eighth-century Anglo-Saxon
manuscript. The codex is an interesting collection of Latin grammatical
treatises, commentaries on the Ars Gramma#ca of Donatus. 29 Inside the
front flyleaf, however, are three unpublished liturgical items, written
in two different Anglo-Saxon hands. The first is of the same genre as
Andrieu's Ordo Romanus 13 and Ordo Romanus 14, an account of when the
various books of the Bible are to be read at Matins, entided "On the
authority of sacred Scripture which is read in church in the course of
a year".30 It presents an order of readings that is similar to Ordines Romani
13 and 14 and other sources of the Roman tradition, but it testifies to a
different stage in the development of the liturgical year: Advent lasts
only fifteen days, and the reading of the Heptateuch begins at Sexa-
gesima. But alongside this text is a second item, in the same hand, with-

27 Ortlo RomonJls 13 D, ibid. 521-526.

28 Sce Andrieu's remarks, ibid 469 footnote 2. Thc manuscript is now Rome, Bibliotc:ca Nazio-
nale Centralc Vittorio Emanuele 11, MS 1190, f. 293r-v, dating from the ninth century. At a
time whcn the MS was still in private hands, the text was published in Eric Ge9rge Millar,
TIN Library of A Chtstlr &atty: A Dlsmplive CalalogJllof tht Wlsl".n MlI1IlIImpts 1: Mmumripts
1 1043, Part 1: Texts (privately printed by Jo~n Johnson at Oxford University Press, 1927),
Appendix 1, p. 146.
29 St. Paul in Karnten MS 2/1 olim 25.2.16. E. A. Lowe, Comas LItini Antiqmofls 10 (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1963), p. 5 number 1451. Hclmut Gneuss, Hl11Itllist of Anglo-Saxon MmtN-
scripls: A List of MontlScripts and MontlScripl FrogIMnts Written or OJllllttl in England IIj> 10 1100,.
Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 241 (rempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and
7

Renaissance Studies, 2(01)", p. ·143 number 933. The MS was located at Murbach ca. SOO.
The microfiLm at the Hill Monastic Manuscript Li~rary in CoUcgeville. Minnesota has the
Project Number 11,666.
30 "De auctoritatc sacrae scripturae quae legitur in aecclesia in circulo anni." I hope to publish
this text in a forthcoming book on the origins of the Divine Office at Rome.
 THE GREEK PALlMPSEST FRAGMENTS ...

out title. It lists by incipit the antiphons and psalms for Matins and Lauds
of Good Friday and Holy Saturday. The sequence of texts is almost the
same as the familiar ones of the Roman cursUS. 31 Both of these units,
then, probably represent an early state of the Roman liturgy as it was in-
troduced into Anglo-Saxon England in pre-Carolingian times. The third
item, in a very similar but smaller hand, contains three antiphon texts in
no discernible order. The second of these is the familiar Palm Sunday
antiphon Coeperunt omnes (CAO 1840). The third, marked as being for
Advent, somewhat resembles CAO 1946.32

Credimus saluatprem nostrum uentu- We believe our saviQr is to come with

rum esse cum gloria et uos estote pa- glory; and you, be ready to receive the
rati suscipere regn~ dei. kingdom of God.

However the first of the three texts is both the longest and strangest,
with some grammatical oddities and' a rare, striking use of the Greek
theological term h01lloousion.

Laudate caeli et exultet terra quia Praise, 0 heavens, and let the earth
homousion patris ante slleCuia natus, exult, because [the one who is] con-
hodie idem ipse ad nos ex uirginali substantial with the father, bam
utero humanitatis 33 uenit ex nostra before the ages, today comes to us
natura passibilis et in sua miraculis himself from a virginal womb of
coruscabat et refulsit deus alleluia. humanity, passable from our nature,
.and in his own [nature] he glittered
with miracles and God shone brighdy,
alleluia.

In short, we have a group of short texts that divide up the Bible for
reading at Matins over the course of the Roman' liturgical year, though
each does this somewhat differently. And each of these texts, in turn,
was expanded with information about the emerging chant repertory,

31 R~ Hesbert, CorpllJA_tiphollllil/lllOjfo:ii 1 (Rome: Herder, 1963). 172-177.

-32 Sec Hesl?ert, CoTj»U Amipholllliilll1l Offitii .3 (Rome: Herder, t 968), t 02, 114.
33 I am not _sure about the word -mtitaIis; it is written with an abbreviation that I may not
have read correctly. -
10 _____________ ! eter Jeffery
----~.-------------------------~

Lhough these expansions were of different kjnds. In Ordo Romanus 13 Q

responsory lncirits were added on certain days after the listing of the
readings. In the fifth recension of Ordo Romanus 13) responsories and an-
tiphons were mentioned at certain places, without specific incipits being
cited . Ordo Romanus 14 was one of the sources utilized by the compiler of
Orrio Romantls 16, \.vho added much information about the chant texts.
The Anglo-Saxon ordo attracted to itself two other items that bear
directly o n the formation of the Roman antiphoner: a list of antiphon
lnciri rs for Good Friday and Holy Saturday, and a collection of three
randomly-selected antiphons. This sort of thing must have happened
often as the medieval chant traditions were forming, even though we can
only rarely observe the process directly.
Thus, when modern researchers have identified small groupings
within the larger chant books, it is reasonable to suggest that they may
once have been transmitted as libelli or collections of some sort, even
though no manuscripts exist that confirm such hypotheses. The main ba-
sis for jdentifying such groupings is that they manifest a certain logic of
organization that is not shared with the many other chants that came to
surround them. For example, in the Gregorian repertory there are series
of chant texts arranged according to the numerical order of the psalms
from which they were derived, perhaps a vestige of the old practice
of lectio continua (reading an entire Biblical book in order over a period of
time '4): the weekday communions of Lent, the eighth-mode tracts, some
series of alleluias for the Sundays after Pentecost.-3S There are also cases
where musical modes seem to have been associated with particular litur-
gical seasons;'1i the Byzantine book known as Parakletike or Great Okto-
ecbos, with its regular progression mode by mode through an eight-week

34 .\ C; \\artunorr, Les lectures lilllrgiques et leurs livres, 'lYpologic: de~ Sources du Moyen Age Oc-
Cldental 64 ( rurnhout: Hrcpols, 1992), 18-20,73-74.
3:) j\lIchel II uglo, "[Link] listcs alleluiatiques dans les remains du graduc1 grcgorien", SpemlullI Mu-
J/eaf ArllJ: Festga/Je fiir Heinrid) H JlSI"alll! ZlIm 60. Geburlstag am 16. Dezember 1968, dargebrachl
}JOII Sfl1len Fmmrlen IlIId Schiilem, cd. Ilcinz Heckcr and RClOhanl Gerlach (Munich: Wilhdm

!-ink , 1970), 219-227

16 Thomas 11 Connolly, "The l\{uslCal Observance of Time In I'~arly Roman Chant" , Studies in
Altfst(ology in HOllor ~r Qt/o E Albmhl: a Colleclion of E ssays &y his Colleagues alld Former Students
01 the Un/vemly of Pellnsylvania, cd . John Waiter 1Iill (Kasscl: RarcnfCI[cr, 1980), 3-18
 THE GREEK PAlIMPSEST FRAGMENTS
_...- - _._ -.

cycle, offers another way of linking mode and timeY The Gregorian an-
tiphonaries of both the Mass and the Office begin on the First Sunday
of Advent with chants that start with the letter A,38 suggesting that the
alphabet could also serve as an organizing framework, as it certainly does
in the Stichera Anastasima Alphabetika of the Byzantine Oktoechos. 39
The Gregorian 0 antiphons for the days leading up to Christmas suggest
another kind of alphabetic organization. 41 )
Some Gregorian Mass Propers seem connected with particular
churches in Rome, such as the Gaudefe and Loefare Sundays of mid-
Advent and mid-Lent, which express Jerusalem imagery: the stational
Mass on these days was celebrated at the Roman church of Santa Croce
in Gerusalemme. Other chant texts have a deep thematic or exegetical
relationship to a particular hour, day, or season, such as the many Advent
chants derived from psalms 18 (19) and 79 (80). Many Gtregorian com-
munions, and office antiphons for the Benedictus and Magnificat, were
clearly ex<:erpted from the Gospel or Epistle reading of the day, and t:l'lus
presuppose an annual lectionary at one or another stage of development,
though no Roman rite lectionary with chant accretions is extant now.
A new window on the processes of repertory formation is offered
to us by a group of palimpsest fragments in Princeton. The chant t~xts
that have been identified so far are familiar works of the Byzantine chant .
tradition, and the unidentified texts are clearly of the same sort. The
known texts are among the many that, for a variety of reasons, we regard
as having arisen in the Palestinian chant tradition of the monasteries near
Jerusalem, which eventually was imported into Constantinople and sup-
37 Sec Peter Jeffery, "The Earliest Oktoechoi: The Role of Jerusalem and Palestine in the Be-
ginnin~ of Modal Ordering", The StlltJy of MtdiilJ(1/ Cha"t, Paths t1l1d Bri~ts, Easl mid Wut: J" .
HOllor of IV"ntth LeJ!Y (Woodbridgc/Cambridgc: Boydell Press, 2001), 147-209, see 189-194. _
38 On the introit Ad/t /tvavi sec EO. Biittner, "Ad It, DOII/i"" uplJtli Anill/aIII M,t1IJI: Bildnisse in
Jer Wortillustration zu Psalm 24:1", Mis"Uantli CiJdicl)/ogico F. Masm Dieala MCMLXXIX,
ed. Pierre Cockshaw, Moniql1'c-Cccilc Garand and Picrre Jodogne, Lcs publications de [Link]-
rorium 8 (Gand: E. Story-Scientia, 1979), Vol. 2, pp. ~31-343, plates 47-50. On the respon-
sories Arpicitns and Aspicitb01lJ sec Margot Fassler, "Seeing Advent The Iconography of
Aspicitns alongi', forthcoming. .
39 H.J.W Tillyard, Tht Hymns of IIN Orll)l(iJus 1, Monull)[Link] Musieae [Link]: Transcripta 3
(Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1940), 107-1"44. .
40 Susan Rankin, "The liturgical background of the Old Englillh Advent lyriclI: a reappraisal''.,
uarning dnd Littratllre in Anglo-Saxon England (Cambridge University Press, 1985), 317-340.
 -------------~
'12 Peter Jeffery ,I

planted the anginal local usage of the imperial city. The earliest wit-
nesses to this proto-Byzantine tradition are not as well studied as their
Gregorian counterparts, but they pose similar problems: the repertoire
has already been pulled together in a more or less organized form, even
if as yet without musical notation. But the Princeton fragments are ear-
lier still, and we chant specialists have not seen manuscripts like these
before.
The fragments are preserved in Princeton University MS Garrett 24,
one of the hundreds of oriental codices donated by alumnus and pio-
neering Olympic athlete Robert Garrett in 1942. The text is the Geor-
gian translation of a Greek homily by the monk Alexander of Cyprus,
"On the Finding of the Venerable and Life-giving Cross" .41 We are for-
tunate to know that the scribe was the Georgian monk Johannes Zo-
simus, active from 976 to 992, and that he copied this manuscript in the
year 986, at St. Catherine's monastery on Mount Sinai, where the manu-
script remained until at least 1883. At some point it passed from there to
a Leipzig book dealer, who sold it to Garrett in 1924.42
What interests us is the fact that, two thirds of the way through, the
Georgian scribe evidently ran out of new parchment, and therefore re-
sorted to a stash of erased or palimpsest leaves from a variety of sources.
Some of these came from a Syriac translation of the Lit)es of the Egyptian
Fathers by Palladius, written in the East Syrian type of script known as
Estrangelo. The others all contained chants texts in Greek, and it is with
them that the rest of this paper will deal. The fact that they were all
erased by 986 at the latest (the year the Georgian text was copied onto
them) already puts these fragments among the earliest Byzantine chant
sources. And the fact that they were already at Mt. Sinai in that year is
conSIstent with the many hints of paleography and content that, though
written in Greek, these fragments came from some place that was then
under Arab rule: Egypt, Palestine, or Syria.

41 ~cc ~\'lichacl Tarchni;vili with .JUhll~ ,\%falg, GeJChuiJIe der kirch/ichen georgiscben ulerotur, Studi
c Test! 185 (\"atlCJn Ciry Hibliotcca .\postolica Vatican a, 1955).428, where rhl: translation is
JatcJ to the nInth cenrurv or carl1cr.
4~ Don C Skemcr. "The ,\naromy of;} Palimpscst ((;arrett :'IfS 24)". Prince/on University Library
Chromcle 57/'2 (\Xlintcr 1996),335-343, cspcclaUy 335-336.
 THE GREEK PALlMPSEST FRAGMENTS ... 13]
The first and largest group of fragments, which I now call A, con-
tains portions of a Greek heirmologion of the late eighth century (see
Table 1). The heirmologion contains the model stanzas used by Byzan-
tine hymnographers to create hymns of the kanon genre. The text of
each stanza follows the poetic shape, line length, and accentual pattern
of its model stanza, or heirmos, so that it can be sung to the traditional
heirmos melody. Yet the paleography of fragment A · dates it two centu-
ries earlier than the oldest previously known manuscripts of the heir-
mologion. More interestingly, it dates within a few decades of the mid-
eighth century, the approximate death date of John of Damascus and
Kosmas the Melodist, who composed kanons based on many of these
stanzas. The original MS may even have been written at their own mon-
aste!)T of Mar Sabas, near Jerusalem, for it was no doubt a center for the
cultivation of this sort of hymnody. A preliminary description and -cata-
logue of the contents was published in 1992 by Jergen Raasted, who ex-
amined the original in Princeton. 43 Since then, ultraviolet photos hav~
been made of all the palimpsest folios~ and the other fragments will be
described here for the first time. 44
Though fragment A is the only heirmologion, works in the kanot1.
genre dominate in the other fragments as well, and many of the texts are
familiar ones that are, once again,. traditionally ascribed to John or Kos-
mas and their circle. Did these fragments, then, come from early copies
of the familiar Byzantine liturgical books? The startling answer to this
question is that most of them did not come from books at all in the
modern sense. This is revealed by their peculiar layout. In many cases the
Greek texts are laid out at right angles to the newer Georgian text (see
Plate 1), and recto and verso read in opposite directions. This indicates
that these Greek fragments were originally scrolls: When the reader
reached the end of the scroll, he simply flipped the edge over to the
other side and continued reading, without having t.o go back to the other
'I.

43 J0rgcn Raasted, "The Princeton I-Icirmo\ohrlOn Palimpsest", Univtriile tit CoptnhagNt Cahitrs tit
I'IlIstilNl tIN Moytn-Age Gm et Latin 62 (1992), 219-232 plus Figs. 1-2. "
44 I gratefuUy acknowledge the very substantial assilltaocc of paleographcr Sofia Kotzabassi of
;\nstotlc University of Thessaloniki. I ler own description of the~c fragments will soon be
published in a forthcoming catalogue of Byzantine and Pbst-Byzantine manuscripts in
Prtnccton, co-authorcd with Nancy Sevccnko and edited by Don C Skemer.
,--
~ ___ _________ _____P_e_te_r_J_eff_e_ry-,--_ _ ___________

GREEK PALIMPSEST FRAGMENTS IN PRINCETON UNIVERSITY

MS GARRETT 24

A. Greek heirmologion, late eighth century

A guire of four bifolia, with the modern folio numbers 67, 63, 65,
68, 69, 64, 66, 70
SrRwt': "sloping uncia I" (Raasted), with cursive a and I-l
PL\'[ES: J0rgen Raasted, "The Princeton Heirmologion Palimp-
ses t", CahierJ" de !'Inslilul du m~yen-age gru el latin (Copenhagen:
Universlte de Copenhague), 62 (1992) 219-232 plus two plates
(Ef. 64r, 68v) . Don C. Skemer, "The Anatomy of a Palimpsest
(Garrett MS 24)", Prim'elon Universiry Library Chronicle 57/2 (Winter
1996). 335-343, with plate (66r).
B. Unidentified Greek hymns, ninth or early tenth century
A smgle blfoLium (originally from a scroll), modern folio numbers
71/78
SCRWr: small minuscule, also Arabic
C Hymns of the Menaion, eighth or ninth century
Two blfolia (originally from a scroll), modern folio numbers 72/77
and 74/75
SUllY),: sloping majuscule
CONTENTS: (flesh side) third and fourth troparia of the ninth ode of
the kanon for Christmas by Kosmas, two stichera and theotokion
dogmatikon in 2nd mode; (hair side) parts of kanons for St. Leon-
tios (18 June) and St. Febrorua (25 June)
D Unidentified Greek hymns, eighth or ninth century
A single bifolium (originally from a scroll), modern folio numbers
73/76
SCRIPT: majuscule, three hands
E. Hymns from the Oktoechos, ninth century
A single bifolium (originally from a scroll), modern folio numbers
81/84
SCRwr: small sloping majuscule with minuscule elements
CONTENTS: Kanons for the Sunday of the Fourth Plagal mode

F Unidentified Greek double palimpsest, sixth century (first text),

eighth or ninth century (second text)
A single bifolium, modern folio numbers 79/86
SCRIPTS: 1) Biblical majuscule, 2) minuscule
 THE GREEK PAUMPSEST FRAGMENTS ... lSJ
GREEK PALIMPSEST FRAGMENTS IN PRINCETON UNIVERSITY
MS GARRETT 24
G. Hymns of the Oktoechos, probably ninth century
Two bifolia, modern folio numbers 92/97 and 93/96
SCRIPTS: sloping majuscule, two hands

CONTENTS: Kanon AnastasUnon and Theotokion for Sunday of

First Mode
H. Hymns of the Oktoechos, ninth century
Four bifolia, originally from the same scroll, modern folio num-
b~ 80/85,82/83,91/98,94/95
/ SCRwr: sloping majuscule
CONTENTS: (flesh side) Kanons of the Oktoechos from Sunday of
the first mode through Sunday of the third mode; (hair si"')
Kanon for Sunday of ~e fourth plagal mode

Table 1

end where he had begun; thus the text on the back is written in the op-
posite direction from the one on the front. Had the parchment come
from a bound codex, on the other hand, recto and verso texts would
read in ~he same direction, as they do in fragment A.
. What sort of books were these scrolls? How long were they and how
much did they contain? Fragment C offers one way of posing the ques-
tion: it contains hymns from the Menaion, the Byzantine equivalent of the
Sanctorale or cycl~ of fixed feasts. But the Byzantine Menaion contains
far more material than its Western counterpart, so that it is typically
printed as a set of twelve volumes, one far each month of the year. In
this case, the flesh side of the.' surviving parchment - presumably written
first - contains hymns for Christmas, specifically parts of the kanon of
Kosmas, two stichera, and a theotokion dogn~tikon. On the hair side are
two, kanons for June, one for St. Leontios (June 18), the other for St. Febr6-
nia Oune 25). Even assuming a minimal amount of material per day, it
seems inconceivable, that the scroll ever extended from December to
June with everything in between.,Much more likely that the scribe copied
a Christmas or December libellus on one side, and at some later point a
June libellus on the other.
16 Peter Jeffery

The... more mys terious fragmen t 0 may also have contained individual
h 'mns or small collections fo r fixed feasts. It is written by one hand on
o ne t;id e, by two differen t hands on the other. References to th e hfe-
giying cro() o n the [Wo-hand side, and to Constan tine on b oth sides,
suggest [he commemoration of May 7, when in th e year 35 1 the em-
peror Constanti ne 11 and archbisho p Cyril of Jerus ale m witnes sed a
rision of the sign of the Cross w ritte n in the sky. If so, this would be an-
ther m all collectIo n of Menaion texts, but o ne that enlarged gradually
as new scribes added material to wha t had been written before.
In fragment F, a doubl palimpsest, th e liturgical scroll was itself a
re-use o f so m ething o lder. sixth-century text in Biblical m ajuscule,
only a fe w letters of which can now be read, may have been written on
anl\, ne side of the scroll, and is ori ented in the same direc tion as the
Georgia n. A fter thi was erased, a ninth-century minuscule h and has
written, on both sides, in a direction perpendicular to both the earlier
G reek and the later Georgian. The minuscule text is nly slightl~ more
readable than the majusc ule, but as it includes the nam e G eorge, one
suppo es it contained h 'rons to this popular Eastern saint. In due time it
toO \:vas erased 0 make way for the Georgian text. In this case, perh aps

the uncial origi nal was a bifolium fro m a large codex, or a scroll written
in co lumns to be read horizontally, which was then turned into a scroll
w ritten in minuscule and intended to be read vertically.
Fragment B, the only other one written in minuscule, makes refer-
ences to the Annunciatio n, addre sing the T heotokos wi th vocabulary
r miniscent f the Akathistos hymn. Pres umabl) it was intended for the
Annunciation feast o n March 25, tho ugh it has yet to be identified. The
presence of a significan t amoun t of A rabic letteri ng - not unknown for
a G reek li turgical book from Pales tine - is particularly prov )cative. But
this to o ha yet to be de iphered.
Fragment E , o n the o ther hand, can b said in a certain sense to
haye amount cl to a complete book. It contains the Resurrection kanons
ascrib d to John of Damascus for the eigh t Sundays of the O ktoechos,
the co re of the familiar liturgical book of that name, which in turn was
expanded with weekday chants to fo rm the Parakletike or Great O kto-
echos. The flesh side begins at the end o f the first mode and extends to
the beginning o f he third. Th hair side incl udes much of the kanon of
 THE REEK PALl MPSEST FRAGMENTS ...

the plagal fourth mode (se Plat 1) . O ne conclude that the original
scroll contained the entire cycle, with th four authentic n10cies on one
side and th four plagal modes on the other. As th second mod occu-
pies three [Link] that are 12 cm wide, it ~.70ul d seem that th eroH r -
quired about 36 cm per mode, 144 cm to g t th rough four modes. It as
thus about a meter and a half long originally.

Plate 1 Princeton Univer 'ity Library, MS Garr tt 24, ( 8St

(fragment H). Stanza from the ninth ode f the resur-
rection kanon in the plagal fourd1 m ode. Counes) o f
th Manuscripts Divi 1011, Princeton U niversity Library

In fragments G and E, w can begin to se the accumulation of

other material around this Damas ene core. On one side of fragment G,
the first-mode kanon of the irgin Mary has be n add d to John's Res-
urrection kanon in that mod . A s cond hand has added o ther m aterial,
as ye t unidentified, on the back. In fragment ., on the ther hand , there
~!3 .===-_-_-__ Peter Jeffery

are portions of the Resurrection kanon for the fourth plagal mode on
both sides of the scroll, along with other material that may include a
.rtauroanastaslmos or Resurrection hymn about the Cross. There is even an
apparent blank area in the middle of the Resurrection kanon, so that it is
very difficult to surmise what the complete scroll originally contained.
There is another blank area in fragment A, in the middle of the hymns
for the second mode, and this provokes the question whether space was
left on purpose so that more material could be added later. Are we liter-
ally watching the formation of these small collections of chant?
Fragments E, G, and H, then, give us significant information about
the earliest stages in the formation of the Oktoechos repertory. They call
for careful study in comparison with a well-known source representing
a slightly later stage: the manuscript now divided among Sinai gr. 776, Si-
nai gr. 1593, London, BL Add. 26113. 45 Although this MS contains vastly
more material, it is still organized into small groups by genre, as if it had
been compiled from libelli or scrolls like the Princeton fragments. The
material has not yet been fully integrated into liturgical order as in a
modern printed Oktoechos.
Do any of these fragments contain musical notation? For the most
part the answer seems to be "no") though much remains to be read. The
minuscule texts in fragment F do include some extraneous markings
that at times resemble the Byzantine ekphonetic neumes, but they have
not been placed in the conventional manner. To conclude that they
probably are neumes would require a considerable act of imagination. It
is interesting, on the other hand, that most of the majuscule texts have
been carefully supplied with accents and breathings, as though pronun-

45 Scc Christian I-Iannick, "I.c tcxtc dc I'oktocchos", Di11lonche: Office selon Its hllil Ions, ed.
E. MCfCCOIcr et al. (I::ditions de Chcvetognc, 1972), 37-60, esp. 43, 48, 56-57. Hannick's
more extended study, "Srudien zu den Anastasima in den sinaitischen llandschriften" (ph.D.
diss. Vienna, 1969), unfortunately remains unpublished. ror a facsimile of the London frag-
ment, ;:cc Edward Augusrus Bond, Edward Maundc Thompson, and Ccorgc Frederic War-
ner. Tht Palaeographicai Soar!}: Facsimiiu of Manllscripts O11d Inscriptions, 2'Kl ser., Vo!. 1, Part 1
(London: William Clowes and Sons, 1884), platc 4, with transcription and comment on the
prcceding unnumbercd page, giving the datc "S'h Of 9'1, century". Thc contents of the manu-
script arc listed In llc-inrich Busmann. "Hymnus und Troparion: Studicn wr Gcschichte der
musikalischcn C :lttungcn von I Torolog1on und Tropologion". JohrbllCh ties StoaJliche" InsbllllJ
fiir AfllsikjftmhulIg Pmmischer l0Ilhtrbesitz: 1971 (Berlin: Mcrscburgcr, 1972), 7-86, sec p. 33.
 THE GREEK PAlIMPSEST FRAGMENTS ...

ciation and accentuation was considered especially important. In the first

three lines of f. 8Sr from fragment H (plate 1), for example, we Can ob-
serve the full array of diacritics - acute, grave and circumflex accents,
rough and smooth breathings - as well as the medial dot separating po-
etic lines.
What might be called a "pre-notational" use of the medial dot has
been observed by Raasted in Fragment A. In a heirmos of Kosmas he
found the word 6\0, which means "wherefore" and stands at the begin-
ning of a poetic line.

The accented syllable of the word 6t6 carries an Oxeia [acute accent],
and there are punctuation dots on both sides of the 6t6. According to
the stylistic norms of Heirmoi and Stich·era, this situation implies a
musical isolation of the word, with an ornamentation on its accented
syllable - and if we look at the same Heirmos in fully neumated Heir-
mologia, we see here a so.-called The11latismos Exo [a standardized orna-
mental formula]. ApparendYt then, our copy of the Jerusalem Heirmo-
logion used an extremely simple type of musical notation, of the same
kind as the widely spread "Theta Notation" encountered especially in
the 10th_12th centuries.-l6

Fragment A, then, seems to represent a time when real neumation

still lay in the future, when the stenographic symbols for thernatismos -
II
exo and other stock phrases were not yet in use. But it was ·also a time
when the need to indicate musical content in writing was just starting to
be felt, when accent and punctuation marks wer~ beginning to be em-
ployed beyond their original purposes, to convey more' than their merely
phonological and syntactical meanings. The careful accentuation and
punctuation of fragment H and some of the other fragments may also
reflect the fact that these were texts to be--performed. The painstaking
work of reading these palimpsest leaves, letter by lettet, accent by accent,
dot by dot, if it turns up no actual neumes, will bring us into close con-
tact with a time when the need· for neumes was first being felt, when
every pregnant detail of pronunciation, accentuation, or syntactical pause

46 Raasted, "The Princeton Heirmologion Palimpsest". 224. For more information see the
footnotes there.
/20 ·_- _______________________P_e_te_r_J_ef_fu_~~______________________~

was heavy with the potential of words on the verge of becoming music.
With these fragments we stand, after all, close to the very beginning of
the written transmission of what would become Byzantine chant, only a
few generations at most from the time of the hymnographers John and
Kosmas.
In fact the recovery of these fragments, unread for more than a mil-
lennium, signals the opening of a new sub field within Byzantine chant
studies, an area of research that will extend well beyond this one manu-
script. Not only are there additional leaves of the Garrett !Y1S in Ger-
many, England, and perhaps elsewhere, but the monks of Mt. Sinai have
finally published a lavishly-illustrated catalogue of the more than 800
manuscripts that were discovered in an underground crypt there in 1975.
The new finds include many valuable liturgical and musical items, includ-
ing aJmost a hundred intact and fragmentary scrolls, the oldest of which,
dated to the eighth through tenth centuries, greatly resemble the Prince-
ton fragments in script and content. 47 The catalogue summarily describes
them as collections of troparia, stichera, heirmoi and kanons; but of
course the real work of identification and assessment has barely begun.
But we now have a major part of the answer to the question with
which this paper began: How were the medieval chant repertories assem-
bled? Though it was scarcely suspected even a few years ago, it is now .
clear that significant parts of the early Byzantine repertory circulated in
relatively small collections written on scrolls. Perhaps we should have an-
ticipated this all along, for in traditional iconography St. John of Damas-
cus, who dominates this tradition more than any other hymnographer, is
often depicted with a pen and ink pot,4X writing one of his hymns on a

47 ' lEp« MoviJ lCa\ . ApX\ETtlOICOltr, Ewci ISacred Monastery and Archdiocese of Sinail, Ta via
Euprj}lara rov El vii IThe New Discoveries of Sinai I (Athens:' lnoupyeio nOAmOI!OU - 'I6pul1a
·Opouc; ~wti, 1998), pp. 154-156, 251-265, plates 30-39, 93-103.
48 Of the images catalogued by the Prince ton Index of Christian Art (available by subscription
at [Link] most are frescos dating from the four-
teenth century or later, I Iowcver as early as the ninth century, St. John is shown with a pen,
sometimes an ink pot, and even an open codex. Sce Kurt Wcitzmann, The Miniatures of the
Sacrl1 Parallela, Parisinui CrotCH! 923, Studies in Manuscript Illumination 8 (Princeton: Prince-
ton University Prc»s, 1979), 29-33, 246, color plate after 272, plates Il-lII, CLIII, Mise In
page et mise ell texle rill /ivre ma1T1lScr7t, cd. by lIenri-Jean Martin and Jean Vczin (n.p.: (~ditions
du (erde de la [Link] - Promodis, 1990), 125-127.
 THE GREEK PALlMPSEST FRAGMEN._TS_,_"- _____ iiJ
scroll. A modern image in this iconographical tradition, from a stained-
glass window in the Princeton University Chapel, was designed in con-
sultation with Prince ton experts on Byzantine art, and with musicologist
Oliver Strunk; St. John holds a scroll with the neumated incipit of a
sticheron anatolikon of the second plagal mode, from the Oktoechos
traditionally regarded as his work (plate 2). It is not clear why the saint is
usually shown with a scroll, since he also wrote theological treatises that
were transmitted by means of codices, and the codex was frequently de-
picted in Byzantine art. Was there perhaps some sort of cultural melnory .
that people first encountered his hymns through the medium of scrolls?

'.
'.

Plate 2 St, John of Damascus with quill pen and scroll contain-
ing a neumared Byzantine chant. Stained-glass window,
Princeton University Chapel.
 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 231

Sandra Martani DIE GRIECHISCHEN DATIER1EN

EVANGEUEN-HANDSCHRIFIEN
MIT EKPHONETISCHER
NOTATION
QUELLEN UND PALAEOGRAPHISCHE
ANMERKUNGEN 1

Im Bereich der byzantinischen Musik stellt die ekphonetische Notation

ein gesondertes Kapitel dar, und bleibt teilweise fast ~unbeachtet auch un-
ter Eingeweihten, vielleicht weil die Ekphonesis keine "echte" Musik ist,
aber auch weil kein Schliissel bis heute gefunden wurde, urn die Becleu-
tung dieser Neumen zu erschlieBen.
Die theoretischen Traktate erwahnen sie gat nicht, die einzige Quel-
le, die die ekphonetischen Neurnen in musikalische Notation iibertragt,
ist die Liste der ekphonetischen Zeichen des Kodex Sina', Hagias Aikate-
Tines, gr. 8. Sie verwendet ein gemischtes System von palaeobyzantini-
schen Zdchen, das bis heute, trotz der scharfsinnigen Analyse van Car-
sten H0eg, nicht erschlossen werden konnte. 2

Herzlich mochte ich mich bei Dr. Gerda Wolfram und Here Prof. Giancat'lo Prato bedan-
ken, die mit ihree Hilfc zum Gelingen meinee Forschungsarbeit beitragen.
2 Vgl. Carsten H0eg, La nototion ,/ephotlltiqN', MMB Subsidia 1/2 {Kopenhagen, 1935),24-31;
Constantin Floros, Ullivmok N'III1I,nlumt/t I I (Kassel, 1970)., 211. .
3 Vgl. Jean Baptiste Thibaut, .,Etude de musique byzantine. Le chant ekphonetique", Byzatdi-
niIchI Zeilschrift 8 (1899), 122-147~ Franz Practoriu~, OIHr dj, Htrhntft tin htbroisdxII A«nIie
(Berlin, 1901); Ders.. Dj, 0"""""",, dn- jriib-",;IIl/uUdJis&lJlII NntllHn tltwth di,IlItIn (Berlin,
1902); Jean Baptiste Thibaut, 0,.;u", ~Z""ti1t1 "la "./atioll IIIl1111atUJlII tit I'E#U' Latilit (paris,
1907); Ders., MotlJllllmti ill Iti NaltJlio. Ekpho"'blJlII It HOfiopolill '" rEtJist U"«J'I' (St. Peters-
burg, 1913, Nachdruck Hildesheim - New York, 1976); Ego-;' Wellesz, "Die Lektionszeichen
in den soghdiscben Texten", Ztits&[Link] MllSilUlissnuthoft 1 (1918-19),505-515; Der&., .,Die
byzantnischen Lektionzeichen", Zli/srhrijt fiir MllSilUlissl1lJrhajt 11 (1929), 513-534; Ders.,
"Ein griechischcs Evangc1ium der Wiener Nationalbibliothek mit ekphonetischen Lesezei-
chen", Kirr:hel/lllMiiJuJlUcheJ jahrintch 25 (1930), 9-24.
!24 _ __ __ _ _ __ __ _ _ _ _ • _ _ _ __ __ Sandra Martani
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ __ _ ......J

Nach den bahnbrechenden Forschungen von Praetorius, Thibaut

unci \X'ellesz~ und dem Grundwerk von Carsten H0eg,4 konzentrierte
man sich in der Forschung mehr auf die Verbinclungen mit der heutigen
miindlichen Praxis oder mit cler juclischen Tradition,S als auf die Analyse
cler Quellen oder auf die palaographischen Probleme. 6
Insbesondere was das El'angelion betrifft, blieb es Randgebiet der For-
schung,' obwohl es inhaltlich als das wichtigsre unter den liturgischen
Lektionaren erscheint.
;\1eine [Link] des Wiener Kodex Suppl. gr. 128,H ein Evangelienlek-
tionar aus dern 12. Jahrhundert, hat besondere Merkrnale hervorgeho-
hen, die mich von der Notwendigkeit einer systematischen Untersuchung
der datierten griechischen Evangeliarien mit ekphonetischer Notation

~ (>rstCIl 11l1cg, La nolation ekphoflellqllC.

J I':nc The Sarred Bridge [Link] - New York, 1960:!); Hanoch Avenary. Studies in the
\XfCfIlCf.

l--febrew. Sy nan and Creek L/urgical Recilative (rei i\viv, 1963); Sysse Cudrun Engberg, "Greek
I;.kphoncuc Ncumes and Masoretlc ;\ccents", in Studies in Easlern Chant (SEC) T, cd. Milos
Vdimlrovic (Oxford. 1966); J':rncst John Rcvcll, "Hebrew I\ccent~ and Greek Ekphonetic
Neumcs", SEC IV, cd Milos Vclimuovic (Crc~tw()od NY, 1979), 140--170; Sysse Gudrun
In

l'~ngberg, "Ekphonctic Chant - the Oral Traditton and the Manuscripts", Jahrbllch des oslerrri-
:hsrhf.1l Byzalltinistrk 32/7 (1982). 41-48; Reinhard Flcnder, D~r biblische SpmJJgesang IInd seine
Iniilldliche Ober/uJmmg ill ~yllogoge und gner/mchm Kirche (Wilhclmshavcn, 1988); Dcrs., "Die
Fnt/.lffcrung Jcr masoretlschen .-\kzentc unci der ckphooctischen Notation. Eio For-
schungsbcricht". in i\1l1sikkuUurgescbi{hte. Feslschri/t for Cons/onlin Floras ZlIm 60. Gebllrtstog, hrsg.
von Peter Pcte rscn (\Vicsbaden, 1990),479-490.
6 pflJphetolof,illln. MMH Lectionaria, Pars I, Fasc. 1-6, cd. Carstcn Hoeg - Giinther Zunt'~ (Ko-
pcnhagcn, 1939-1970); Pars H, Fasc. 1-2, cd . Syssc Gudrun Engberg (Kopenhagen,
1980--1981); Syssc C;udrun Engberg, "Grcek I'~kphonctic Notation. The Classical and the
flre -C1assical Systems", in Paloeo0'zonline Nolotions. A Reconsideration of the Source Material, cd.
Jorgcn Raasted - (:hnstian Troclsgard (llcrncn, 1995),33-55.
7 V gl Carsten Iloeg, La 1I0lalioll tkphollitique (cs wtrd im bewnders das Kodex Jerusalem, Me-
gale i\lnagia analyslcrt), Costa:; D. Joannides, "Considerations on the Ekphonecic Signs of
the IlcptakoDll Evangcljon", 'Etr£TlV'iq mv Kiv.5pov '[Link] Epevvalv KvtrpOv 1
(1967-68). 59-83; DClllsc lourdan -[ lcmmerdinger. "La notation ckphonctique archaique
(\ 'aticanus gr 2144)", Anl/Naire de I'"Ecole pratique des houles etudes. IV sec-tion. Sdences hisloriques el
philologlqueS 107 (1968--69).557- 560; Syssc Gudrun Engbcf).!;, "Greek J-:kpnonccic Notation"
(Libcr Jie Lvangclien-llanJschrifren Vat. gr 2144 unu Princeton Scheide 2).
Das Protekt der Monumcnta Musicae H~'zantinae fur die kritiscnc r\usgabc des Evangeliums
wurJc bls hcutc nnch nlcht verwtrchlichr
 DIE GRIECHISCHEN DATIERTEN EVANGELlEN-HANDSCHRIFTEN.. . 251

iiberzeugt haben, urn die Entwicklung dieses Natationssystems besser

skizzieren zu konnen.\>

Die Suche nach den Quellen war naturlich die erste Phase der Unter-
suchung. Diese Arbeit erwies sich als ziemlich langwierig und kompli-
ziert, da die musikalischen Zeichen in den Katalogen [Link] ganz ver-
gessen oder nicht systematisch erwahnt werden, und die Kataloge der
musikalischen Handschriften die Lektionare oft gar nicht beachten.
Der Anfangspunkt dieser Suche waren die Liste von Cars ten H0eg1U
und das Inventar der Mikrofilmsammlung der Monumenta Musicae By-
zantinae;11 dieses erste Quellenverzeichnis wurde durch das Spolium der
Kataloge, besonders der Tafeln, zusammengestellt und endlich durch die
tJberpriifung der Mikrofilme der datierten Evangeliarien in dem Institut
fur neutestamentliche Textforschung def Universitat Munster erganzt
und kontrolliert. 12
Bis jetzt wurden insgesamt sechzig datierte KOcUzes mit ekphoneti-
scher Notation gefunden,13 van denen zweiundzwanzig im Inventar von

8 VgL Sandra Martani,,, Musica, teologia c liturgia. Sullc tracce di un'intctprctazione della nota-
zionc edonetica bizantina", in Rivis/o internozionllu tIi MNnUl SomJ 20 (1999/2),9-46; Dies.
"Neumatic Combinations in the Ekphonctic Notation of the Manuscript Vienna Suppl. gr.
128", in Pravos/ovno Monodija: ii" bogoslovs'/ea, lilllrgicna la tsteticna sll/lIis/' (Kiew, 20()1), 178-193;
Dies. "Bcobachtungen :lUm ckphonctischen Notati~nssystcm cincs Evangclicnlektionars aUll
dem 12. Jah rhundcrt (V incl. Suppl. gr. 128)", in lMS StNf!y Gro1ljJ ClllltNs PlalltiS. PuptrS R!ad at
the 9'" Muting. EItferg9m & Visegrtid, 1998 (Budapest, 2(01), 501-524.
9 Diesel Bcitrag cntstand in Anlchnung an das zweijahrigc Pro;ekt iiber die daticrten griechi-
schen EvangeLiarien mit ckphonetischcr Notation im Rahmcn mcincs Post-Doktotat-Stipen-
diums an cler "Scuola di Paleografta c Filologia Musicalc" in Crcmona. Deshalb wurden eini-
ge Angabe nach dcm Rcfcrat in Visegcid, angcsichts der let".lten Ergebnissc meiner Fot-
se hung, neu [Link].
10 Carsten H0eg, La notation tkphoniliqllt, 77-83, wo nur das Datum und Gregory Nummer et-
wahnt wurden.
11 Siche untcr def IntcrnctAdresse: [Link]/MMB/[Link].
12 Ich m6chte dem Istitl,lt fur neutcstamcntlichc Tcxtforschung [Link] rue die Gastfl'eund-
schaft danken. lm besondcrcn mCkhtc ich Herr Michael Welte melneR aufrichtigsten Dank
aussprcchcn, der :acts hilfsbcreit zur Scitc stand und mit gro(3er Geduld allc meine zahlrei-
chen Wiinschc erfiillte.
13 Sichc TabeUc 1.
 Sandra Martani
~- - --- ---

Carsten Hoeg nicht aufscheinen und vier and ere als undatierbar betrach-
tet wurden. 14
Die Liste beginnt mit dem sehr bekannten Tetraevangelion Uspen-
skij, das im Jahre 835 geschrieben wurde, und endet mit einem zyprioti-
schen Evangelienlektionar des 16. Jahrhunderts, dem Kodex Paris, BN,
gr. 317. Die Bhitezeit der ekphonetischen Notation findet sich jedoch im
11, unci 12. Jahrhundert.
In der Liste werden siebenundzwanzig Handschriften des 11. Jahr-
hunderts und funfzehn des 12. Jahrhunderts aufgezahlt, aber nur sechs
gehbren dem 10. Jahrhundert und acht dem 13. Jahrhundert an.
Zu den schon erwahnten Handschriften konnen noch einige Koru-
zes gerechnet werden, die nicht datiert, aber mit gewisser Sicherheit da-
tierbar sind: Venezia, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, gr. I, 47, Athos, Kou-
t1oumouslou 61 und Patmos, Hagiou Ioannou 93. 15
[m ersten schrieb der Kopist, da~ Basileios, monachos, presbyteros und
h~f!,o"'menos des Klosters 'tile; KOt~ itaEcoe; 'tile; E>EO'tOKO'U, rueses Euangelion
mit drei anderen Buchern dem selben Kloster im Jahre 1046 gab. 16 Im
Athos Kodex wird, iiber einige pylae, der Priester und Kouboukian'os Lean
Serbantenos von Bourtzaina erwahnt. Dieser war Kletor von zwei anderen
datierten Handschriften: Paris, BNl Gr. 164 (im Jahr 1070 geschrieben)
und Paris, BN, Gr. 770 (im Jahr 1065 enstanden). Deswegen k6nnte das
Entstehungsdaturn urn 1070 herurn festgelegt werden.17 Das Patroos Lek-
tionar wird als datiert betrachtet,18 aber Kominis 19 stellt die Frage, ob der
Eintrag auf f. 252 genau der Entstehungszeit des Kodex entspricht, oder
nicht. Trotzdem sind Angabe und Schrift dieses Kodex zeitgenossisch.

14 I Iss, ,\thos, Pantelccmonos 27, Mcssina, SS, Salvatorc 73, Sina gr, 221 und Krakau, Bib!. Ja-
gicllonska 2898,
15 Die drci Kodizc:; werdcn in def [Link] kursiv gcschricben.
16 \' g1. Elptdio Mioni. Bibliothecae Divi Morciani Vtnttiorum Codices Grata Manuscripti, Vol. I pars
prior. Classis I - Cla...;sis 11, codd. 1-120 (Rom, 1(67),59,
17 Vg! . lohannes Spatharakis. Corpus of Daled IUuminaled Manuscripts 10 the Year 1453, 1-11, By-
zantlna Nccrlandica 8 (Leiden, 1981), Nr, 88.
18 V gI Athanaslos D. Kominis, nLva~£~ XpoVOAOY'lUE...vvV naqlla~tfjv K~I~tfjV (Athen, 1968),
N r. 20; Giancarlo Prarn, "La produzionc Iibraria in area grcco-oricntale nc1 periodo del rc-
h1tl () latino di Costantinopoli (1204--1261)", in S crit/llra t civilla 5 (1981), 110,
!9 ,\.thanasios 1), Kominis, lla"rJllalOj Pt/JAloIh7~,., (Athcn, 1988),252,
 DIE GRIECHISCHEN DATIERTEN EVANGELlEN-HANDSCHRIFTEN... 271

Dagegen erlaubt die Eintragung im Tetraevangelion r 036,20 wo das

Kolophon: "Donnerstag, 27. November, 8. Indiktion" steht, keine siche-
re Datierung, weil diese Zeitangaben im 10. Jahrhundert sowohl auf 934
als auch 979 zutreffen. 21
In der Liste wird das Evangeliar Athos, Megistes Lauras N 113 nicht
erwahnt, weil die Tabulae Paschales, die ab 1367 beginnen, nicht vom Ko-
pisten selber geschrieben wurden und die Schrift eher vom Anfang des
12. Jahrhunderts zu sein scheint.

Was das Notationssystem betrifft, gibt es -keinen Unterschied zwi-

schen Evangeliarien (das liturgische Buch mit dem vollstandigen Text der
vier Evangelien in ihrer ublichen Reihenfolge) und Evangelienlektiona-
ren (das liturgische Buch, das die Abschnitte aus den Evangelien enthalt,
die wahrend des Gottesdienstes verlesen werden). Aus diesem Grund
werden beide Biicher in der Liste eingetragen. Die ekphonetische Notati-
on wurde besonders in den Evangelienlektionaren verwendet: in diesem
Verzeichnis sind nur sechs Evangeliarien enthalten. .

Das Erkennen der datierten Quellen reicht nicht aus, urn die For-
schung iiber rue musikalischen Zeichen auf einer festen chronologischen
Basis zu entwickeln.
Aus dem Kolophon ist es Ieider nicht moglich, Angaben iiber das
Enstehungsdatum der Notation zu ziehen, weil die Schreiber in wen
Subskriptionen keinen positiven AufschluB dariiber geben. Niemals witd
erwahnt, ob die Neumen gleichzeitig mit dem Text geschrieben wurden,
und keiner Schreiber tragt die Erganzung des Kodex dutch die musikali-
schen Zeichen ein.
Wenn der Kopist sich ~s Anagnostes oder Priester prasentiert, konnte
man vermuten, daB er selbst al:1ch die Neumen geschrieben hat, weil er
der direkte Beniitzer der Notation war: dem~riester ist der Vortrag des
Evangeliums in der Liturgie reserviert, wahrend der Anagnostes die Pen..

20 Oxford, Bodl. Libr., Auct. T inf. 2.2 - St. Pctcrsburg, RNB, gr. 33. .
21 V gl. lrmgard (lutter, Corpus dtr 0zanlinischeR M.inialllrenhl1'iuischriften, Oxford Bmileian Library
Ill, Band 3.1 (Stuttgart, 1982), 28. Jean Baptiste 'l'hibaut, Monl/lllents tit la Notation Ekpho,,'-
tique. 37 festlcgtc da:; Datum des Kodcx urn 844.
 Sandra Martani
128 -- - -- - - - - -- - -----------
kopen des Alten Testarnentes, der apostolischen Briefe und der Apostel-
geschichtc vorliest.
Dies ist aber keine genugende Angabe, nur die palaographische Ana-
lyse des Kodex bleibt das unerlamiche Mittel, urn die Datierung der Neu-
men mit einer gewissen Sicherheit vorzunehmen.
Insbesondere ist es wichtig, den Ductus def Text- und Neumen-
schrift und die Tinte des Textes, der Rubriken und der Notation zu ver-
gleichen.
Wichtig ist auch, die Anordnung des Textes zu uberprufen, ob der
Kopist die passende Distanz zwischen den Wortern, aber auch zwischen
den Zeilen lieB, urn die Neumen einfiigen zu k6nnen.
Nur nach def Analyse aller Angaben ist es moglich, einen SchluB zu
ziehen_ lm Kodex Vat. gr. 354, zum Beispiel, wurden die Neumen gleich-
zeitig mit dem Text geschrieben, weil die se1be rote Tinte der Notation
nicht nut flir die liturgischen Angaben, sondern auch fur die lnitialen be-
nutzt wurde, obwohl der Platz fur die Neumen Teleia und Hypokrisis
manchmal im Text fehIt.

Bis jetzt habe ich meine Forschung fast nur durch Tafeln, Mikrofilme
und Kataloge betrieben; trotzdem ist es moglich, auch aus diesen sekun-
daren Quellen einige Angaben zu ziehen und einige Anmerkungen uber
die Notation zu machen.
Die Beschreibung der Tinte erteilt normalerweise die besseren Aus-
kunfte. .
Im Kodex Sina', Hagias Aikaterines, gr. 213 (von 967) hat der Kopist
sicher die Notation selbst geschrieben, da dieselbe Tinte fur den Text
und fur die Neumen verwenclet wurde. 22
Der Hieromonachos Georgios hat die ganze Handschrift Yerushalayim,
Mar 'IbraTm 9 (von 1152) angefertigt, da das Kolophon von cler selben
Hand und mit cler selben roten Tinte, die im Kodex auch fur die Notati-
on und die Rubriken verwendet wird, geschrieben ist.

22 Siche Dieter Harlfingcr, Dicthcr Rodcric Rcinsch, Joscph 1\. M. Sondcrkamp, Sptcilllinl1 Si-
nailiea. Die datitrltn gritchifChen Handschrifttn tits Mlharinm-KJoJltrs l1Iif tImt Btrgt Sinai (9. his 12.
Jahrhllndnt). in Zusammenarbeit mit Giancado Prato (Berlin, 1983), 15. Siehe auch die farbi-
gc Tafcl in John Catey, Sinai lurd tIaJ Katharintn Kios/er (Stuttgart - Zurich, 1982), T 149
(f 196v.).
 ,.

DIE GRIECHISCHEN DATIERTEN EVANGELlEN~HANDSCHRIFTEN... 291

Manchmal ist es der Ductus einiger Zeichen, der einen einzigen Ko-
pisten fur den Text und die Neumen vermuten lafit.
lm Kodex London, BL, Harley 5598 beweist die Form der Syrmatike
und der Abkiirzungszeichen in den Rubriken eine gleiche Hand, und die
Kathiste sieht dem Abkiirzungszeichen fUr v manchmal sehr ahnlich.
In Sina', Hagias Aikaterines, gr. 223 laRt immer der Ductus, 2usam-
men mit der Tinte, eine einzige Hand erkennen. Bemerkenswert sind die
etwas eckige Syrmatike, sowie die Abkiirzungszeichen der Nomina Sacra.

Das Evangeliar EI-Iskandariya, Bibliotheke tou Patriarcheiou, 10

(von 1338) wurde vom Hieromonachos Beniamen unterschrieben, aber
sowohl die Schrift als auch die Notation scheinen von mehreren Handen
zu sein. Die Handschrift wiirde eine analytische Untersuchung notwen-
dig machen, urn etwas Genaueres sagen zu konnen. Trotzdern ware es
sehr fragwiirdig, an eine spatere Erganzung zu denken, da die ekphorteti-
sche Notation im 14. Jahrhundert immer weniger verstanden und ihr Ge-
brauch infolgedessen immer seltener wurde.
Schon Ende des 12. Jahrhunderts beginnt das klassische Notations-
system in Verfall zu geraten, und ab der Mitte des 13. Jahrhunderts findet
man immer haufiger Handschriften, in denen sich die Notation auf we-
nige Zeichen beschrankt.
Dieser Kodex ist die letzte datierte Handschrift, die ein noch kom-
plettes und sinnvolles neurnatisches System verwendet.

Die letzte Handschrift der Liste, das Kodex Paris, BN, gr. 317 wurde
auch wahrscheinlich vom Kopisten, dem Anagnostts Stephanos, selbst no-
tiert, weil die rote Tinte fur Titel, lnitialen und Neumen dieselbe ist, aber
das Notationssystem und die Neumen dem Kopisten vollig unbekannt
waren. Es handelt sich sicher urn eine miBverstandene Kopie aus einem
ilteren Evangeliar. 23 Nur ein Beispiel geniigt, urn das zu beweisen: auf
folio lr hat das erste Kolon "En arche", wieUblich die .paarweisen Zei-
.' chen kathiste-kathiste. Beide Neumen haben eine eigenartige Form (der
Ductus der wellenformigen Zeichen beginnt von unten nach ohen, wie

23 Siche Costas N. Constantinides - Robet:t Browning, Daitd G,.,,~ Ml1IIlISmpts fro. Cypnu ID
tht Ytor 1570 (Nicosia, 1993), Nr. 78.
' 30 Sandra Martani J
eine Syrmah'ke, und nicht von oben nach unten), und die zweite Kathiste
!st nicht am richtigen Platz geschrieben,24
Das uefert einen sicheren Beweis, daB die ekphonetische Notation
im 16, Jahrhundert, zumindest in Zypern, nicht mehr in Gebrauch war
unci nut als Ornamentierung betrachtet wurde.

Besonders zu beachten sind die Handschriften Sina', Hagias Aikate-

ri nes, gr. 220 (von 1167) und Sina', Hagias Aikaterines, gr. 232 (von 1174
oder 117S):25 beide tragen die Subskription des Notarios Basileios Skenu-
res; im alteren Kodex erwahnt das Kolophon das Kloster -rwv Cx'YtCOV
KEAAtCOV in Bethlehem, das h6chstwahrscheinlich als Entstehungsort bei-
der Kodizes betrachtet werden kann,26
Der Kopist hat auch in diesem Fall den Text sowie die Notation ge-
schrieben, was sich besonders kJar im Kodex Sina', gr. 220 feststellen
laBt, denn die Handschrift ist von mehreren Handen. 27 Wenn die Schrift
I.~'-echselt, ande'rt sich auch die Notation,
Die ekphonetische Schrift von Basileios Skenures weist folgende
Merkmale auf: der schwach wellige Strich der Syrmatike, die ziemlich aus-
gepragten Baken des Apostrophos und der Kremaste, die oft schief ange-
ordncten Kentemata, unci die ziemlich kJeine Kathiste.
Die Schrift seines Mitarbeiters ist von eckigen Haken und sehr ge-
neigten, fast horizontalen Strichen van Apostrophos, Oxeia, Kremaste und
Parakietike charakterislert.
,Aber durch die Analyse der Notation laBt sich ein dritter Kopist er-
kennen. Das deudichste Merkmal sind die hakenfbrmigen Kentemata; ab er
ParakletZ"ke und Syrmatike haben auch, im Vergleich mit den zwei anderen
Schreiberhanden, eine andere Form.2~

Text und Notation des ganzen Kodex Sina', gr. 232 wurden von
Basileios Skenures geschrieben, wie der Vergleich mit dem Kodex Sina',

24 Sichc Constantinidcs - Hwwning, DatedGmk Manuscripts, Tafe! 118,

25 ,fppmIJ/1/o ,llllatbca, 50 [Link]~wcjsc 51,
2() SpeC/milia J lJIoiti( 1I, S1
27 Spedmina j-'t1mtlw, SO,
28 Slchc Tafe! .\ .
 DIE CRIECHISCHEN DATIERTEN EVANCELlEN-HANDSCHRIFTEN... iiJ
gr. 220 beweist,29 ab er er hat sicher zwei verschiedene Evangeliarien ko-
piert, weil die musikalische Durchfuhrung einige Varianten darstellt. Wie
ublich in den Subskriptionen bittet Basileios Skenures, fUr ihn sowie fUr
den Auftraggeber zu beten: es handelt sich uro den Abt des Klosters 'trov
ayirov K£AAtroV in Bethlehem im Kodex gr. 220, und urn den Priester-
mbnch Paulos, Ktetor einer Kirche oder eines Klosters des hI. Georg iro
Kodex gr. 232.
In dem Fall standen die zwei Kloster hochstwahrscheinlich in der
Nahe, aber zugleich prasentieren sie sich als Zeugen unterschiedlicher
Art, um dieselbe Tradition zu interpretieren.
Man kann feststellen, daB diese rnusikaijschen Unterschiede der zwei
Evangelienlektionare die eigentlimliche Auffuhrungspraxis der Ekphone-
sis jedes Klosters widerspiegeln.
Der Kodex Sina', gr. 232 scheint eine reichere Notation zu haben:
zum Beispiel steHt der Vergleich der ersten Perikope einen haufigeren
Gebrauch der MediaSyrmatike und der zusammengesetzten Neumen mit
Parakletike und Synemba dar.30
Daher stellt si ch die Frage, ob die Bedeutung des Klosters in diesem
Sinn eine wichtige RoUe spielte? Leider kann die Frage nicht beantwortet
werden, da die zwei Kloster (oder Kitchen), trotz der Forschungen und
liypothesen, unbekannt bleiben.
Dennoch kann eine systematische Untersuchung der zwei Hand-
schriften bedeutungsvoll sein. urn neue wichtige Angaben zu ziehen, weil
dies der einzige Fall ~st, in denen zwei Kodizes von einem einzigen Kopi-
sten in der selben Region sicher geschrieben wurden.

Ich hoffe, daB dieses Quellenverzeichnis ein wichtiges lMittel werden

kann, urn die Kenntnisse der ekphonetische~_Notation zu vertiefen. Ich
glaube, dail viele and ere Angaben gesammelt werden korinen, die es er-
moglichen, die Forschung in verschiedene Richtungen zu lenken.
lm paEiographjschen Rahmeri ware es zum Beispiel notwendig, sy-
noptische, zeitlich geordnete Tafeln der einzigen ekphonet!schen Zei-
chen vorzubereiten. Noch wichtiger konnte es' sein, das Inventar der

29 ~ichc Specimina Sinai/ica, Taf. 128-129.

30 Sichc Tafcl B.
G2
L_ __ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ Sandra
_ __ _ _ Martani
_ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ ----J

Neumen und ihren Gebrauch in den einzelnen Handschriften zu unter-

suchen.
Durch die Analyse einiger Perikopen wird es moglich, eine histori-
sche Entwicklung der ekphonetischen J)Sprache" besser zu skizzieren.
Alle diese Forschungen kbnnten, so hoffe ich, wichtige Angaben erge-
ben, urn andere Kodizes zu datieren od er zu lokalisieren.
 DIE GRIECHISCHEN DATIERTEN EVANGELlEN-HANDSCHRIFTEN... 33J

BASILEIOS SKE- MITARBEITER DRITTER KOPIST

NURES (f. 3v.) (f. Sv.) (f. 2r.)
---------- ~----~~----

Kathiste
.-
-
- . -e- . .....

" •·~.:t,:i;~
Apostrophos
:~~
.. .._.,
- :;,.-

Kentemata
. ~. -~ . :.
Vt.~,

Syrmatike
....-,
.",,..
Paraklitike :.~tl.
. ~ " ,

TafelA Sina, Hagias Aikaterines, gr. 220

a a.lt6a't~ lCp lCpE~ao't1l (JP (JUW<X'flK'li

~ JXxp£ia 0 6I;£ia t td.£ia
~ fXxpt:[Link] OtltAal. 00 ~[Link] OUtAU1. '\)3 'bU)lCptOl'i £le
1C9 KaOlO''tll 'It ltap<X'KAl nK11 tp\COV
I
K KEVTIlJla 'i G'>vi~

Abkiirzungsverzeichnis fur die Notenzeichen (fUr Tafel B)

 Sandra Martani

KO- KAPI- TEXT SINA 220 SINA 232

LON TEL
01 Joh.1,l 'EvetpXn K9-K9
02 ~v 6 ,,-oyo<; 0-'(
03 Kai. 6 Aoyor; K9-K9
04 ~v ltpO<; 'tOy 9£ov a-a a-a
05 Kat 9£0<; ~v 6 ,,-oyoe; O-t
... .,.
06 Joh.l,2 oumr; TlV 0-0 0-0
07 EV etPXTI n:poC; tOY 9£ov (JP - 't (JP - t
08 Joh.I,3 1t(1.V'ta K6-K9 K9-K9
09 St' au'toU EytVE'tO 0-1' 0-'"[

10 Kat xropi.r; cdYtou

11 E'YEvE'tO ouSt £v a-a a-a
12 o YEYOVEV o-t 0-'"[

13 Joh.t,4 Ev aute? K8-K8 K9-K8

14 ~roll ~v ~-~ ~-~
15 lW.l. ~ ~(J)ll1iv u3-u3 u3-'03
16 'to <pG><; 't&v avOpomrov 0- 't

17 Joh.1,S Kat to <pii'><; K9-K9

18 EV 't11 OK01'1.q. <patVEt p-p
19 KO:I. " oKo'tta (?) -PC?)
19a auto ou Ka'tEAapEv O-t
20 Joh .1,6 'EYEvEtO av9pron:or;, a-o
21 aIt£01'aA~Evoc; 1tapa 9EOU a-a a-a
22 OV0l-la, aute? ')roavvTlr; (7) - '( 0-1

23 Joh.1,7 O-D'tOC; ~A9EV E"r; ~aptUptav 0-0 0-0

24 t va ~aptup~on 1tEPi. tOU <protOr; 0-'( a-a

25 t vo: Ita VtEr; u3-u3 u3-u3
26 IttO"'tEU(JO)(HV Ot' au'tou O-t o-'t
, 'l" ,....... \--
27 Joh.1,8 OUK llV EKEt VOC; 'to <pro<; (JP - 't
28 a,,-,,-' t va llaptUPtl(JTI ltEpt tOU <prot6~ 0 - t (JP - t
29 Joh.1,9 .,. Hv to <pO><; 'to etA ,,9t vov a-a 0-0

30 o <j>ro'tt~E l Kp-Kp Kp-Kp

31 rraVta (iv9pro1tov a-a a-a
32 EPXO~EVOV E"C;- 'tOY K60~ov o-t O-t
33
, __

Joh.1,10 £v 'rep KO(Jjl<!l

I

"V
~

K9-K9 K9-KO
34 Kat 6 KO(J~OC; ~-P ~-~
35 Ot' au'toU EytvE'tO a-a u3-u3
 DIE GRIECHISCHEN DATIERTEN EVANGELlEN-HANDSCHRIFTEN ... . 3~

KO- KAPI- TEXT SINA 220 SINA 232

LON TEL
36 Kat 6 K6o~~ [Link]ov OUK E'Yvro. 0-1; It - 1:

37 Joh.1,1l £" <; ta. LOla l1A9£V K9-K9 K9-K9

38 Kat ot ;:0101 autov DU 1tap£1..<$>v O-t ap- t
39 Joh.1,12 0001 O£ E1..~OV aU1;ov KfJ-1C6 K9-K9
40 eOroKEv aU'tDt<; t;o'Ooiav a-a
41 '[Link] SEO\) 'YEVE09a.t 0-0 0-0
42 'tOt<; ltlO1:£OO'OOtv '03-'03 \)3-'03
43 £"C; 'to ovo~a auto'\) 0-1: 0-1;
44 Joh.1,13 Ot OUK t~ at,.ui'trov pop pop
45 ouoE £K 9EATtJla'CD<; aapKOc; lCp-lCp ICp-lCp
46 oooE h: 9EA-fiJiate<; avap<'><; a-a (l - a
47 a1..A' £K SEO\) £'YEVVTt91loav 0-1: 0-1:
48 Joll.1,14 Kat 6 1..010<; pop pop
49 oa~ £'Y£VEtO a-a a-a
50 Kat tOKTtVCOO"EV tv it~tV O-t 0- 't
51 Kat tSEaoaJlE9a. 'tTtV o~av au'toU 0-0 0-0
52 o~av a-o a-o
53 ~ J.l.0VOYEVO'B<; 1tapcl1ta1:p(x; a-a a-a
54 lt1.."Pll<; xapt1:o<; Kat OtA,llgeia<;. (JP -(JP - 1: . ap-(GP?) -1:
55 Joh.1,15 '[Link]'l\<; }lapt'O~t 1tEPl aU1:o-u 0-0 0-0
56 Kat KElCpay£v 1..EyroV ~P-1:
57 OUto<; l1V av d1tov 0-0 0-0
58 '0 Olttcrro }l0'O £pX6IlEVO<; lep-lep Kp-ICp
59 EJ.lltpoo9EV }lO\) YE10VEV a-a a-a
60 on 1tp&tOC; }l0'O ~v. 0-1: O-t
61 Joh.l,16 Kat £K tOU ltAllP<l>l1atoc; a-U1:0U le9-le9 1C9- le9
62 ltll£tC; 1tavtEC; E1..~JlEV 1ta.-a Jt~-a
63 \ I ,,, I

Kal xaplV aVtl Xapl'Coc; O-"'t

64 Joh.t,17 01:t 0 Wlloc; 00-
65 Ola. Mmootroc; E~69Tt ~-~ fSJ'-PtJ
66 it XaPl<; ,K at it [Link]&la pp...~ . JiJi-~
67 Ola ')llcrou XptG1:ot) le-le Ie-K
,
68 I
£-yEv£tO aa-a<[Link]"I; aa-a«

Tafel B
 Cui
Die griechischen datierten Evangelien-Handschriften f 0' :I

mit ekphonetischer Notation I I

Abkiirzungsverzeichnis
Anagn. Anagnostes Hegoum. - Hegoumenos Mon. Monachos
Diak. Diakonos !-lier. Hieromonachos Presb. Pres byteros

[Link]. DATUM HANDSCHRIFT J1 INHALT BLATIZAHL NR. SCHREIBER ENTSTE- AUFTRAG-

([Link]) ([Link]) (ALAND) HUNGSORT lZ GEBER
1 9. 835 Sankt-Peterburg, RNB, e 344 461 NikoIaos mon. [Konstantino- V'l
DJ
Perropol. gr. 219 Konstantinos peI] Stouruon ::l
a..
......
DJ
presb.
2 10. 949 Citni del Vaticano, Bibl. e 235 S 028 Michael mon. ~I
[Link]., Vat. gc. 354 ~
:::::s

3 967 Sina', Hagias Aikaterines, U-lesk 340+1 /847 Eustathios

Sinait. gr. 213 presb.
4 980 London, BL, Add. 39602 U-lesk 222 /181 Nikon [Kappadokien] Stephanos
Kiskissa Bischof von
Kiskissa

J1 Ober die Fragmcntc diescr Handschriften in anderen Bibliothcken siehc Kurt Aland, K.J'[Link] Lslt rkr griechischm Hanr&chriftm du Nelltn
Tu/omen/s, in Vcrbindung mit Michael Wcltc, Bcate Kostcr und KJaus Junack bcarbcitet von Kurt Aland (Berlin - New York, 1994l
32 In eckigen Klammcrn wcrden die Angaben gesetzt, die aus dcm Kolophon nicht hcrvorgchen. Die Fragcheichcn begleitct die fragwiirdige
Angaben.
[Link]. DATUM HANDSCHRIFT l' INHALT BLATTZAHL NR. SCHREIBER ENTSTE- AUFTRAG-
(ALAND) (ALAND) (ALAND) HUNGSORT}2 GEBER
5 985 Sankt-Peterburg. RNB, le 303 11552 Michael mono [Konstantino- Basileios presb.-
0
Dukhovnoj Akad. E 1/5 pel] Kloster hegoum. rn
()
'tou <lYlO'U ;;0
B(l(JtAEl.O'l) rn
n
1150 I
6 995 London, BL, Hart. 5598 U-Ie 374 Konstantinos CJ")

presb. n
I
rn
7 999 Moskva, GIM, Muz. 3644 e 235 2545 N ikolaos mono Z
8 11. 1008 London, BL, Add. 36751 leskt 219 11491 Theophanes [A tho s] 0
~
hier. Kloster to'n m
;;0
Iberon -i
m
Z
9 1019 Yerushlayim, Patr. Bib)', lesk 224+4 11003 Symeon Ptolemais (?) m
S~ba 144 [Akkon] .~
1 Z
10 1022 Kozani; Demotike Bibl., 2 le 267 12051 Anastaslos diak. ()
m
,-
11 1032 Athos, Megistes Lamas, N 53 leskt 279 /1075 rn
12 1032-33 London, BL, Add. 5153 lesk 141+133 1188 Hilarion ruer. z,
I
13 1033 -5ankt-Peterburg, RNB, Du- le 398 /1391 >i
z
khovnoj Akad. J.) 1 /2 0
(J)

14 1034-41 Sina' , Hagias Aikaterines, lesk 152 1865 Gerasimos Symeon - n

I

I~
if
gt.231 mono Kosmas mono
15 1038-39 Sina', Hagjas Aikaterines, lesk 206+1 1857 Nikephoros Kloster 'tou
gr.223 presb. 1t(lV(X;1'lO'U
.4 .. ~

XPtO''tou
I

I~
 ' ~A" 1
[Link]. DATUM HANDSCHRIFT 1' INHALT BLATTZAHL NR. SCHREIBER ENTSTE- AlIFTRAG- i .::c I
(ALAND) (ALAND) (ALAND) H{)NGSORT" GEBER
- - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - -- ------ - - ----- - - - - -- •. -.--- - -- -- -
I
.--- - ~~

16 1043 Moskau, RGB, Rum F 270-1 lesk t 232 /971 TheodosloS Cregonos -
a 6 (457) man. ~[arkos man.

T7 1046 Lenezia, Bibl. Naz. L'vfarciana le 300 l267 Baslle/os hier. und
gr. 1,47 (co/I. 918) hegoum. lm Kloster
TT,; KOlj1 r,auo;
'rij; e£O'rOKOV

18 1047 Oxford, Bodl. Libr. Laud. gr. 34 lesk 177 120 Onesimos
presb.
19 1048 Athenai, EBE, 179 lesk 266 1401 Leon
20 1052 Durham, Duke Univ. Llbr. leskt 242 /451 (peloponnese Klemens mono I a..
~
-,
Clark Coil. 85 ;>] Kloster "'[11<; c.J
~
um:pa:ytUC; c.J

8EO"'[OI(O"u 'toov ~
~
[Link]
21 1055 Moskau, GIM, 15 Vlad. (43 le 250 148 Petros hier.
Savva)
22 1055 Paris, BN, Suppl. gr. 90S lesk t 255 1372
23 1061-62 Yerushlayirn, Patr. Bibl., lesk 267 /159 Ioannes Basileios
Megales Panagias
24 1062 Sparti, Topiko Istoriko Archeio lesk 191 /2088
(olirn Karinia, Zermpitsas)
[Link]. DATUM HANDSCHRIFT)I INHALT BLATrZAHL NR SCHREIBER ENTSTE- AUFTRAG-
(ALANO) (ALAND) (ALANO) HUNGSORT lZ GEBER
25 (1062)33 Oxford, [Link]., Auct. F. le 300 1203
0
1067 6.25 rn

26 1066 Paris, BN, Paris. gr. 289 lesk 159 171 Ioannes presb. Dioiketes Cl
;:Q

Georgios m
(J
Za(karos) I
V">
(J
27 1067 Sina', Hagias Aikaterines, e 210 1209 Zacharias [frapezunt ?] Theodoros I
m
gr. 1723~ Praitoriotes KoA.<ovEia Gabras (hypatos Z
presb. und tepoteretes 0
~
von [Link]>vEia) m
;:0::,
und seine Frau -!
m
Eirene Z
m
28 1068 Oxford, Christ Church, lesk t 217 1208 Leontios mono Kloster 'tou Michael hierom. ~
Z
Wake 15 £;aKOvta- - Basileios 0
m
;-
lEvO-O<; presb. m
29 ) '069 PatmQs, Hagiou Ioannou, 77 le 331 1813 z,
I
30 1070e. AthoI, KolltloUlllollsioll 61 /tile t 278 1697 [AntiochienJ Leon Sarbantmos »
Z
Bourtzaina [Link]. 0
V">
koubouklarios (J '
I I
;;:01
I::q I
.' .'
I~
<!

33
34
Vgl. Kirsopp and Silva J..ake, Dated Cm/e ~~1inllsC1lk MallllScripls to the Year 1200, Monumenta palaeographica vetera, I Series, 11 , (Boston, 1934).
Notlltion nor im f ' l69: lJ
[Link]. DATUM HANDSCHRIFT" INHALT BLATIZAHL NR. SCHREIBER ENTSTE- AUFTRAG- I~-
(ALAND) (ALAND) (ALAND) HUNGSORT\ ~ GEBER
-_ . _- '- - - - ---- -- --- .~ - .. - --- ---- .-- -- --- .- - -,- ._--- - I
31 1070 Paris, BN, Suppl. gr. 1096 le 329 1374 Petros fKonstantino - Konstantmos
grammatIkos pe I] LX0A. TJ twvpresb.
XUAK01tpa -
'tE [Link]
32 1070 Athenai, Byzantinon Mouselon, le 245 /1655 Ioannes
140
33 1072 Athos, Panteleemonos 27 le 293 /835 Loukas mon. Petra Kloster Nikolaos-
[npo8pof..[Link]] hegoum.

I~
34 1072 Paris, BN, Paris. gr. 82 e 305 278
35 1077 Krak6w, Bibl. Jagiellonska, 9809 eP:MtJ 267 653 Markos mon. 0..
~

(olim. Berol. graec. oct. 3) III

~
36 1089 Arhenai, EBE, 180 let 204 /402 Andreas [peloponnes Theophilaktos III

notarios- kalli- (Oleni)] Valta -'tOU vlllCAllro'tO\) ~

;:)

graphos Kloster 'tOU hier.

ari.O\) NtlCO-
A0.01)
37 12. 1118-19 Sina', Hagias Aikaterines, gr. lesk 174 /868 Leontios
234lS
38 1147-48 Madison/NY, Drew-Univ. 7 leskt 175 /952 Mile as
39 1148 Oslo-London, Sch0yen let 175 /1995 Theodoros Johannes mono
Collection, 17

35 Notation nur im f. 1.
[Link]. DATUM HANDSCHRIFT J' INHALT BLATrZAHL NR. SCHREIBER ENTSTE- AUFTRAG-
(AUND) (ALAND) (ALAND) HUNGSORT J2 GEBER
40 '1152 Yerushlayim, Patr. Bibl., le 233 11033 Georgios hier. Erzbistum von Gerasimos
0
Mar 'Ibraim 9 Tiberias ruerom. m
()
Kirche 't11<;
~
9EO't6ICOU m
(J
I
41 1167 Sina', Hagias Mkaterines, le 355 1854 Basileios Bethlehem U"I
(J
gr.220 Skenwes Kloster 'toov I
m
notmos ayicov lCEAHcov Z
42 1170 Sparti, Topiko Isto~o Archeio, let 148 11462 0
~
(oJim Therapna, Hagion Tessa- m
:;0
~
rakonta) m
Z
43 1172 Messina, Biblioteca Regionale le 223 1515 Neilos (??6 Messina m
Universitaria SS. Salvatore 73 ~
Z
44 1174 Citti del Vaticano, Bibl. lesk 194 1122 Germanos Theodoretos ()
m
iAposLVatic., Vat. gr 1068 mono mono em
Paulos hierom. ZI
45 1174-5 Sina'. Hagias Aikaterines, lesk 143 1866 Basileios
I
gr.232 Skenwes Ktetor'tou

46 , 1175 Sina', Hagias Aikaterines, le 284 /855

notarios
Griinder und Kreta
ayio'\) recopywu
Griinder und
~I
n
:r
:;0
gr. 221 Stifter des Chandax- Stifter des "T1

Kloster'tile;
9£0't61COU tk£-
Herakleion Kloster Tijc;
9£o't6ICo'\) EM.-
I~
OOOl1C; owr,;

36 Der Name wird in einer lnvokation (f. 2v.) und nicht im Kolophon el'Wihnt.
A ~
I~
 INHALT BLA TIZAHL NR. SCHREIBER ENTSTE- AUFTRAG- i-~ 1
NR.]H. DATUM HANDSCHRIFT J 1
(ALAND) (ALAND) (ALAND) HUNGSORT H GEBER
._-- -- --- - - - - -- --_.- -- - - - - - - - _.- -_ . - - ~ -- ----- --- ----- .- -- --.-- .- - ----
47 1180 _""-rhos, Panteleemonos 31 lesk 175 11183 Ioannes anagn .
"rou ClapKTlKU
48 1181 .-\thos, Xenophontos 1 lesk 104 1'710 Ioannes 6 Bistum von Basile10s hier.
MOVClCl'tllPtw'tllC; Bu thro to s aus dem Dorf
anagn.- Dorf [Link]; TSEPKOU~[Link]~
nomikos
49 1185 London, BL, "\dd. 28817 leskt 306 1330 Kosmas mono Zagora im Basileios Pap le-
HallS des nos
Theodoros
Karabdas und
I~
dessen Frau
Zoe
I;
50 1185 olim Thessaloniki, Naos Mega- le 252 1838 Theodoros Kloster 't11C; Ilarion I~
l ::::l

les Panagias (olim J. G. Spyriou) anagn. E>EO'tOl(DU Mastounes

-kalligraphos hegown. des
'tOu KClA.01t01J- Kloster 'tile;
[Link] 9EO'tOKOU -
Gerasimos
51 1193 Krakow, Bibl. Jagiellonska, 2898 let 272 1375 Thomas diak. - [Zypern] Leon - Olympi-
(olim Berol. graee. fol. 51) prosmonanos Leukosia - res presb. und
'tau u"{tOU Traehonas andere Priester -
'Iroo.vVD1J Theodoros
£A. [Link]; Kontari(tes) und
 ~
[Link]. DATUM HANDSCHRIFT 11 INHALT BLATTZAHL NR. SCHREIBER ENTSTE- AUFTRAG- ~

(AUND) (ALAND) (ALAND) HUNGSORT '2 GEBER

58 1276 A thos, DGcheiariou 13}8 le 272 1653 Manouel 'tou
l.:7t(l(J'tPl~ i1
59 1277-78 Athenal, EHE, 10439 ksk 173 /1523 Georgios ruer.
60 1297 Athos, Pantokratoros, 29 k 211 11056 Konstantinos
[Link] 'tou Mo-
[Link]
61 14. 1318--19 Athos, Stauronikita, 102 leskt 248 1747 Theodosios Michael presb.
hier. 'tou (>6&0
6:~1tEA n (?) Vl
Cl>
:::J
62 1338 EI-Iskandariya, BibL Patriar. 10 leskt 313 1761 Beniamen ruer. a..
...,
Cl>
63 16. 1533 Paris, BN, Paris. gr. 317 lesk 223 190 Stephanos [Zypern- Klemens ~
~

anagn. Famagusta] Parthenos 61

:::J
Sohn des Klosterkirche presb. aus
Philippos 'ti1s ayiru; Rhodos -
na,pa,(Jl(EUft<; Georgios, Sohn
des Demetrios
Poutieres -
Lourentzos
Sapsares40

38 Folio 1 und 272 sind aus dem 9. Jh. (Aland NI. 11553). ff. 2-271 haben die Notation nur in den letzten Kola.
39 Notation: nur mit Punkt-Aposlrophos-Tekia.
40 Vg). andere Angaben in Constantinides-Browning, DoledGmk MtIfIIIJcripts, 280-283 .
 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 45\

Annaiisa Doneda COMPUTER APPLICATIONS

TO BYZANTINE CHANT:
A RELATIONAL DATABASE
FOR THE KOINONIKA OF THE
ASMATIKON*

1. Introduction and Motivations

The peculiarities of the Greek and Palaeoslavonic communion chants of
the asmatikon repertory and the pioneering avenues for the encoding
of Byzantine notation, which were opened up by the Copenhagen code,
developed by Nanna Schiedt and Bjamer Svejgard since 1971,1 have
been the elements which gave to me the idea to design a relational data-
base containing the textual and neumatic data of the two mentioned rep-
ertories.
The present paper focuses on the database project and provides a
description of the criteria I have used for the encoding and storing of the
original data - up to fifteen neumatic rows. This comes at the end of
a research which has been based on the tabulation of all the available
sources of the Byzantine and Palaeoslavonic koinonika repertories. 2
Whereas the tabulation of all the extant MSS is workable in the standard
format of ,a paper edition, the sheer quantity of neumatic and melodic
data to be compared and handled demands different solutions.

• I wish to thank Professor Christian Troelsgird for encoutaging this project in its initial
stages. Reviewing the preliminary description he made important suggestions ss tegatd6 the
treatment of texts.
l' Nanna SchiOOt, "A Computa-Aided Analysis of Thirty-five B~antine Hymns", Sllltliu ill
Eosltrtl Chollt, ed. Milo~ VelimiroviC (London, 1971), Vol. 2, 129-154.
2 The most significant studies in this area present only a selection of the round notation
and/or kondakarian versions. Cf. Dimitri Conomos, TIN 1..411 BJ~ _ SIIIIJIIIK UIIIIIIII1I-
ion Cycle: UhIrgy t:IIId Mltsi( (Dumbarton Oaks, 1985); Simon Har~ "The Communion-
Chants in 13th Century Byzantine Musical MSS", ShIdiu ill ElJStml Chml/, ed. Maos Velimiro-
vie (London, 1971), Vot. 2, 51--67 and TIN CDlllllllltfiDa-Chllllll1j • ThiftNtllh-C1tIbIry Byzmr-
tint Asmatikbn, ed. Simon Harns (Amsterdam, 1999).
i46 Annalisa Doneda

The project's goal IS to enable connection and retrieval of a very

large amount of musical information, encoded with due regard for both
the nature of the neumatic material and the analytical purposes for
which the code can be used.

2. Data and Sources: The Communion Chants Repertories

Equivalent to the \'Vestern communion, the koinonikon is a chant of the
[Link] Divine Liturgy. The earliest Byzantine melodies, expressed in
round notation, are transmitted in the asmatika, choir-books containing
the melismatic chanted texts of the cathedral rite of Constantinople. The
repertory of the koinonika of the asmatikon consists of over sixty melo-
dies and t\'venty-six texts, preserved in eleven manuscripts, datable from
the 12th__ 13 rh to the 14th centuries, from Southern Italy (CrnA DEL VATI-
C AN O, Bibuoteca Apostolica Vaticana, Borg. gr. 19 and Vat. gr. 1606;

GRCYIT'\i'VRRAT:\, Bibuoteca della Baclia Greca, r.y.I, r.y.v, [Link], [Link],

[Link] and E.~.I; MI':SSINt\, Biblioteca Regionale Universitaria, Fondo

S. Salvatore, gr. 129)3 and Greece (ABQL, Mov~ MeytCltTIC; Aaupac;, r 3 and
KALTOPIA, Bl~AlOe~1(l1 Tfl~ Mrl'CP01tOA£O:><;, 8).
Two cycles are used to transmit the communion chants: the cycle of
the oktoechos and the cycle of the liturgical year that follows the major
feasts in the ecclesiastical calendar, with fixed and movable feasts com-
bined in a single order. Several koinonika in the latter group are provided
with more than one setting but with no fixed oktoechal scheme.
The majority of the texts are from the Psalter, but there are two non-
scriptural texts (for Holy Thursday and Easter); in all but these two cases
the koinonika conclude with the al1eluia refrain which frequently sur-
passes in length and elaboration the moderately melismatic choral set-
tings of the scriptural texts .

.3 Yat. Borg. gr 19. Vat. gr. 1606, Crypt r.y.v, Crypt. E.~.l and Messan . gr. 129 combine the
content of the .\smarikon with the repertory of the Psaltikon, the soloist's book. ef. OLiver
Strunk , "S Salvatore di Mcssina and the Musical Tradition of Magna Graecia", Ess'!)'J on
[Link]( 11/ the Byzoll/tm I.J:lorld, eu. Kenncth l .cv}' (New York, 1977),45-54.
 COMPUTER APPLICATIONS TO BYZANTINE CHANT

Palaeobyzantine Asmatikon
I
Palaeoslavonic Asmatikon
I
Kondakaria
Blagovescenskij Kondakar' 12th c.
Uspenslcij Kondakar' A.D. 1207
Sinodal'nyj Kondakar' mid. 13th c.
Byzantine Asmatikon '.

~ I ~
'Pure' Greek 'Pure' Italo-Greek 'Mixed' Italo-Greek
Asmatika Asmatika Asmatika

Crypt. r.y.I 12th· 13th c.

Crypt. [Link] 12th·13th c.
Messan. 81'. 129 13th c.
Crypt. r.y.v A.D. 1:224
Vat. gr. 1606 13th c.
Crypt. [Link] 13th·14th c. Vat. Borg. gr. 19 13th-14th c.
Crypt. E.o'xm 13th·14th c.
Kastoria 8 14th c. Crypt. [Link] 14th c.
Athon. Lavra r 3 14th c.

L r 3 Aeru:. Mo"" M£yi01Tl~ AaUpa~ r 3

C f.y.! GROTTAFERRATA. Biblioteca della Baclia Greca, r.y.!
C r.y.v r .y.v
C r.y.V1 [Link]
c r .[Link] [Link]
C [Link] [Link]
C E·IU E.p.l
K8
M 129 MESSINA, Biblioteca Regionale Uriivenitaria. Fondo S.·SaJvatore, gr. 129
SK MOSKVA, GosudanMnnyi IstoriCcskij Mum (GlM). Sin.. Tip. 777 (Sinodal'nyj Kondakar')
UK MOSKVA, Gosudantvennyi Istoriceskij Muzei (GIM), Usp. 9 (Uspenskij Kondakar')
BK SANKT-PETERBURG. RossijJ~ Nacio~'naia Biblioteka,
Saltykov Shchedrin, Q.n.l. 32 (BlagovBtensldj Kondakar')
B 19 VATICANO, CI'I"fA DEL, Biblioleca Ap~tolica Vaticana. Bot!. p. 19
V 1606 Mat. gr. 1606

Figure 1 Slavonic and Byzantine MSS [Link] the koinonika

repertones
, - - - -----
Annalisa Doneda
~--

The tabulation of all the round notation versions, as 1 have produced

in the trawtional edition on paper,4 points to a substantially uniform tra-
dition, with the unique exception of Borg. gr. 19. However, within this
substantially uniform tradition, there are occurrences of small neumatic
variants among the different versions, as well as modal ambiguities and
melodic transpositions of chant sections. There are also differences in
the number and disposition of the medial cadences.
The case of this repertory is, however, more complex and it is an
oversimplification to consider only the Middle Byzantine notational sys-
tem. Among the Greek asmatika, manuscript Kastoria 8 stands out be-
cause its notation is expressed in great 'stenographic' signs placed over
the standard round notation version. It most likely recalls archaic adia-
stematic notational systems such as, the Palaeobyzantine Chartres nota-
tion and the kondakarian notation of the Palaeoslavonic asmatikon.
The Slavonic counterpart of the koinonika is transmitted in three
kondakaria dating from the 12th to the 13 th centuries: SANKT-PETERBURG,
Rossijskaja Naciona}'naia Biblioteka, Saltykov Shchedrin, Q.n.l. 32 (Bla-
govescenskij Kondakar'); MOSKVA, Gosudarstvennyi lstoriceskij Muzei
(GIM) , Sin. Tip. 777 (Sinodal'nyj Kondakar,); and Usp. 9 (Uspenskij Kon-
dakar').5
The kondakarian notation consists of two combined rows of neu-
mes. The lower row presents little signs of intervallic and rhythmic value;
the upper one shows 'stenographic signs', which were first called hypo-
stases (MdO)6 and subsequently (UNKj 7 hyperstases by Constantin Flo-
ras. The neumes can be arranged in sets in which the signs remain inde-
pendent, or else they can be combined to create a new complex sign.

4 er the mcipi/of the Komonikon for the Liturgy of the Tran~figuration of the Lord (Exam-
ple 1 on p. SO) and Annalisa. Doncda, 1 Koinonilea dell'Anno LitHrgico nel Ms Kasl(),-io 8 [type-
wntten dissertatlOll, Universlty of Pavia. 1993-941; eadem, "IIyperstascs in MS Kastoria 8
and the [Link] Notation: Relationships and Interchangeability", in Poloto'-!;Zcmtitu No-
to/ions IJ. Arlo of the Congms Held at Hernm Castle (The Netherlands) in October 1996, ed.
C Troelsgard and G Wolfram, A.A. Brcdius Foundation (Herncn. 1999), 23-36.
5 Floros, UmlJtrsok Neumenlellnrk, Vol. 2, 26S--272.
6 Floros, "Die Entzifferung ... ".
7 Floros, Um~,.sak NtJl11ltllkJlnde, Vol. 1,44. 'I-}yperswes' indicate the physical position above
(he row of small 'intervallic' signs.
 COMPUTER APPLICATIONS TO BYZANTINE CHANT

Palaeobyzantine Asmatikon
I
Palaeoslavonic Asmatikon
I
Kondakaria
Kondakarian Notation

Byzantine~tikon

MS Kastoria 8
/~
'Putt' Greek 'Pure' halo-Greek 'Mixed' Italo-Greek
'Pure' Greek A5matikon Asmatika Asmatib Asmatib
K8 Great signs Not4tion Round Notation

11*
'tCI) - ID ID

Chartres Notation AeoI, Movil ~ AaUparo. r 67 111h-12Ib c.

v
Figure 2 The notational systems employed in the koinonika
repertories

Moreover, a few elementary signs can be rotated in different positions.

The kondakarian notational system is highly complex: the hyperstases
may be a form of stenographical rendering of the melodic formulas, but -
their definitive meaning depends on the related little signs. The combina-
tion of neumes probably allowed to represent details of the melodic line
but, as far as we can understand, it creates possible variables in the deci-
phering of melodic and formulaic meaning.

.Iriv'<Bibliothek
.. ." .~ n
,-5---
1 °_ __ __ --- -- - --
Annalisa Doneda

BK ? 'I ,.-v-
,. :.... Y"?
\lode HI , "-'" j ". ,;'
\' , . / ~ ...,"
't" 1;. 'vU
1. 9M,. Be.· C81; t10 t t t, 1; 1; TE:'
('; K ...:.;-; ~ ;= S
-., .. ,
"
,;' +-
M'AJe I ''''
f. 202,
'
B\ cB1;
'

t 10 t "t ,/

1;' t t 't
c.J 'u;;;
Tt
SK ~ ~ loo S
Modo ' I '\~
'h /
t 1; t,
I
? ?
I ,u <-
( 112, B. eHt ) ) )
Tt
B 19
Mode III pI.
r 7r Ev
N
flJ)
~
--:::,
IJ)
, I
'? 7....... ;-
+al1J)
~~~
>t'
.t- ~I
.. 'nl " ,"
I)<;"
~~
~,;'
K8 Ev
~
/ .:.:..
).. :;-
+co 'IQ -
fCll - IJ) -
-{ :.
------ -n - \ ' 11 - \-
(I)'
_ "f, j
~ ~J
-\ .. ~
'nl-ll-TlC;'
" ~.)

708 Q'~~
G G a bca b
709 , '
GaF G
710
a ba G GE aG
...
F G FE

K8
. ~/ ,,'- ;; .........~ ;; /' • .......oJI.

" ..
-:'J .~ .,
Mode I\, pI _ _L :--- • • I

g+;. • • • •• • .:: • .•
f. 40v
fW:, U!l 00 W' ~ 00 n
•
1\ t 't11 -
•
I) - 11~
•

Lr 3 11
;; ......." . ~ :- .... , ,.
""r -.,
~, .,.,. h

Mod. III pI.

f. 20" tJ - w

Ev 'till Ul ~ n - 1\ I TlJ IJo;

V 16116 I< 11
... ,.,.
~.... ;;
'-"'-- .:;. .1-, ~
......a
.. ..
.:;, ,Vt ..,
M(><I<'iUpL
f. 145v •J
Ev 'till Ul 00 ~J (j) fl I I
. TlJ
.
I)~
1\

;;.--
&.i ' ~
c r.y,V 11 "
Mode 111 pI.
f. 195" v
n - I I

M 129 11
&.i
;;.--
'
,,-"
. {od~ 11I pI.
f lS4r ~ .
n I

_.
c r .[Link]
Mode III pI. ~"~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
F •

~~~~~:;l ~ ~~.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
n

-- _. -.,

f. 142,. -... ~ Ev
• • • • .
00' t! - 11

Example 1 Koinonikon for the Liturgy of the Transfiguration of

the Lord
 COMPUTER APPLICATIONS TO BYZANTINE CHANT

The kondakaria transmit a communion repertory which is clearly

linked to the koinonika of the Byzantine asmatikon as regards modal,
melodic and textual elements. "We have a Slavic Communion cycle ap-
parently borrowed, as far as text and liturgy are concerned, from the
Constantinopolitan usage of about 1100. [... ] Where the kontakia were
disappointing, the Communions provide the musical link with Greek
models that one might almost expect in these circumstances. The paral-
lels are not limited to the mode or overall form, but extend to the fabric
of the melodies. In this moderately ornate style the formulas tend to
stand out, and when it appears that corresponding formulas are more or
less systematically applied to corresponding words and phrases it seems
clear enough that these Slavic c01l!munions descend from a Greek As-
matikon archetype."!!
The peculiar notation found in manuscript Kastoria 8 proves the ex-
istence of a 'lost' Palaeobyzantine version of the chants and confirms
the validity of the criteria for deciphering the kondakarian notation
worked out by Floros even before the discovery of the manuscript.9

*
The ultimate objective of the koinonika database is the complete long-
term storage of the data of Byzantine and Palaeoslavonicrepertories,
connecting text, punctuation, signatures, neumations, pitches and inter-
vals for each chant, on the basis of the Copenhagen code. This is done
a
in such a way as to make data accessible for variety of uses, thus ena-
bling one to search for string-, pitch-, or interval-combinations within

8 Kenneth [Link], The Byzantillt COllllllllnion-Cyclt and its Slavic COllnl"/>tIf'l, Actes du XIIC Congres
International d'J~tudes Byzantines, Ochride 1961 (Belgrade, 1963), Vol. 2, 571-574: 572. An
exhaustive bibliography regarding the history and the. deciphering of the kondakarian nota-
tion is available in Constantin Floros, "Die Entziffcru)lg ~e[ Kondakarien-Notation", M'lSi/e
des Oslens, 3 (1965), 7-71 and 4 (1967) , 12-44 and iM11I, UnivtrSo/t N'1t1lltrl/eIiRM (Kasscl,
1970), Vol. 11, 265-272; in Gregory. Myers' facsimile edition of Lavrsky Kondakar', Tht
LnvrsltrJ TroitsltrJ KontiaJeor, compiled · by Grcgory Mycrs, Monurnenta Slavico-Byzantina et
Mediacvalia Europensia, 4 (Sofia, 1994); as well as in his l)hD thesis: The Asmo/ic Tropmio,
Kotavosioi, and HypaJeoai "yeks" ill thn,. Pakos/afJ(Jnie RimlSionsj A Stilt!! in Comptlf'a/iVl Pokogra-
p~, University of British Columbia, 1994 (microfiche).
9 C f. Horos, Universale Ntumenkundt, Vol. 2, 265-272 and Doneda, "I-Iyperstases .. .", 23-24.
~2· -=---.--_===--___ Annalisa Doneda
---------------------------~

the Middle Byzantine tradition. The database will also facilitate the com-
parison of different notational systems, such as kondakarian and Kasto-
ria 8 notatIOns, which can be presented in graphic or encoded formats.

3. The Koinonika Database Development Processes

After having described the peculiarities of the data, I shall briefly outline
the maln phases involved with the development of the application.
The applicatIon design was broken down into two sub-areas: data-
base design and program design. The database design involves under-
standing and breaking apart the data that are going to be entered and ex-
tracted from the application; it aims to perform all design decisions in a
structured way.
Program design breaks apart the application into different processes
and defines how the application is going to work.
Three distinct subphases describe the process of database design:
conceptual design, logical design, and physical design.
• The objective of the conceptual design is to produce a high-level,
DBMS-independent schema,lO starting from requirement specifi-
catIons.
) The logical design describes how the application parts will func-
tion with each other and how the database will interact.
) The physical design describes the physical technologies, databases,
and implementations of visual components that the application
will use.
Database design can be introduced using an abstraction mechanism, the
mental processes through which designers concentrate upon the proper-
ties of data [hat describe the reality. The most diffused model that han-
dles this type of abstraction is that proposed by Chen in 1976,11 called
the Entiry-R£Jationship model, which depicts the relationships between data
entities in a graphical form.

10 =
D HMS Database Management System.
11 ef. Peter P Chen, " The Entity-Rclation:;hip Model: Toward A Unified View of Data",
ACM Tronsuctionsoll Database Systems 1/ 1 (1976), 9-36 and Paolo i\tzeni - Stefano eeri -
Stefano Paraboschi - Riccardo 'Jorlone, Basi di ddli: concelti, linguoggi e orchiltthm (Milano,
1999)
 COMPUTER APPLICATIONS TO BYZANTINE CHANT

The E-R diagram in Figure 3 represents the conceptual model of the

koinonika database.

IDOraISip
OtaISip
~
SimilK~Ncume
SimiIIr KoadIbrIao-Ncw.
[Link]

Complete ~ of Ne_cl elClipatiq

aceent aDd rllytlsm u. ia,...".Uic N___• ROUND-NoTATION
(with puoctutioa) NEUMES 0r0Ip of iIIIrvaI1ic ~
Com,l ... p-ou, of N..... cI~.ti., (CoPENHAGEN CoDB) ~
accut ud rIlytIuB uel iatervaJhc N..... n_"'oItb1 melody
(withollt plIIlctawDa) .

Figure 3 The Entity-Relationship diagram of the koinonika data-

base
r --- - --- - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - -- -,
54 Annalisa Doneda
-- - - - - -- - ---

The basic elements of an E-R diagram are entity sets and relation-
ships between these sets. Relationships are shown as diamonds and entity
sets are shown as rectangles. The entlty sets are MANUSCR1fY!:;, FEASTS, TEXTS,
MODL;; , C( l\fM'.'\iION Cl L\~I'S, SU:TIONS, WORDS, S'[Link] and NEUMES of
the \!otatJonal Systems involved (ROUND NOTATION neumes, encoded ac-
cordlng to the Copenhagen code) KOND,\K,\RIAN I'[YPERSTASES with related
I.n"!'l.!:: SI C;, s and K '\STORIA 8 GHY.\T SICNS).
Diamonds express relationships such as transmits, has many, has onc,
has zen) or om, rtpresents, and so on.
In the koinonika database:
M,\M '~C RWTS transmit TFxTs, and each Tl'Xl' can have many musical
settings for various different liturgical destinations.
> Musical settings are related to the BY'I.t\NTINF and SLAVONIC MODAL
SYST E MS.
> E ach CO MMUN ION CII ,\NT combines the elements listed above.
> The vast majority of the chants consist of two SECTIONS: verse
and alleluia.
> Each SECTION can be subdivided (verses and/or hemistichs and/
or words).
> Each \X\)Rl) can be subdivided into single syllables, where ac-
Ct~nteJ syllables will be highlighted.
) For each SYl.J.i\BI.I:., the entities ROUND NOTATION NEUMES, KAsTORIA
8 GHI :AJ' SICNS, and KONDAKARL-\N HVPERSTASES store the appropri-
ate neumatic, rhythmic, intervallic, and melodic data.
Once the entities and their relationshjps were defined,
~ key attributes for each entity were established;
> each entity was completed with all the attributes;
~ all entities were normalized;
> it was ensu~ed that all events and operations were supported by
the model.
The next step in the database design was converting this model into
a logical model.
> The logical model of the koinonika database is relational. Follow-
ing the fundamental steps of database design and development
the E-R diagram was translated into the relational model.
 COMPUTER APPLICATIONS TO BYZANTINE CHANT 551
In the last step the physical model described how Microsoft Access
2000® manages physical data storage.

*
Now, for the sake of brevity, I shall point out only the most impor-
tant entities and relationships of the diagram (cf. Figure 3). Moreover,
using snapshots to make the procedure of data storage more compre-
hensible, I shall show several significant tables and forms of the koi-
nonika database file that I implemented with Microsoft Access 2000®
and Visual Basic®. At present the database contains only a selection of
textual, neumatic and melodic data of the repertoire.
~ The entity MANUSCRW1'S stores a number of identificatory features
pertaining to each, codex, such as library shelf mark, library, date,
origin, provenance, notations, external description, internal descrip-
tion, bibliographical references and image/graphics, when available.

Figure 4 The entity Modes

rc;- ---.- - -- --
L~6_ _ __ - - --
Annalisa Doneda
- -- - - - - - -

CODE SYMBOLS

]nten'aliic Neutlles Nelltlles Designating Accent and Rhythm

Neutlle N atllt of N tllme CodeSymboj Neume Name of Nelltlle Code Symbol

e- lson I "- Bareia
Oligon 0 Pwma 2
./ Oxeia X ~
" Xeron K1asma 3
..,.) Petasle P V- Kylisma 4
c...-..c. Kouphisma U Apoderma 5
Ken lema K
"""" Diple
/". 6
L Hypsele H J.r' Kratema 7
~ Aposrrophos A v Tzakisma 8
n Elapbron E r Gorgon 9
S Hyporrhoe R (r)
'C. Chamelc C

" Dyo Kentemua D

AdditWnai Symbols
End of Hymn
Used in [Link] with D
Separates Neumes and Groups of Neumes

space Separates Neumes and Groups of Neumes

, ..
Jequmcr.

Step 0
•
of Notu Used

•
2
• • • •
6
•
7
• •

9
• •
10 11
•
12
•

13

Upward Inufl/a1J Downward Itl/mltZls

0 +1 +2 +3 +4 +S +6 +7 -1 -2 -3 -4
0 K KO OH HP HOXHKO A E EA AC
IP P OP KP PH HX AA R EAA MC
IX X OX KX XH AP EP
IU U OK KOP AB
r D XK ME
PK

Figure 5 The Copenhagen Code

c=_________C_O_M_P_U_T_ER__A_PP_l_IC_A_TI_O_N_S_T_O_B_Y_ZA__NT_I_N_E_C_H_A_N_T_________5_71
) The entity MODES stores data related to Byzantine and Slavonic
modes: pitches, signatures and/or intonation formulas, encoded
according to the Copenhagen code (cf. Figure 5) 12 and .wav files.
The Copenhagen code uses alphabetic code symbols for intervallic
neumes and numeric code .rymbols for neumes designating accent and
rhythm. Additional symbols are: comma, to separate neumes and
groups of neumes, underscore in combination with Dyo Kente-
mata, space to separate neumes and groups of neumes.
) The entity FEASTS stores data related to the feasts of the liturgical year.
> The entity TEXTS stores the incipit of each Greek text, the whole
Greek and Slavonic' texts, an I talian translation and the relevant
scriptural references.

Figure 6 - The entity Koinonika

12 See ScruOOt, "Computer-Aided Analysis", 131 and 135.

r---
158 Annalisa Doneda
---------------------------~

) The entity KOINONIK :\ stores data relating to each musical setting (the
toral number adds up to 450). This procedure of data storage facilitates
the subsequent comparison of the round notation neumatic versions
because each kOlOonikon can be separately treated and analysed. The
data are: follOS, mode, rubric (Greek or Slavonic), references to Greek
or Slavonic text and bibliography.
) The entity SI~C'J'rONS stores the verse/ alle1uia subdivision of each
koinonikon. A further subdivision is related to the textual struc-
ture of the verse and to the musical structure of the melismatic
setting of the alleluia. At the present stage of the project, consid-
ering the formulaic peculiarity of the repertoire, the first subdivi-
sion is related to hemistichs and/or single words. Subroutines
will allow the grouping of words and encoded neumes, pitches
and intervals in single fields as continuous strings of signs, recon-
structing the structure of the chants.
) The entity WORDS stores every word in either Greek or Slavonic
for each koinonikon.
) The entity SYLLABLES stores syllables of each word, inclusive of ac-
centuation and punctuation.
The method used in storing texts is crucial because it is the starting
point for the process of linking musical data and for the subsequent pro-
cedure of data retrieval through specific queries. The basic unit for que-
ries; notational comparison, and musical analysis is the syllable. Syllables
are, however, further divided into letters, including vowel repetitions and
interpolated asmatic letters, which are preserved in transcription just as
they are found in the manuscripts .
. Figvre 7, on page 15, shows the INPUT form for ROUND NOTA110N
NJ:U.\fl ·S r,Il\KI';O TO Ll·:nVRS. Each encoded neume is linked to its syllable or

letter of vocalization. Subroutines automatically translate the melodic

values of the neumes to jntervals and write down the related pitches,
according to the Copenhagen code, expressed in numbers and letter no-
tatton.
 n
o
~
-0
C
-l
m
A)

>-
.."
-0
r-

~
oz
VI

o
to
-<
~
Z
:j
Z
m
n
Figure 7 Input form for round notation [Link] linked to letters I
>-
Z
....,

V1
1.0
~_O_________________________A
_n_n_a_l_is_a _D_o_n_e_d_a________________________~

274 14 ·4 ...0!3, .a; '0 ·c

274 1 . 15 .1 1· sau - .... SIX", A. . ~I)( ~ ... .·..~ I}( ·A .U 2d : cb
274 1 15 ' 1 2;<- A.. . . ~ . . ;j\ " .2.d. . . ;a ".
274 • 15 1 3l~u : M.M !M ;2d lG
271. · 15
: 15
·1
:1
.(au : . -".1KO ' (~_ - .11kQ:r ::' ~~=="~TK.q:E --=-- :lra 3.~ -=.1~ .a~~=
. . .. . 5[0.!l. . . ,Q,9!?L _.. 19 .QIl... , ..... _... ...:.... ;gQ ._...... "......?,t~3L ......... it~ _._
· 16 :1 j:a - CA. D,CA 0 j CA D 6 d 2 a :E F
. ~lJ ....
:CA_DO OKP EAO :Sd 2a 2a 3a 2a 3d 2d 2. ;EFGbcaGa

:' : C.A._D OOKPE1 7 Aa; : CA D O OKPEAOEA D '6d2a2a3a2a3d2d2a !EFGbcaGaEFGcc

. ;EA _0 a; KO 118 E 1K'J. .. i9k:9 1f::. i<:0 E:9 .E:OKR..()E _ 4.~?~2.a~a. I,J ~d4a}~ ., db. ~ . a !:. :I .~C;. ~, ~, ~c;~ g

~ .~

;'t.: 274
~~ 274
!~ . 274 1
", .. ;
~. ,
274 1
:; 274 1
,( .

:+ :
27.4 .
274 ,
Figure 8 Table Round notation neumes Linked to letters

The table RO UND NO 'IATION Nl~UMES LINKED TO LETfERS (Cf. Figure 8)

stores complete groups of neumes for each Greek vowel or interpolated
letter because the neumation of simple signs and rhythmical signs is re-
corded for detailed searches. A complete group of neumes contains neu-
mes designating accent and rhythm and intervallic neumes. Other data
stored in this table arc the intervals and the transcription of the melody
in letter notation. These multiple presentations of neumatic data make
the search operations more flex1ble.

The form KO NDAI0\RIAN NEUM FS (ENTITIES KONDJ\KARIAN HYPERSTASES AND

KO N D AK ,\[Link] UTILE S IGNS) (C£. Figure 9) stores the kondakarian hypersta-
ses names, the hyperstases images, links to kondakarian little signs and to
related syllables of the text. This allows the comparison of both Greek
and Slavonic neumatic versions.
 n
o
~
-0
C
-i
m
~
):-
-0
-0
r

S
oZ

~J
tr>
r\
• 6 "" o
Uc1 d d O;J
~

~
Z
:::!
Z
m

Figure 9 Form Kondakarian neumes n

I
):-
(En tities Kondakarian hypers tases and Kondakarlan Z
--I
little signs)

0'>
-'
 An nali sa Do neda J
Manuscript ID l<astorit';t S Greet $i90 ID

Great Sign NalJle Itinagr:0.~ (or Iygisma) strangislllata ....

mllma.. 01< _D P A 118 E l KO E OS E6 OP E6 8X A ,LI, OK3 P R A 05
A60 1 [6 A I 8X A A 16 80H2 E 0 _D 07 A [3 A 8X EA 10
_D AE 06 OK 0 02 rr A.A AE 06 KO 18 AE lK E 106 A AA

Great Sign In~

Fig ure 10 The entity Kastoria 8 great signs

The entity K \ STOR I.\ 8 (; R I ~i\T SIC S (ef. Figure 10) sto res the great sign
name, the great sign image, links to the rel ated yllables. Additio nal re-
marks are sometimes includ ed.
T he data stored in the table will be available for di fferent purposes.
The neum s are in itially tored in connection with a single letter, but
they can be grouped in connection wi th the related syllab le (see Figure 11)
or the related wo rd. For each syllable all the neumatic versions expressed
in MiddJe Byzantine, kondakatian and Kastoria 8 great signs notations can
be listed. Moreover, to facili tate the display of mel odic formulas I ha e
designed a fom which automatically converts letter transcrip tion to ar-
rhythmical staff-notation ( f. Figure 12) .
 n
o
~
-0
C
-I
m
:::0
»
-0
-0
r-
n
»
-I
oZ
(fl

o
CO

~
Z
-I
Z
m
()
I
»
Z
-j

Figure 11 Forms Neumes linked to syllables and Neumes linked

to words
0'1
W
 Se.=t ;0'1 ID J \·Vord 3D [ 3~
rlI
I
Greek Word~ r.--. -:'.- - - -- - - - - --
I
Slavonic Word 1(:Nb rll

_D E 0 0 X A A J E KO rr AA

>-
:J
::;
~
V1
tu
X ./ .:J + w oo
t t· t t t NeuI".e,; Oesi~n"bng ~ccent and Rh~·t,""'i
:J
ro
CL
tu
lE _D E 060 6X A A lIB E K02 rr AA

~esS¥a+ k&.abasf~~~Yl'.!.!"'_ j

0-----=~~. ~.~
It __ .1
j.. aFGabaGGEaaG

Figure 12 Synop tic vi ew o f enco ded round notation neumes and

related Kastoria 8 and Kondakarian neumes
 COMPUTER APPLICATIO NS TO BYZANTIN E CHANT

To analyse the data, query expressions using wildcard characters are

permitted, so that the following types of searches are possible:
a) Sets of intervals connected with specific neumes and pitches.
b) Sets of intervals not connected with specific neumes but related
to specific pitches.
c) Sets of pitches or sets of intervals not connected with specific
neumes.
d) Sets of pitches connected with specific neumes and so on.'
e) Sets of neumes for each accentuated syllable in the repertoire for
specific modes and so on.
£) Sets of round notation neumes related to one specific kondakar-
ian hyperstasis.
g) Sets of round notation neumes related to one specific Kastoria 8
great sign.

*
In conclusion, the idea for this type of pr ject was prompted by consid-.
eration of the difficulties experienced in handling the Byzantine musical
data and by the interesting results prod uced with a simpler version of the
database I implemented some years ago with the specific aim of compar-
ing the Kastoria 8 round no tation neumes and the great signs. The
automatic handling of data has produced evidence for unexpected rela-
tions between the notational systems:13
)0 Sometimes the Kastoria 8 great sign seemed not even to repre-
sent the formulae written in the infp!ior rows: they appear to be
linked rather to the n eumation s 'Which can be fo und in onc or
more of the other sources I had collated.
) Comparison of numero us rou nd no tation sources revealed diver-
gences suggesti ng the existence of variou links between the for-
mulas present in the Greek and Slavonic traditio ns. This seems
preferable to assuming the existence of a distinct Sout h Italian
tradition different from the Greek o ne.
) Comparison of Borg. gr. 19 with the Slavonic versions shed new
light on its anomalous features; highlighting the peculiarities of

'L3 Fo r a detailed description sec Doncda, 'l lypemascs in MS Kastona 8",. 23- 36.
 Annalisa Doneda

this MS within the Byzantine musical tradition: the anomalous

Middle Byzantine tradition of codex Borg. gr. 19, in comparison
with the Slavonic versions, seemed to be reinforced.

Several aspects of the logical and physical design of this 'new' data-
base and the criteria for an effective storage and retrieval of data must
still be verified. I am aware of the necessity to design a 'user-friendly' in-
put form to enter the neumes: a possible solution would be' to create a
specific neumatic font to cover the Copenhagen code with a mask. The
production of a graphic interface, however, involves radical changes in
the code's 'dictionary' to represent neume groups and positions. How-
ever, in my opinion, the development of computer applications of this
type may provide an important research tool in the treatment of com-
plex notational combinations and I welcome proposals and suggestions
for adapting or simplifying the mechanisms described in this project, es-
pecially for extending the storage of musical data to different repertories
of Byzantine chant.
 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 67[

Svetlana REMODELING THE

Kujumdzieva OKTOECHOS: PURPOSE
AND MEANING*
(BASED ON MATERIALS FROM
THE 12TH TO THE 15 TH CENTURIES)

The object of the present contribution is the remodeling of the neu-

mated Oktoechos within the Sticherarion. The problem is related to the
reformative work of one of the greatest medieval musicians, John Kou- .
kouzeles, around the beginning of the 14th century, and especially to his
revision of the Sticherarion. The latter question was first posed by Oliver
Strunk in a couple of articles from the 1960s. I Strunk found a close rela-
tionship in a number of musical idioms between the revised Koukouze-
les' Hirmologia, for instance, in MS Sinai 1256 from 1309, and the Okto-
echos of some Sticheraria from the same time. He suggested that Kou- .
kOuZeles made a revision of the so-called (by Strunk) "marginal" repertory
of the Oktoechos, that is, the repertory has not consistently been neu-
mated?
Since 1992, Jorgen Raasted extended this study and concluded that
Koukouzeles revised not only the "marginal" repertory of the Okto-
echos, but the entire one as well. 3 He pointed out several criteria accord-
* I would like to thank Miss. M.A. Johnson, assistant cur~tor of the Hilandar Research Library
"-
and the Resource Center for Medieval Slavic Studies at The Ohio State University, for her
assistance in preparing this article for publicatipn. '-
0. Strunk, ESStrJs on Mllsic in Iht Byzantine World. cd. by K. Levy '(New York. 1977). See espe-
cially the article up l..orenzo Tardo and His Ottoeco Nci MSS. Melurgici", 255-267.
2 Ibidem. Strunk compared versions of the ordinary dogmatikon in mode 1 "1'1]\1 ltuy-
1C60~lOV ~~cxv'; including tho8C published by L. Tardo aod H. lylliard and concluded that
the two MSS Milan Ambrosiana 139 sup. from 1.342 and Sinai .1230 from 1365 "are the
most deeply involved in relationships with the Hirmologion of Koukouzeles".
3 J. Raasted, "Koukouzelcs' Revision of the Sticherarion and Sinai Gr. 1230", LabtJrtJl't./raJrts
in linNm: FestJrhrijt LisZIO DobsZ'!Y ~III 60. GtbMrtslt«" hrsg. von J. Szendrei und D Hilcy, Spo-
lia Berolinensia: Berliner Beitf'[Link] zur Mediavistik, Bd. 7 (Hildesheim & Ziirich,199S),
261-277. Sec also the cited bibliography there. Raasted found indubitable traces of Koukou-
zeles in the whole Sticherarion and concluded that the Mallter made a revision nl)t only of
 Svetlana Kujumdzieva

ing to which we can speak about Koukouseles' imprints concerning the

Oktoechos' revision:
1) the Oktoechos should be cyclically Oiturgically) arranged accord-
ing to the order of performance of the service items, that is, the
collections of stichera run through the modes only once; it was
opposed to the former systematic (genre) order according to
which the stichera were separate collections running through the
modes any time;4
2) there must be collections of stichera anastasima and ordinary
dogmatika, theotokia dogmatika, and staurotheotokia;
3) there must be ascriptions indicating poet-composers; and
4) there must be musical variants written down in red ink usually
above the original black neumes (the last two items are related to
the entire Sticherarion).

Continuing Strunk's and Raasted's observations, I focused myatten-

tion on the contents, repertory, and music of the Oktoechos, using a
great many sources in order to· reveal in detail its remodeling and to un-
derstand the purpose and meaning of it. The question has remained
open as a whole. In order to characterize the remodeling of the Okto-
echos, however, we must know exactly what it contained and how it has
been transmitted through the centuries: what in it has been changed, re-
moved, added, and how, when, and why this happened. In looking for
answers to questions such as these, I examined the Sticheraria containing
an Oktoechos from the 12th through the 15th centuries preserved in three
libraries: the library of the Ecclesiastical Historical and Archival Institute
of the Patriarch ate of Bulgaria (EHAI), the library of the "Ivan Dui-
chev" Center for Slavo-Byzantine Studies at the State University of Sofia
"St. Clement of Okhrid" (CSBS), and the library of the St. Catherine Mon-
astery on Mount Sinai (S), whose manuscript collection on microfilms is
available at the library of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences. The Sti-
cheraria are neumated in middle-Byzantine notation and, according to

the "marginal" repertory of the Oktoechos but of the entire Sticherarion and this revision
was parallel to that of the Hirmologion.
4 The terms were coined by () Strunk in: Trior/illm Alhollm, ed. by E Follieri and 0. Strunk,
Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae IX (Munksgard, 1975),7.
 REMODELlNG THE OKTOECHOS

Strunk's determination, represent the standard abridged version that ap-

peared after 1050. 5 Since most of the sources included in this study are
not familiar, I shall make some remarks on them.
The four Sticheraria from the Ecclesiastical Institute belong, accord-
ing to their palaeographical characteristics, to the 13th century. Only one
of them is dated: 818 from 1281 (there is an inscription on f. 267v). The
MSS were brought to the library of the Ecclesiastical Institute from the
Bachkovo monastery founded in 1083 by the two Georgian brothers Ba":
kuriani near the town of Plovdiv in southern Bulgaria.6 There was a
scriptorium in Bachkovo, but we cal}not say for sure that these MSS were
written there.
Three of the four 14th -century Sticheraria from the·Duichev .Center
- [Link].49, 292, and 62 - were brought from the Kosinitsa monastery
near town of Drama in eastern Macedonia (since 1912 this region was
included in northern Greece).7 MS [Link].62 is lavishly provided with
musical variants, many of which are as long as the whol~ lines written in
black neumes (Facs. 1). A specific feature of the other MS - [Link].292 -

5 Strunk, op. cit., the cited article.

6 About the MSS in EHAI see E. Toncheva. "The Musical Tradition at the Bachkovo Monas-
tery through the Centuries (rhe Bachkovo Manuscript Collection - l>reliminary Observa-
tions)", Musical Horizons 6 (1987), 54-70; D. Getov, A ehet/elisl of the Greek MOIIllscripl CoUk-
tion al the Ecclesiastical Historical IHId Ar(mwlltutihlll of tb, Patriar(hate of BlIlgaria (SOfia, 1997).
7 About MSS at the Duichcv Center see -S. [Link], "Methodological Notes on the De-
scription of Musical Manuscripts Written in Greek at the "lvan Duichcv" [Link]-al'ch fenter
for Slavo-Byzantine Studi.:;s", Aclts tit la Trible romil: IPrillciplS et m,thotils dII catolbgllllfl du iiiiIitR-
scripts grees de /0 col/tctiOll dtt cml" DMicMtJ (f-hesllalonique, 1992), 91-115; A. Dz,\lrova, K
Stanchev, V Atsalos, V Katsaros, ·'Chtclelist" M /0 colkdioll ill 1JIIJIIIIScrilS grtCJ COlIJervIt (JM lI71/,.,
de rechlrChes J/ova-l.!Jzontillts '1J)(JJf Dllichev" f1IIjJris dt IUllivmili ':ft CI,lJIntl d'Ohrit/" tit Sofia -,
(fhcl\salonique, 1994). The Kosinitsa ~onastery is the other large monastery in the region
along with the famous Prodromos monastery near town of Serres, still known as "St. John
the Forerunner", There were scriptoria in both monasteries, including musical scriptoria. Ac-
cording to information obtained in the Natio~al Ubrary of Athens, all MSS with call num-
bers 2396-2643 formerly belonged to monasteries in the area near the towns of Drama and
Serres. See M. Vclimirovic, "The Prooemic llsalm of Byzantine Vespers", Wordr and Mllsic:
The Schohr's ViI»! (Harvard University, 1972),317-339; also K Stanchev, A. Dzurova, "Ar-
cheographical Remarks from the National Library a.t Athens"~ OM-BlIlgttrilltl UI,ra,*" 9
(1981),33-76.
I~ Svetlan a Kujum dzieva

Facsimile 1 MS [Link].62, f. 54v

 REMO DELlNC THE O KTOECHOS 71

Facsimile 2 11S D. r.292, f. 39v

1 72 __ __________________________
l ___ Svetlana Kujumdzieva
______________________________
~

brings it close to Milan MS Ambrosiana 139 sup. from 1342 which, ac-
cording to Strunk and Raasted, reflected the utmost Koukouzeles' works
(Facs. 2): of all the consulted MSS only these two contain two stichera
idiomela (stichera with their own melodies) ascribed to the metropolitan
of Philadelphia Theoleptos for the .office of St. Demetrios of Thessalo-
niki, whose commemoration is celebrated on October 26. 9 Theoleptos,
metropolitan between 1283/4 and 1322, was called by Gregory Palama "a
forerunner of hesychasm", a leading religious and spiritual movement
for individual seclusion that flourished in the 14th century. Recent re-
search has linked Koukouzeles' activity to this [Link] Stichera were
included in the third Duichev MS - [Link].49 at the end of the book
(f. 417v) for a certain Athanasios.1 1 I have identified this Athanasios as
St. Athanasios the Athonite, whose memory is celebrated on July 5. It
was this Athanasios who was credited with the foundation of the oldest
monastery on Mount Athos in 963, the Great Lavra.
Three of the Sinai Sticheraria were discussed by Strunk and Raasted
in connection with our topic: 1220, 1228, and 1230. 12 The latter was in-
vestigated by J. Raasted in detail. 13 My study on S.1228 shows that it is a

8 Op. cit
9 In MS A 139 $Up. these stichera are put at the end of the book ef. 317r) among the $tichera
for vanou:; saints and feasts. See Stichnmion AmbrosianllRl. cd. by L. Perria and J. Raasted,
Monumenta Musicac Byzantinac IX, Pars Supplctoria (Munksgaard, 1992), 10. In MS
Dgr.292 the stichera are put in the office for St. Demetrios of Thessalonike (f. 39r).
10 E. Toncheva, The 16"' CmlJlry MS5 from Moldovia - Gnat V~. A Reptrtorial and Palatographical-
Textomgical Research (On the Music in the Euthim;os School at Tirnovo riNnng the 14tu Century), PhD.
Diss. (Sofia, 1979); A. Lingas, "Hesychasm and Psalmody", Mount Alhos and Byzantine MonfJS-
ticism, ed. by A. Bryer and M. Cunningham, Variorum (1996), 155-168.
11 The srichera in mode 1 are given as "idiomela"; from mode 2 on - as "automela". Of all of
the consulted Sticherana only this one includes stichera for the office of St. Athanasios the
Athonite. The feast of St. Athanasios Ouly 5), according to M. Skaballanovich, was included
In the Jerusalem Menologion but it was written down by a later hand. See M SkabalJanovich,
The Interpreted 1jpikon (Moscow, 1995),448.
12 Strunk, op cit.; Ibasted, Stichffarion Ambroslanllm, 11. According to Strunk, these Sticheraria
are vcry close to Koukouzclcs' r-lirmologia in terms of the music of the ordinary Dogma-
tikon 10 mode 1 included 10 thetr Oktoechoi. About the Sinai MSS see KW Clark. Checklist
of manllscripts in S'- Ca/hennes Library. MOllnt Sinai (Microfilmed for the Library of Congress:
Washington, nc, 1952).
13 Raastcd, KOllkollzeles' RevisIon ...
 REMODEL! NG THE OKTOECHOS

source of crucial importance: it displays the final stage in the process of

remodeling of the Oktoechos, and respectively, of Koukouzeles' revision
of it. Due to the polychroruon (acclamation/greeting) on its last pages
we can determine the time of its writing. One reads on p. 286v: "'COU
ay\w [Link][ ] Kwvatavnv[ ] KOP VE\AOU. ~€AOC; 6E' Kup \c.>av[] tOU
Aa~[Link]" ("For the Holy Patriarch of Constantinople kyr Neilos.
Melos by kyr Joannes Lampadatios, that is, Kladas"). I have identified kyr
Neilos as Neilos Kerameus, patriarch of Constantinople from March-
April 1380 to his death on February 1, 1388. This means that S.1228 was
written within this time period. Neilos Kerameus was a hesychast, an
ardent Palamite. It may be assumed· that the compilers of MSS A139,
[Link].292, and S.1228, having included pieces written by or celebrating
hesychasts, should have known Koukouzeles' reformative work since
Koukouzeles shared the hesychast ideas. We may conclude also, that
John Lampadarios Kladas, Koukouzeles' adherent, has been involved in
these ideas as well.
Studying the Oktoechos in terms of the remodeling its contents and
repertory, we see that this remodeling was a gradual process following
several stages during the time between the second half of the 13th: and
the last quarter of the 14th century. Here isa summary of the results of
my study (fable 1).
It is well known that stichera anato/ika, alphabetika} theotokia) and ana-
bathmoi, stichera with a stable written (netttnated) tradition representirig,
according to Raasted, the "central" part of the Oktoechos' repertory,
were rearranged from a systematic order into a cyclic one. 14 The three col-
lections of stichera have different poet-composers: the anatofika were as-
cribed in some of the investigated sources to John Monachos, in others
- to Sophronios Patriarch of Jerusalem~t638); the; alphabetika - to John
Monachos; and the anabathmoi in all of the consulted sources -'~ to
Theodore the Stoudites (759-826). In the rearrangement of the three
collections, the 8S stichera anatolika went through the greatest change.
They were divided not only in terms of .the modes but also, in terms of
the order of performance in the services: for Saturday Vespers (StV) and

14 According to 0. Strunk, the sYlitematic erdcr ceased to be used after 1250. See Strunk, Tri,,-
dillm AlholHll, 8.
17-4 --- - -- S tl K· d· I
1_ _ _ _ . _____ _ _ _ _ _ __ v_e_ a_n_a _ u'-
Ju_m_z_le_v_a______ _ _____--.l

for the Sunday Orthros (SnO, that is, the Western Matins and Lauds) and
for Sunday Vespers (SnV). In the late 13 th -century sources we already see
the above three collections following the order of performance in each
mode: 4 anatolika for StY, 3 alphabetika and a theotolcion for Stv,
anabathmoi for SnO, 4 anatolika for SnO and 3 for SnV. This observa-
tion proves Strunk's conclusion that after 1250 the cyclic order gained
priority·!) In the consulted 14th -century MSS this order absolutely pre-
vails.
However, there are some sources from the 13 th and 14th centuries,
which display a mixed order, or as I called it, a "systematic-cyclic" one
(see MSS S.1216, 1586, and 1229 in Table 1): anatolika and alphabetika
run through the modes in a cyclic arrangement, anabathmoi - in system-
atic one. Such a mixed order was pointed out by Strunk in the earliest ex-
tant neumated copies of the Oktoechos: MSS Lavra G 67 and Vatopedi
1488 of the 10 th and Illh centuries.l(> Thus, it seems likely that the mixed
order did not fall into oblivion during the 12th century insofar as we find
it in the 13 th _ and 14th -century sources.
Like the considered three collections of stichera, the stichera prosomoia
(stichera sung on preexisting melodies), ascribed to Theodore and Joseph
the Stoudites (the latter was the archbishop of Thessaloniki between 762
and 832), were also changed. In the 12th- and 13 th -century sources we see
them almost always at the end of the Oktoechos. In most of the 141h_
century sources they were shifted into the Triodion to their appropriate
place of performance after Sunday of Turofago (Cheesefare Sunday).
The ordinary igreatJ) theotokia dogmatika 17 ascribed to John of Damas-
cus (ca. 685-ca. 750), were also removed. In the 13 th -century sources,
where we find them written down systematically for the first time, they

1S Ibidem .
16 ,\ cyck arrangement W3:'-; u:.-;eu III Lavra G 67; 10 Vatopcdi 1488 - a mixed arrangement: the
anaroltka and alphabetika arc in the o rder of pt:rformance in each mode; rhe anabathmoi are
10 :;cparate collecrlOn runnmg through the eight m o des. Sce Strunk, Trior/ium ... , 48 .

17 i\1. Skaballanovieh distinguished "great" thcotokia dogmatika (the incipit of these in mode t
1~ "Ti)v naYlCo0I-.I.l0V 06~av") and "little" theotokia dogmatika (the meipit for mode 1 is
" IIap"tEv\Kl) nav'hup\t;"). SkabaUanovich, op. cit. J Iere it is cited acco rding to M. Jovcheva,
"Composition of Sunday Services in the Oktocchos from Thessalonike", Palaeobll/ganca
1997 /4,37-42
 REMODELlNG THE OKTOECHOS

were put at the head of the "litde" theotokia dogmatika. We have good
reason to assume that the sources containing either their text alone
(MS EHAI 813) or their neumated beginning (MS S.1231) transmit their
earliest records in the middle-Byzantine era. ls In the 14th-~entury sources
we already see them in their actual place: they are written down immedi-
ately after the four stichera anatolika in the service for Stv.
The ('little" theotokia dogmatika, ascribed also to John of Damascus,
and the stichera staurotheotokia, ascribed to Emperor Leo VI the Wise
(reigned from 886 to 912), have preserved their places. Strunk attributes
them to the "marginal" repertory of the Oktoechos. 19 In almost all of the
late 14th -century sources, however, we already find them written down
regularly.
When stichera anastasima and aposticha, ascribed to John of [Link],
were neumated in the 14th century, the contents and repertory of the
Oktoechos were again rearranged: anastasima were put before anatolika
and aposticha between the ordinary "great" dogmatika and alphabetika.
Stichera anastasima for StY were neumated first and those for ,SnO a lit-
de bit afterwards.
During the 15 th century stichera anatolika for SnV ceased to be writ- .
ten down and dropped out of the Oktoechos, however, the repertory for
StY and SnO remained. The rearrangement of the Oktoechos seems to
be complete. Looking at the late 14th -century sources we see a new order
of the Oktoechos. This Oktoechos includes chants for the resurrection
services for StY and SnO starting with stichera anastasima. In fact, the
basic contents and repertory of this beak, later called an Anastasima~
tarion, was established. Thus, according to the studied sources, the full -...
order of the neumated anastasima stichera already existed by the last
quarter of the 14th century. This is half a century 'earlier than the one
that is in MS Dionisiou 564 from 1445. 20 To complete the main body of

18 S. 1231 from 1236 transmit~ its earliest dated neumated record in mid~lc-Byzantine notation.
Up to now, its mid-13'h century record in MS Dohiariou 41 was krtown. See r.e. 1}td61l, Ta
XElp6ypa(/Ja {Jv(avnv", fJOI)(JIKli, "Ar'o., ·Opo" t. A. (Athen~, 1975).
19 Strunk, Triodillm .... 8.
20 Up to now the earliest Anastasimatarion within a Stic;heranQn was known from MS Dion-
isiou 564 from 1445. Scc G.T. Stathis, op. cit., t. B (Athens, 1916).
 Svetlana Kujumdzieva
- - - -- - -

the neumated Anastasimatarion, the appropriate psalms with their verses

had to be added: the evening ps. 140.1,2 for StY (Kup1.€ h:EKpa~a) and its
morning counterparts, pss. 150.6 and 148.1 (II&<Ja 1tV0Tt and Aiv€\t€).
This was done in the 15 th century when the repertory of the Oktoechos
was transmitted from the Sticherarion into the new class of manuscripts,
the Akolouthiai, compiled by the beginning of the 14th century. Dimitrije
Stefanovic and Milos Velimirovic suggest that the order of the Anastasi-
matarion was formed during the time of Koukouzeles. 21 Nowaday we
can confirm this suggestion on the basis of extant sources. We can con-
clude that the purpose or one of the important purposes of the remod-
eling of the Oktoechos in terms of its contents and repertory was the
establishment of neumated resurrection services with the appropriate
chants for StY and SnO, arranged in a cyclic order.
Studying the remodeling of the Oktoechos in terms of its music,
I compared pieces from the "standard" repertory of the Sticherarion in
the Menaion, and from the "marginal" repertory of the Oktoechos.
From the former I took the two stichera studied by J. Raasted in connec-
tion with the considered topic: the first sticheron for November 1, the
feast of the Anargyroi Sts. Kosma and Damian in mode 1, ascribed to
Anatolios, and the sticheron for April 1, the feast of Maria of Egypt in
mode 2, ascribed in some sources to the Stoudites and in others - to the
nun Kasia. Of the "marginal" repertory I chose four pieces in mode 1:
the first anastasimon sticheron, the ordinary "great" dogmatikon for Stv,
and the first two staurotheotokia, sung nowadays on Wednesday and Fri-
day during Lent (fable 2).

I shall sum up my observations briefly.

The melodies are composed of traditional formulas. In the "stan-
dard" repertory these melodies are extremely stable in all of the pre-
sented sources. This is a fact noticed by scholars having investigated
pieces of this repertory.22 The differences between them could be con-

21 D. Stefanovlc and M. Vclimirovic, Ptlt,. Lompodmiol 01ld Mel,.upolit01l Strojim rif BOl"w, Studies
in Eastern Chant 1 (Ne::w York, 1966),67-89.
22 Raastcd, KouiwuzeitJ' Stichtronon... , KOllleJJNzellS' Rwisiofl... ; Strunk, "Recent Research and Pub-
lication" in ESStryJ on ..., 240-254.
 REMODELlNG THE OKTOECHOS 771
sidered as a result of admissible and accepted -local predilections. The
musical variants deserve special attention. They are of several kinds:

1) variants inserted to give different performances: when the _neu-

mes in red ink have the same intervalic value as those in black but
appear in different forms demanding different performances (for
instance, the signs for an ascending second: oligon and petaste; or
petaste and diple);
2) variants inserted to give alternative, yet cognate melodic turns:
some of them might be found in one and the same or in different
sources; and
3) variants inserted to revise some places in order -to accommodate
them to the widely-accepted practice at the time (the last kind re-
fers t;specially to the places with long variants, for instance, those
noted in MS [Link].62).

The greatest changes are related to the notation and its orthography:
an increasing number of medial signatures, great hypostaseis, and rhyth-
mic signs (in particular tzakisma and diple) or the changed form of the
sign of the parakletike. These changes are also noticed by scholars, who
- have studied 14th -century Balkan Orthodox music.23 The changes are evi-
dent in the 14th -century sources and are displayed fully in those of the
15th century. They might be linked with the increasing tendency both
towards explicitness in the written tradition and greater ornamentation
of the melodies - characteristics, whj,ch are typical for the time of Kou-
kouzeles. 24
Judging by the sources, we may conclude that the tradition has been
preserved: traditional melodic formUlas in both"standard~' and "mar-
ginal" repertories have been applied. At the same time, different musical
performances and melodic turns, which were in use at different places,

23 C. Floros, UniverJok Ntll11ltllhlldt, J.

,3 Bde (Kab"'Sel, 1970); Rauted, InlDIIIIIM" fitJf1IINim t»td
Modal SignatNrtS i" Byzonliltt MNSical MlIfIlISeripts, Monumenta Musicae Bynntinae, Subsidia 7
(Copenhague, 1996); D. (onomos, Byzalfti1t' TrisaOtI ond CIJ,,...bilt.u of tbe 14tb CtllhtrUs.
A S tlltfy of Lote Byzonlint IiIIl"!iChI Chrml (fhessalonike, 1974), 46 and next, 3~305.
24 J. Raasted, studying the medial signatures in the sources, mentions these characteristics. See
Raa~ ted, 1ntottation FfJNllNIas...• t 29.
1---
Svetlana KUJ'umdzieva
178- - ________________________
L ________________________
~~ ~

have been exposed. Linking these observations with Koukouzeles' refor-

mative work, we may say that on the one hand, the great Master has pre-
served tradition. On the other hand, however, he gave singers and writ-
ers the opportunity to broaden their options and to make their own
choice between existing alternative written and oral practices at the time.
In this way, different musical realizations have been codified in the
sources. That is what could explain the great many musical variants in
the considered sources, including pieces, which were neumated for the
first time, such as the stichera anastasima and aposticha. Actually, we find
musical variants in MSS of former times as well, although, not to such a
great extent. They are evidence of the freedom, which singers and writ-
ers of Orthodox religious music have always had in their creative work.

Some remarks in conclusion:

Studying the problem of remodeling of the Oktoechos, we cannot
separate it from the changes in the ecclesiastical ordo during the time of
the 13rh and 14th centuries. The changing liturgy with its services presup-
posed music for the newly-composed structure of Byzantine rite and pri-
marily music that had to cover the augmented rituals and to satisfy de-
mands, which were initiated by the new Typikon (Ordo) of Jerusalem. 2s
The latter paid special attention to Vespers - Great and Little, and to
Vigi1.26 Mikhail Skaballanovich considered this in connection with the
new significance that Resurrection Day or Sunday obtained after the re-
stored Vigil service.27 Saturday Vespers service was broadened and rear-
ranged. The appropriate repertory of stichera for this service was put at
the beginning of the Oktoechos. Thus, the purpose and meaning of the
changes in the Oktoechos were linked to the revised worship according
to Jerusalem Typikon. The accomodation of religious books according to
the order of this Typikon represented a widespread movement known in
Greek as "th6pe(U0l~" and in Slavic as "Hcn94RAfHHE KHHr" ("correction of

2S E.\' Williams, John KOllkollzrles' Reform of Byzantine Chantingjor Great Ve"Pers in tht Fourteenth
CnJtJl,)', Ph.D. Thesls, Yale University (1968); Conomos, Byzantine Trisagia .. ,, 46.
26 Skaballanovich,op. cit. (Kiev, 1913), Vol. Il, p. 5.
'27 Ibidem.
 REMODELlNG THE OKTOECHOS

books").2B It started on Mount Athos and reached Russian via the Balkan
Orthodox countries (Byzantium, Bulgaria, Serbia, Wallacho-Moldavia).
In one of the earliest Bulgarian Oktoechoi compiled according to the
new Jerusalem Typikon in the first half of the 14th century, Slavic MS
Sinai 19, the copyist Hieromonk Methodij wrote on f. 217r: "HOBOMOY
WKTWHXOY KOHUl,1l ell RoroMb ... " ("With the Holy God here is the end of
the new Oktoechos"). This "new Oktoechos" (text only) opens with the
stichera anastasima for StY in mode 1 "&t'UPH~ HAWAa MOAHTBA" ("Our
Evening Prayer'').
I shall end here, realizing that many important questions have re-
mained untouched. At the same time, I would like to believe that some
of the issues discussed here will inspire other studies on this very inter-
esting topic.

28 P. Sirku, On the History of the ~£omction of B~oks in Bulgaria \dNring the 14'1. Cmtmy, Vol. 1,
"Time and Life of Patriarch Euthimios of Tirnovo" (St. Petersburg, 1898); The Lltrary
School of Tirnovo, Vol. 1 (Sofia, 1974), VoJ. 2 (1980).
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 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 891

Cosfin Moisil ROMANIAN CHURCH MUSIC:

TRADITION AND REVIVAL

I am seeking to describe the changes that took place in church music un-
der communism and the way chanters feel about such changes. After I
began my research, I realized that it is impossible to come up with a gen-
eral model, because situations differ for various religious denominations
and geographical areas. I have limited my study to the Byzantine Greek
Orthodox religion, a religion acknowledged by 87% of Romania's popu-
lation at the latest census, in 1992.1 Equally, I have limited my research to
the Romanian churches of Moldavia and Wallachia, because there they
used to do Neo-Byzantine chanting at the end of World War 11 I did not
deal with music sung in parts, but only with the monophonic one, sung
at the seven Offices (Vespers, Orthros,2 etc.) in all churches and within
the Liturgy (Mass) in a large number of churches.
The restraint of the religious freedom by the communist regime, es-
tablished in 1945, generated changes in the church music of Moldavia
and Wallachia. The schools training church chanters were dismantled, and
the same happened to the Religious Music department of the Conserva-
tory. The only institutions where Neo-Byzantine music was still taught
were the Theological Seminaries (reduced to only four) and the Bucha-
rest Theology Institute, but their graduates mostly became priests, no~
chanters. 3
In different circumstances, the disappearance of chanter schools
would have had less serious consequences. Byzant:iqe chant had also been
learned outside the official educational system, in churches, as chanters '-

passed on the skills of chanting to talented children. Under communism,

this changed. Both the number of church-goers and the number of boys
wishing to become church chanters dropped. Although there were no
laws banning the Eastern Orthodox faith, the 'official propaganda en-
1 AnI/amI_Statistic 0/ Romoniti. Romanian StatisticalYtorboole. (Buchare~t, 1992).95.
2 The Western Offices Matins and Lauds merged into a :!ingle Office in the East - Orthcos.
3 Fr. Mircca Pacurariu,lstoria Bistridi OrtoflOXt Ro",altt, Vol. J (Bucharest, 1994), 505-506.
r- -- - - -- -- - - - - -- - - - - - -- -- - - -- -- -- - - - - - - - -------------------------~

190
!
Costin Moisil

dorsed atheism. People now knew that any action contrary to the com-
munist ideology could have terrible consequences, sometimes even long
years of imprisonment. Being a church chanter in this new situation was
much less tempting than before. The income was smaller and the risks
were high.
Passing chant on became difficult even in the monastery environ-
ment. Most monks were compelled to leave their monasteries. The
strongest purging action occurred in 1959 when, following a decree,
hundreds of monks 4 were taken out of monastic life.
To avoid holding church services without music, because of the lack
of chanters, the Synod of the Romanian Orthodox Church proposed
two solutions: singing jointly and "uniformed" music. Using theological
arguments, the Synod encouraged all believers to sing together the hymns of
the Liturgy - the most important service. Equally, they assigned to a
commission, chaired by Nicolae Lungu, the task of writing a new series
of church music books, meant to replace the currently used books. The
purpose was to have the new melodies sung in all churches in Romania,
church music becoming "uniform" (standard) all over the country
(wherefrom the word uniformizare - "standardization").
The commission published four volumes: one describing the theory
of chant,S the other three with the hymns of the main services: Liturgy,6
Vespers 7 and Orthros.!!
The new theory was different from the old one in the way it de-
scribed the scales. The old theory divided the octave into 22 sections and
distinguished 7 different types of seconds (see Figure 1).9 The new the-

4 Constantin .'\ioanci, l;rusiolCa Moraru, Biserico Ortodoxa Romand hI IlIpld CII "riiavollll roftl':
Altam/ Bonotllllli 2001, N r. 1-3, 89-99.
5 Nicolae Lungu. fir. Grigore Costea and Ion Croitoru, Gramatlca muzicii psa/lice (Bucharest,
1.951
6 Nicolae Lungu, h. i\nton Uncu, Cantdriie Sjittlei Ulllrghii ,i cantan la cateheze (Bucharest,
1951). ,\ revisIOn was published some years later: Nicolae Lungu, Fr. Grigore Costea and
h Enc Rrani~tc, Canldri/e Sjintei UtNrghii li Podobiile eelor opt glasNri.
7 Nicolac Lungu, Fr. Grigore Costea and Ion CroitofU, Anas/asima/CJrII/llniformizal. Vecernierol
(Rucharcst, 1953).
8 Nicolae Lungu, h. Grigof(; C:ostea and h. I~nc Hrani§tc, Anastanmatal'lll Nniformizat 11. Utre-
lIieml (Bucharest. 1954).
9 lon Popcscu-Pasarea, Principii de mllz/cd bisericeascd-orientald (psalliea) (8 th edition: Bucharest,
1942),34.
[ ROMANIAN CHURCH MUSIC: TRADITION AND REVIVAL

ory took up the well-tempered system of 12 semitones, only distinguish-

ing 3 types of seconds (semitone, major tone, augmented second).
To be read by as many people as possible, the hymns were written in
double notation: with neumes and on staff.
Creating the new hymns, the commission kept the melodic line of
the old ones, but they simplified and even deleted ornaments and diffi-
cult passages (see Figures 2 and 3).10
The Liturgy hymns - which, according to the Synod recommenda-
tions, had to be sung by all believers - were selected of the old hymns
based on accessibility. Only hymns set in modes VIII (plagal IV), V (pla-
gal I) or I were selected: their scales were similar to the major and minor
scales. 11 Only one hymn was chosen for each moment of the service;
they hardly ever had two variants of' the same hymn. For example, the lit-
urgy book published by the commission had only one Cherubic Hymn
and two Megalynaria ':4~l6v ionv (only one in the 1951 edition), as
against the book of 1925,12 which included 4 Cherubic Hymns and ~3
Megalynaria':4C;lov ionv.
In 30 years only, the church music of the inter-war period was re-
placed with Lungu's "uniformed" music. In the 80's in Wallachian and
Moldavian churches, one could rarely hear anything else than the "uni-
formed" hymns, chanted according to the "uniformed" intonation system.
After the fall of communism, religious freedom was reinstated.
Schools training church chanters were re-established, the nwnber qf Semi-
naries grew, 19 th and early 20 th century chant books were reprinted. In
most churches, the "Lungu variant" continued to be sung, as older hymns
were sung after the Liturgy during the short time when believers express
their devotion before icons ~efore they get out of the church. There are

music and they now do the old hymns.

.
only a few churches, in big cities, where chanters g~ve up "uniformed"
~

10 .l'hc examples arc taken from Ion Popescu- Pasarca, 'UIHrghierNJ rk stratki (Bucharest, 1925), 8
and 14-15 (Figures 2/a and 3/a) and Nicolae Lungu, Fr. Anton Uncu, Canlririk Sjintti U-
tllrghii fi Podobiiie telor opt giasun, 3,,1 edition (Bucharest, 1969), 29 and 39-40 (Figures 2/b and
3/b) rcspectively. The second half of thc hymn in Figure 2/b does not appear in the first
~dition of Lungu's book but in the following editions.
11 The 1951 edition also includes onc chant written in mode VB (Plagal Ill).
12 Ion Popescu-Pas:trca, ljlllrghief'JI/ de strana (Bucharest, 1925).
[?2 =~~~_.-=- ___ Costin Moisil

I asked several chanters to give me their opinion on the relationship

between these two types of music: before and under communism.13 Is
"uniformed" music much different from the church music before com-
munism? Many of the chanters are unable to provide an answer - they
just sing what they have learned, what "everybody sings". Those who
wonder about the relationship between the two kinds of music are the
good ones, those who can read and sing the old hymns, dating back to
the pre-communist period. They are often critical as to the new hymns:
The standardized Vespers Book and Orthros Book are not in use anymore. If we
only halJe them at the lectern, we sing without them [we improvise]. (Gabriel Ti-
ron, chanter at the Barnova Monastery.)
Comparing this "uniformed" music to the Neo-Byzantine one, Va-
Jentin Gheorghe, first chanter of the Stavropoleos church in Bucharest,
says: [ could sC!)' it's a different kind of music. I don't mean it's a disaster, but it's
totallY dijferent. Itr simplz·stic. Byzantine chant should be more than just a few notes,
syllable and word, ryllable and word.
At the same church, every Monday, the Vespers is sung by a girl
choir. Carina Popescu, the choir mistress, believes Lungu wrote too much
melo4y. A very accessible melodic line, like a hit song. Father Marian Fartat, who
was Carina's teacher, is more moderate: Lungu is your first Trabant [a tiny
cheap car very popular in the East European communist countries]. Un-
til two years ago, when he was still a chanter and had not yet been or-
dained priest, he used Lungu's books for the ordinary week Vespers, but
he also used an older book for the Sunday Vespers.
Mircea Anastasiu, first chanter of the Bucharest University Chapel,
believes the problem is not with the musical text, but with performance:
l-IeTl' and there you find [with Lungu], cheap formulas, but all depends on the wtry
. you manage to perform these) on the wqy you can find the sensitive spots of each musi-
cal pIece. It depends on the wC!)' service is celebrated in church. If you find a climate
where'you can hold timeless service, not pressed by time and not circumscribed in time)
then each piece has its beauty.

13 Personal communications; depositeu as cassettes at the archive of the Peasant Museum, Bu-
charest: C;abncl Tiron Ilnd ,\drian Sarbu - cass. 551 (May 12,2000), Valentm Gheorghe -
cass. S60 (August 5, 2000), Corina Porc~cu - cas~. 543, 544 (November 8, 1999), Mircea
.\nastaslU - cass 556,557 (August 2, 20(0), Bogdan Rlandu - cass. 553 (May 14,2000).
 ROMANIAN CHURCH MUSIC: TRADITION AND REVIVAL 931
Chanters who see a major difference between the-"uniformed" chant
and the Byzantine one consider it natural to go back to the music per-
formed before communism:
I understand Lungu did a good thing at the time. But there is something eise I
don't understand. W ~ do these people slay with Lu"tu now? That time is gone when
communism pulled a gun on you, or putyou in jail if you went to the lectern to sing.
And still these people stay with Lungu. We could go much further back in time.
(Valentin Gheorghe.)
"Going back" is also sought for by chanters who do not see a· major
difference between these two kinds of music. Their motivation does not
come from the analysis of musical texts, it is based rather on a nationalis-
tic ideology (we must go back to the true Romanian music). As far as these
chanters are concerned, "going back" is only paid lip service to, never put
into practice.
Going back to the old chant cannot be done by replacing new scores
with old ones. The modal scales and the performance manner (particu-
larly the ornaments) changed under communism, and their reconstruc-
tion is difficult: there are no sound documents to give us the music sung
before, and the last apprentices of that time's masters are few and they
are pushing 70.
Some chanters have found a solution, choosing Greek chant as a
model. Valentin Gheorghe explains: I see Greek chant as the real keeper of the
tradition. Not that the Romanian chant didn't have any traditio", bM! Its tradition
has been lost. It's impossible for me to chant the way they used to in Romanian, be-
cause I never heard that. But with the Greeks, it's kept by tradition, from father fo
son. Valentin Gheorghe never studied with a Greek master. He was edu-
cated at the Theological Seminary, by a Romanian professor, according
to Lungu's theory. Then, he listened to tapes of Greek chanters. First
time I listened I was deeplY impressed. VasiJileos was -tht firit I evet: listened to~ I ",as
impressed by his voice, an extraordinary one. And his style. And I tn'ed to do the
same. I listened and I sang, I listened and Fsang. And I believe it} norma~ you get
it and it becomes a reflex eventuallY. I knew the modes very wel4 ana I knew what
mode he was usingy and I could hear what he was singin~ and I trpproximlltetJ lent#'
the formulas, and I heard how he performed them.
Bogdan Bhindu, chanter at the Golla Monastery of . la~, has traveled
along a similar route. Unlike Valencin, he learned by listening to Roma-
~ ___ _ _________________C_o_st_in_ M
__o_is_il ________________________~

nian choirs, too, and he was able to follow the musical notation on the
score because he had it. What made me sing this music was a tape with a Lit-
urgy from the Greeks. I thought this was something I had never heard bifore. And
then I stm1ed alone. Listening, taking the book . .. Then the Psalmodia choir edited
a lot of tapes. I also had the scores. And I did it their wtry, this is done this wcry ...
Not all chanters believe Greek chant can serve as a model for the
Romanian chant. Their arguments are often derived from the theory of
the "national specific character", which they learned at the Seminary: The
Greeks work in a detn'mental wtry to the text. The music is highlY loaded, very orna-
mental. We need something closer, something to go directlY to your hear" without ex-
cessil!f embellishment. You sing one wtry when you're tranquil, when you're n'ch, when
'you've eaten, and differentlY when you're upset, when you're poor, when you hurt. And
we are too oppressed currentlY to choose such a sumptuous variant. Romanian chant-
ing is Jobn; it maintains a balance between words and music. The musical support is
Just that, a support for prqyer. The Romanian is closer to the emotional side of
prqyer. I can't judge the Greek j- feelings, but I believe he is closer to the outer garment
q/ the I?Jmn. He likes to sing, to contemplate, and this wqy, to participate in wor-
shipping. (Mircea Anastasiu.)
Adrian Sarbu, chanter at the Barnova Monastery, has a similar view:
We took Ol1e lJJtry, the Greeks took another. The Greeks make show biZ out of ByZ-
antine chant. A lot of floun'shes and an excess of te-ri-rem [cantilated exten-
sions using non-sense syllables]. The Romanian style is smooth, soothing.
Valentin Gheorghe rejects such ideas. He feels there are no two dif-
ferent styles, a Greek and a Romanian one, and that music is not per-
formed in Romania according to tradition. What is the Romanian specific
character? Let them show it to me! All I ever heard about the Romanian specific
cbaracter is that the Romanian language was sweet and Greek was bmta/. .. I don't
think it's correct to cail them Greek chant and Romanian chant: Byzantine
chant is correct. If we look at the musical scores if the 19,/1 century, even if the 20,b
centu1J~ tb~y are similar. I onlY see a difference in the language.
Now at the end, 1 wish to point to the fact that, as far as the music
described in this communication is concerned, it is difficult to tell tradi-
tion from revival. Both chanters and musicologists have difficulties deter-
mining whether "uniformed" music meant an interruption of the tradi-
tion or not. So, it is hard to determine if taking up the old hymns again is
or is not a return to a lost tradition. Secondly, taking up the old hymns
 ROMANIAN CHURCH MUSIC: TRADITION AND REVIVAL

again is only sometimes motivated by revivalism. Thirdly, the different

viewpoints about the relationship between the Romanian and the Greek
music create different problems. If the two [Link] music are close, yet
different, the issue is this: can the influence of Greek music lead to the
revival of the old Romanian music or not, and how can anyone set the
criteria according to which taking up an element of the existing Greek
music would give a lost trait back to the Romanian music or, on the con-
trary, it would change it. If Romanian and Greek music is the same, tak-
ing up elements of the Greek music by way of audio tapes raises a dif-
ferent issue. Music learned with the help of recorded material may be
considered traditional to a certain extent - the master and the apprentice
are contemporaries, and the tradition is not dead (at least in Greece) -
and it may be revived to a certain extent, because the apprentice listens
to the tape as to an archive document, which contains a music he has no
other access to.

English version: Monica Voiculescu and LOS tin Moisil

 Costin Moisil

TABLOUL GENERAL AL SCARILOR

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L ROMANIAN CHURCH MUSIC: TRADITION AND REVIVAL

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Figure 2/b Doamne, mantuie~te pe cei b1necredincio~i_ Nicolae
Lungu et aI., (cm/tinie ~fintel u -turghli . ..
L ROMANIAN CHURCH MUSIC: TRADITION AND REVIVAL

."
~

--,--.-
a ai n~
- ,....,' .
. . - .,.........~, " \ -.. -.. \
. - -.. -..-
in chi
~

im. i
oc-

in chi i
--
pu u im.
--.~~ " -
- ~i
- ,---
pH 1 1
- ..-
f ~a ca ~
to<l
--.
a a re
~,
~ -.:::: - . --. -...
"- ' - - '
or'" ,......... -..- . -.-..
c e
"~
~

eel
-- ~

de e Vl
"'-'-
a a

........_--..--..u -- - or
~-.. ... --.-.. -- ........... --~~~
c- ,--
co-...s::....
~
........
c-
-.. ~ ~
.~, p
-e--
i
,,--.. ~ _~
\.
i
- i i i imi, Tre i i
~
A- - . "
~
_ ....
i 1 i i i i i i i
\ -- -- ........ -.:;; /JM
--.. __ -:;:"
--' ~
....
i i

.....
,

~ - -.._,........ ...
'a..
i
........
i
p
im i
-..~--
...
Tre e
..-
i
''''..j
1 ill
~
<"'
~--...--...
1 me e
.......
J

_--.1_.--.r,- .
~ ..-~
in tre i it sf:i a a an ta can ta a re a du
~ .P -'" r ~,
~ ..,.-~----..-.-,..-.."
....
~- --' ~
u u u u u ce e e em, a du 11 U U ct"m

a. . 1" de vi_ ~ ~i. rf'e i...t _ _-

:r~ r fi f trr rfir F' Gl rf) j J.•~ ilIjifj

-------ll't illlj ~

~*a .n f Hr b[.hJ::J[[Link] tin tH. f

Tl'e_ i rne_ 1", bt it_ .. Pt · tl cbi '-

:4111 Lt J J ,t J ijQu rru ij j 19 J J I ~ ~~ ~

t~_ \"e 0.. c:L.c.. """- Q." d~ce",
Figure 3/ a Cherubic Hymn, excerpts_ Ion Popescu-Pasarea, Lilur-
ghiernl de strana
!100
L___ _ Costin Moisil

~i fi ca - toa_ rei de vi - ea

-.. .w.
--
~

,
.. ~" + ,
. .. \~
Tre - imi, __
, fa - ca - toa
~
Tre - .t3 J
fa -
W
cA
i
toa
...........
J ~

- rei de vi ea - -' -
~ ~

-. ·r;;...." ~"
\. A" , -.. ~ ~ ~
~ ~~-;."

~~ r Q J.! J r rr} l:tQ

fa Tre - imi, cf). in - tre - it Sfan

fJ I

ta Tre - imi, in - tre - it _ SUin

~~, "~-.~
ta, can - ta
~

-
--,.'
.....

re a -
.' -. ~ ~
du - cern,
~

can-

@*i! J.' Ab ! J J J J J J :I.' ~

ta, can - ---- - re a -
ta - du - cem, can-
L - --
ROMANIAN CHURCH MUSIC: TRADITION AND REVIVAL
- - -

-
,~~
ta re,
,
can - ta re a-

¥:@
ta- - -
~-~ J. :t>
- - re, can - ta -
I ; J
re a-

~~.,
du -
11.·' ~
cem.
\. 'V

~1iJ J J
dLt-'_
J. '
cern.
Figure 3/b Cherubic Hymn, excerpts. Nicolae Lungu et al., Cantarile
Sfintei Liturghii .. .
 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 1031

ClYde W Brockett FORMULAIC CADENTIAL

NEUMES FOR DEUTERUS
MODE FINALIS COGNITION

This study proposes a modern method, one that might have aided inter-
P1eters of staffless neumes in the Middle Ages ex silen#o, besides clef,
verse formula, and differentia, to add to the available theoretical-practical
techniques of discerning or deciphering mode. This method would rec-
ognize the neume at the cadence. Such a conceivably mnemonic device
could facilitate de~ipherment even though the source could be altogether
non-diastematic or diastematic without clef Here, maneria would out-
weigh mode, and chant would outweigh dependent verse because, fust,
the object is to find finalis, not ambitus; verse mode stereotypes are not
cons-equential in seeking the finalis of a chant. I Second, verseless chants
that
. occur. in cleffless form have no other recourse to mode via their 6-
nalis, than some melodic gesture in the existing chant. Third, the consid-
erable duplication that typically exists within cadential melodies can con-
stitute a merger of authentic and plagal modes of a maneria, a fusion
into a single modality at the existing termination. 2 This particular charac-
teristic of modality will be under observation in subsequent tables of the
present work.
1 This is admittedly not the conventional position in discussions of plainsong style taken ever
since Paolo Ferretti led the way in ESlhititJm Grlgorim"" 2 vols. (Solesmcs, 1938) that concen-
trates on verse modality rather than governing chant mOOality, e.g. in gJaduals (120-124). In '.
the interest of containing discussion to primary issues, I limit references on mode-psalm
verse·analysis, legion yet argUably peripheral.
2 Cadential uniformity is implied by the phlhtJlIlll; D, E, F, G, adapted in the MIIIi&a ,,,dJiriadi.t.
See Charles M. Atkinson, "Modus", Han"orln'bllfh tier mllsiWstbt" TIf1IIi"ololi', Vol. 24
(Freiburg im Breisgau, 1996), 15: "die tonus- oder modus-Theorie deI" ~usica en~adis
basiert auf vier phthongoi (fonen). die 'sooi' genannt werden". For their part, modem schol-
ars conventionally make no authcntic-plagal distinction in Gregorian offertories because of
their wider tessituras. Sec, c.g. James McKinnon, The Adw,,1 Projef/: The UJr,r-Sewnth-Ce"fII1y
Creation of tht Roma" M(JJs Prtlptr (Bcrkelcy, California. 2000), 311.
r------ - -
1-104
1_- ___ _ Clyde W_ Brockett

The identification of cadential neumes has depended upon recogniz-

ing a pattern as a gestalt, its shape translating the final note. The pattern
functioned like a stereotype recurrent during a chant as well as obligato-
rily at the termination where it seemed to be associated with a particular
mode or maneria. Finally, such a cadential neume occurred in elements
that could be conveniently numbered back from the final note or neume.
Generally speaktng, cadential neumes could be classified as stereotypes
at clement 3, the antepenultimate, but sometimes even at the penultimate
element 2, as was true with the deuterus cadence I call ex. Intrinsic in
these cadential stereotypes seemed to be the constancy of modality in
the chants that they concluded, such as noted by Nino Albarosa in the
tracts of mode VIII.3 Despite the apparent fixity in the deuterus caden-
tial neume, there could be occurrences of sequential patterns, for exam-
ple, FEED and GFFE, or GFFD and aGGE where the neume shape
could inclicate the difference by the slightest nuance. Thus, the observa-
tion by Theodore Karp that "the succession D-E-FE-D will employ the
same neumes as one with the succession E-F-GF-E" needed to be scruti-
nized in terms of neume cadences where the slightest stroke or infini-
tesimally modified neume could define the finalis. 4 The neume gestalt al-
ways decided the final pitch.
Of the four maneriae, deuterus was found to be particularly recog-
nizable and stable for the present research, and usually notated fully, in-
deed, repetitiously. 5

Table 1 Cadential neumes: deuterus maneria (E)

3 Nino Albarosa, "Una cadenza dei tratti di 8" modo", SllJdi gregoriani, Vo!. IX (Cremona,
1993) ..\Ibarosa finds a high degree of fixity in cadences of eighth-mode tracts, in particular
their tinaJ three neume elements in square notation (9-10), Beneventan neumes (11), and an
aggregate of other neume languages using 18 early medieval manuscripts added to the GT
rendition (13, 17-28,31--34.36--44) .
-1 Thcodore K,lrp, "The Offertory In die solemnitatil', Spolia Berolinennn (Hildesheim, 1995),
161 _l.ater in the present study Table 2 illustrates examples of such neumatic nuances.
5 The E modality is ripe for study, further, because fewer chants belong to it, even though in
certain lituq;cal contexts an entire chain of deuterus chants occur and furnish illustrations_
Sec Wolf ,\rlt, "Die IntcrvaUnotation des IIcrmannus Contractus in Gradualien des 11- und
12 Jahrhumkrt,: da~ Baslcr Fragment N I 6 Nr. 63 und der Engclbe[ger Codex 1003", De
Musica et Con/u, facslmile, 257. exhibiting gradual Exsurge Domint, offertory Eripe nu, com-
munion Ef'IIbesronl, and inrroit Nos olllem gloriori_
 FORMULAIC CADENTIAL NEUMES ...

, , ,

.-
~\
~ ~ I \ \ (, '-r w\ ~\ ':\

". ~ ~
,
... -=- ~
~ ..r:::: ~ ~
~
~ ..... \
<:.
I
.., , < <, ..:.:. .' , <- <-
~ ....,
'

~ '
, I

"0 ~
" ~ ~
"
~ ~ I
3
- , \ \
':.. ~
III
1"1
~
~
-=;-
Ill::-

~
"<:::
.'
"-
.'
~
0

, -,
~'
\ \!...
"- -, ~ "
, \...~
"-
-
1"1
~
~I ~ c::.. ~ ~ ~

§ et. ........ ~ "c- ..~ o

.. , ,
..... .
~ ~
..
(
\.
"
~,
~
\\S ••• , <-...... ""-•••• N..........
,
..
~

y to! ~~
'0
'~

<:.
,. 0

• ..
~
• . "c

-.;
1--

~
.. ... ... a • • "
, . .... ..• ••• , .
~.

. .... . .... , ~. "••.

'

~,

""
r
• ," ". ~
~ [Link] ••• • •• ". •
..: III
•
\. •• 0

•
..
, • ,• -':' t....
..,•
.. •••
0
" 0
0
i •
!
-.. -.... ...... , , ,. :t. " , •
I::
~
0
~"

.-- ~ ..t: .I- ."

.,""-'.'
~
<; -, "'" ~ ~
"--. <.
I'
o'
,
~ .::.. c., -,..... .......' :- ;
-W
I~ ~ ~ ~
"fOI

Is -
~
...... . ~ "....... '"
<..
<.. "-
~
." . ~ ..., -, ......
"""l ~'"
I:

-
. I Ii
If If t:! III III III
; .; ; ; ; ; ;
11

,.
jl"l . ~
Is
Cl

~ ~
5 ~ ~
~

~
~ I
'Oc

,~
I ;
I -
\U

~
... .e .z
'i
.A
•
,I ca
~
.:.
1
et ·i I'

" i;

I· .. If

i
If

I
III III III III 11
5 I,i .; I! "
-po
5. 5 5 J 'I ·0 ·1 I.,
11"1 i.. sf 0
- ~ '5
I ,1 •
;-

.I
~ e....
t;s Cl ... 0 ... I ,"
•
.,.
,..
1
~
tS~= A;:S A
1-
.... ~

,
~".
" ;;:- .~
 ..:r. - -=1
io l
de DC. ~Cb".
;t f) }''', , . ·: '7/ 'f ..v'"I.,~ !t-lj J~I : V'
I :
::
:·
,
II~.JJ-,- /.~ ,) yV~
6 ca GAG OE
ddc"
•
bcdb Cb". · ~r ., At
. r. ../r-
D
f. 71\
.~
.... ,, ....., r- ! /l A.J~
[Link] FGF FE da • FE FOrE . ,.
~..

;'" of
./" (I r. f'!..
GE FGFE E cc.c OE FGF" E
11/ !7 J~ _ . .r.. , ':7 /0, - ,r, J', _ (' tJ -
I

€ O(E) EGFE E E FGF" E

/ J'~ _ '
",;'
/,
"- IV-:' J', _ - I' -
10
1- '/'. _ J., ~,
(+2) afFE EGFE E
-n
f F./J - n
-<
Q.
(1)
• l' Jr," t1 j.o ... j!1 -
GaFE FOfE E ) • J
<
,s FE Of 0fFE FE OF OFE /I /I ('fo. ·• : '= [IIIJ '
. .." -1/ .1- ;fIL1!- /~,Il N''!-
cc
~

o
n

. '"
(1)

F D(E)FGfEF FE ..r'r .
• •• / AI;\
:: ' 1./"/ )( / :-fV'11
;::;:

11 "'/"/1 , ::./' ~, / ..r (lJ;tyl/

S
(+13)
F DEl' GFEF FE Ob d.~ b. J f~ / /1 '.
r .,.
• I : r ,.1..111 [7] [X] ..,r./ Jr

... ..... ;.--;

., . r
e
cacG GE FGFE [Link] OF FOFE ;' 11 i-)
JJll)
• ,, t. •..
,'" -::; , I.
:;
.
/-.
IIM ~

...~/-, fl;...
j'/-.,
, . ,.t l'.
..... ,

u
FOaGF aOGE EF 0.0 FaOE

4
J r'o f"
 3
1
GE FGFE E OE fOrE E ~ cP- ·• .'j - t1 ,n _
If &h) - (L Po -
adc_ _ fe-
_de
_de Idc' _ ~ J ,p- - .Jj - r f) - VJc/.) .! J-
JC
2
G
E OGE OF GE DFD FE FD li- /l JI. ·
-
.
1ft :'
. ·:A = :: 11( Ilr. t ! fl, /IIj ,,0 1
,
U'
[1'1 [PJ [P1 :
.
; "1 • ,. .·r• - 111"~-- ;1/-./-"
;;0
~
C
u2 • • ,-, r'... - "J'.. r _ .'.tYJ' _
r-
):-

EFGFE E DEFE D ' J- .'. .~" .'

."V
". • n
n
):-
U'
[Link] FE
I

raj [0: ) . .
'/11' •
-- -I"Jt -... {LI X o
m'
Iz
•..v
".
[Link] DEFO(E) E
•
a.G aF
•
DEFO Jp ..", r 'f"'" •
• • Jlft, ..J f' ~ .Mf.J IJ f- --I
>
r

.
,
Z
m
u' cd_ . . . GIGE 0_..0 a o.G"E /.., J .1'.., [y IiJabbm}
--::
-; ~ 1ft:. f(-· f Ji C
~
r Ba.G BFDc DOE
,
. J.J., J .
. ..,.r..• ....I e' ~
/;..-:.. j
m
V'l

",?,'
-

u' EF PO EFQfE E •
DEf OF£
•
E
J /) I
.."....• • .~ j 1- a/o' _ !A . .1 -
ut
• · ..If'.
J.r!J v" t1 /1 ,. .JV/I ".9/\_
.... ,(t /l 1''"/
cod et dIt~ cedet d'_ o •
.A

- -.' .. .
~
~,

- -
~

.....,.
. - .. - 0IIIy iIIIIIIa cltIIia !VIMIIIIjon ID f
. ,

• .• r '.'~'

I~
I~I
~ Clyde W. Brockett

S 4 3 2 1

D: 1\ ~'.f X = Y} but there are only 2 occurrences

D:
~"] w1 f· X Yj but element 3 differs

1-.
D: -/" .. X Yj but element 2 does not open with
a quilisma

D: /1 v.I t but element 3 differs

D: JI I·· ~ but element 3 differs

F: j 1 0
•
,p. / T- y but element 4 of y is a to.t;,culus,
salicus, disttopha, or onscus
instead of a climacus or franculus.
In one case where element 4 is a
climacus, element 5 is a salicus.

G: wJ f·r ~ = Yj but there is only one occurrence

(GT 128)

G: • •• ,,(f o but element 3 differs

•
Table 2 Exceptions: Correspondences between neumes of
deuterus and other modalities (with Einsjedeln [S]
neume shapes)

How do these cadential neumes on E figure in each category of

chant? To the casual observer, stereotyped cadential neumes seem more
noticeable in introjts and communions. Indeed, the common stereotypes
like ex and ~ are employed more consistently in these chants, as will be
shown. Yet, further examination of other chant genres reveals that the
graduals, allduias and offertories use different formulas, 'Y and 8, and
L- - - -
FORMULAIC CADENTIAL NEUMES ...
------
these more variably than the antiphons of the Mass do.. In other words,
certain chant types, especially offertories and graduals, prove to be more
variable at their endings than the introit and communion antiphons.
Nevertheless, fixity inheres in cadential neumes of graduals, for in all but
a small number of cases only one neume form appears at cadences. 6
Table 3/a lists chants of deuterus authentic mode, and Table 3/b the
chants of deuterus plagal. These lists distinguish the authentics and pla-
gals in order to retain the discrimination made in the GT indices.

Key: * unneumed or not lettered • lacuna

+ chant cadence before Alleluia :f: illegible

INTROITS (25) GT DIJON DIJON A-G C S B

LETTER NEUME
-- - - - - - - -- - - - I
Beoedicite Deum (2) 607 l l l -D t l

Caritas Dei 248 - - IX .,,? (1.. -

Cognovi Domine 525 n .,
n ut 1/ ut ut
Deus dum egredereris (10) 245 (1.. ~. (1 IX at !l -
2
Dispersit dedit pauperibus (4) 520 £ E <Xn £ £ E

Ego autem sicut oliva (2) 424 B· {3 B B fi B

lottet oratio mea (2) 363 e
J
e (t. e e e
Miserere ... cooculcavi't 125 02 ,; tI JI d JI
Nunc scio vere 575 . 11 tl tl ,; 11 - .I'

Sancti tui 440 11 Il u./ • uJ Jl

n 1 - Missm.g 1n C only in this introit. n 2 - Cl occurs only in this introit.

GRAUUALS (11) GT DIJON DIJON A-G C S B

"
LETTER NEUME
-- - - -- - -
Adjutor in opp<?rtunitatibus (Sr 70 y Y Y Y Y Y
Benedicite Dominum 608 * * - y * e
Exsurge ... fer opem (2) 115 )( )( )( x )( )(

6 Willi Apel, Grtl,oritlll Chtlllt (Bloomington, IN, 1958), 354, Figure 106. 1brce dC1!Jterus ca-
dences appearing in the figure correspond to y5, y6 and y3. The only non-correspondence
there terminates a verse.
,-- - -- -- - -- - -- -- - - - -- -- - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - ,
l 12~__ Clyde W. Brockett

ALLELUIAS (6) GT DIJON DIJON A-G C S B

LETTER NEUME
~ -- - -- .- - - - - -- -- - - --
Adducentur 500 I 8 8 8 * 8 Y
Dorrune, Deus salutis meae Y Y 8 Y Y 8
I 317
In tc, Domine, speravl (4) 1296 i 1
0 8 I 8 8 0 0

OFFERTORIES (11) GT DIJON I

DIJON A-G C S B
LETTER NEUME
- - -- - - - -- - - - ._ - - --- - - - _. - - -
Benechctus es ' .. ill labits melS 277 e e E E E 0
Benedictus es (3) 376 , y
l, ~ ~ • ~ ~
Deus, tu convertens (3) 20 I B f3 f3 13 f3 f3
Domme, exauru oratlOnem (2) 156 £ E E £ E E

Domine, vlvlflCa me I 359 C1. C1. C1. C1. C1. C1.

Filiae regum I 506 tin 1 u'n l y tl ti ti

n' . letters and neumes differ from SG (also SG has one pitch followed by four pitches)

COMMUNIONS (7) I GT
I
DIJON DIJON A-G C S B
LETTER NEUME
-_ .. - - -- - - - - - - -

Bcnedicte ornnes angeli (7) 611 C1. C1. et. C1. et. C1.

PROCESSIONAL CAO # IWAP. AQT. C S B CONFIRMA-

ANTIPHONS (7) TION
-
Ego sum Deus (5) 1 2591
I
1-;;- I
-- - -
C1. a. r1. et. 776 tonary; RRP #5
In Nineven - 229 n - - - Yj+ WA finalis
Oremus dilectlssimi I 4190 230 f3+ =I: B B 776 tonary; RRP # 2
nI - ascends to c

RESPONSORIES (53) LUCCA HARTKER

Adaperiat Dominus (38) C1. C1.

Angelus Domini descendit (8) :>nl =I: nl

Dum stcteritls (6) "l Y]

Ecce Dominus venier (1) - -

nI _ In neither manuscript can the cadence be determined

Table 3/ a Cadences in III by genre

 FORMULAIC CADENTIAL NEUMES.,.

INTROITS (19) GT DIJON DIJON A-G C S B

LETTES NEUME
- - - - - - - -I
Accipite jucunditatem (11) 243 rJ. rJ. rJ. rJ. rJ. -n
De necessitacibus (7) 84 I3 {3 {3 fi B G
2 3 ~
Judica Domine 150 n - 13 n n 13
n' - IvIisslng in B only in this lntrolt. n 2 ~ lettered ln G. n3 - in G: VII

GRADUALS (2) Gl' DIJON DIJON A-G C S B

LETl' ER NEUME
- -- -- -
Domine, praevenisti ewn 509 13 B - 13 {3 B
Tenuisti manum 134 - y Y Y Y Y Y

ALLELUIAS (10) GT DIJON DIJON A-G C S B

LETTER NEUME
-- - - - - .-
Ascendit Deus (6) 236 a 8 8n l • 8 8
Dextera Dei 226 y Y - Y Y ?
n2
Gaudete iusti 430 ~ ~ ~? y ~ C
Laudate, pueri 215 e e - {3* () e
6 6
Post partum Virgo 414 ** ** 11 • - 11

n' - After the pressus the ms. has a single punctum which, lf mtended, would generate a
unique E cadential neume,
2
n - because of a lacuna, it is uncertain that the preceding Alleluia belongs to Gaudete

OFFERTORIES (15) GT DIJON DIJON A-G C S B

LETTER NEUME - _
..
-- -- -
Beneclixisti Domine (~) 23 (X rJ. (J. rJ. (J. (X
~

Confessio 589 ~ C ~ ~ ~ ~
255
~

Confirma hoc (4) Y Y Y ,y Y '" -

1
,>
Confortamini 26 n a? ex. IX ex ex.
Factus est (3) 119 fi fi fi fi B fi
In to nuit 204 y Y et. et. et. -
"

Lauda aruma ' 221 et (J. Cl • E Y

7 7 7
Oravi Deum 335 11
7
. U
7
- 11 11 11

01 - with bs
-- -- --- - - - - - -
il12 _ . _-- - - - -
Clyde W. Brockett I I

COMMUNIONS (17) I GT I DIJON DIJON A-G C S B

-------_.._-----1"I .-
r\boccultJs
ILETTER NEUME -
113 1
;i
-- -- -
8 X IJ
,/
* U U U u
Acceptabls (12) I 310 I Cl.. et. ex ex et. Cl..

1 1
DileXlstl 506 1 *n *11 f3 13 f3 B
1

Erubescant i 85 . c c c C £ ;>

I~
Inchna aurem tuam I 300 I iP m Cl.
n2
B B
Tollire hostias 1 339 I l l t l l

n 1
- see Hansen, H 159,36*.
n 2 - (X in 903

PROCESSIONAL CAO # IWA P. A-G C S B CONFIRMATION

ANTIPHONS (10)
- - - 1 -- - 1- -- -- -- -- --------
Ambulate sanctl Dei 227 I ex a. (J. 776 tonary; RRP #25
' 1367
ad locum (6) I
Ambulate sanctl Dei 231 "Y] 776 tonary; RRP #26
ll1greduniru (3) I - !
Peccanmus Dornine i 4258 I - y I- - 776 tonary; RRP #35
peccaVlillus i I I

RESPONSORIES (85)

Adjutor et susceptot
Amo Chnstum
(75)
(4)
- 1--- LUCCA
(J.

"Y]
HARTKER
a.
"Y]

Deus qui sedes I (J. e

Jerusalem cito (J. e u'?
Metuebat Herodes (3) Cl. yt
o vere beatum ?

Table 3/b Cadences in IV by genre

Our sources reveal a total of 44 (25 + 19) introits, 13 (11 + 2) gradu-

als, 16 (6 + 10) alleluias, 26 (11 + 15) offertories, 24 (7 + 17) commun-
ions, 17 (7 + 10) processional antiphons, and 138 (53 + 85) responsories
 FORMULAIC CADENTIAL NEUMES ...

- a total of 278 chants - followed by their cadential formulae. 7 The com-

prehensive handout that accompanied my paper is reduced here to allow-
able size by omitting all but the first in the alphabet for each different ca-
dence type collected in Table 1. Thus, questionable cadences and peculi-
arities of notation in individual incipits included in my complete analysis,
as well as explanatory notes needed (n), had to be omitted along with
these discards in the present version. Cadence duplicates appear as num-
bers next to their specimen title.
Certain exclusions are important to consiaer. First of these, desig-
nated with a handwritten plus mark in the GT column, are the "more re-
cent chants lacking neumes". B Also to be excluded are all' antiphons for
processions borrowed from Office antiphon repertories and, more perti-
nently, antiphons employed in graduales for the Cena Domini (Mandatum)
ceremony of Maundy Thursday and the Adoration of the Holy Cross
of the following day. These chants, in the style of Office antiphons, are
broadly syllahic in nature throughout, in particular at their final cadences.
Also, such antiphons usually require a psalm or other verse conducted in
antiphonal psalmody in the manner of Office antiphons, and "their melo-
dies do not follow the generally more melismatic course of processional
antiphons on the order of responsories.
'The recognition of cadential neume may help to discern the flnalis
in any genre. Moreover, one recognizes its elements, exemplified by the B
neume, for instance in introits Judica Domine and De necessitatibu! in their
"earliest attainable forms", that show little\rariation among manuscripts. 9

7 In these revised abbreviated Tables 3/a and 3tb the number in parentheses after the incipit
is the total number with that same formula. Thus, to Ml2nce the totals of each formula in _.
Table 1, one must count the individual titles with tbe formula then include the multiples in
parentheses. Accordingly, formula lX, totalling 62, registers 8 individual
. titles to which ale
~

added the multiples totalling 54 (10, 7, 5, 11, 3, 12, and 6). For the Responsories, totalling
116, the ftgures are 3, 38, and 75. In the deuterus maneria Ferretti counted 13 deuterus
graduals in St GaltSb339, 20 alleluias in Mi in the Vatican Graduale, 27 offertories in Mi
in S, 140 (62 + 78) responsories in the Liht,. rlip6/1SorillJis of Hartker, 46 (26 + 20) [Link]
S, and 27 (9 + 18) communions in S. Sec 'Paolo r"'erre~ EsthllilfIHRM'inuu, 161. 181, 195,
247,276. '
8 GT 893: Con/us r8Cttltiores flllI"';,s cortltles. I do not exclude; however, alleluias with verses
marked by a handwritten asterisk in GT that are presumably authoritative and appear in the
critical edition of that Graduale.
 Clyde W. Brockett

In other cases, it is the ambiguous modal connection of verse to chant or

the nebulous relationship between initium and terminatio that caused me-
dieval interpretations of mode to be hazy. Urbanus Bomm who studied
circumspectJy the tendency of Western plainchant toward idiosyncrasies
in modality recognized the chant's modal character at its closing passage
leading to the finalis. Yet, when one applies the previously identified
cadential criteria "corrections" that Bomm found among several Mass
chants in E become so self-explanatory as to be superfluous, even un-
necessary, for ascertaining true modality.1ll The introit Victricem manum,
whose intonation in authentic deuterus (Ill) is "classic" in early tonaries,
was converted to a plagal tetrardus chant on the merits of its insistence
on the mode VIII neume employed at the termination of the tetrardus in-

9 Paul .\nthony Luke Bonedla, "Toward a New Rceension uf the Frankish-Gregorian Anti-
phonale kfiJsorum", Revista de Musico!fJgia XVI/4 (1993), Aclas del XV Congmo de la Socierhd In-
ternnciollaJ de MusicoJogia ICantlls PlanJls sessions!, 2241,2242.
10 Urbanu~ Homm, Der Wechsel der Modalitdtsbesfimmung in der Tradition der Mejlgesiinge im IX. his
XIIl. jahrhJlnderf IInd snn Einflttfillnd die Tradition ihm Me/odien (Einsiedeln, 1929). FoUowing
arc the discrepancies in E that Romm treats not merely by cadential ~tereotype but accord-
ing to the consensu~ of the ~ame earliest manuscripts that this study relies upon: I ntroit
DellS dum egredereris (40-41) aberrant according to the T01lOriJls of Regino of Priim, starting
and continulng in G, ending in E in the ValicanJlm (a), but in the Cistercian, Praemonstraten-
siao, and Sarum Craduab in G; mtroi! Miserere . .. conclllcavit (48-51) in most sources in E (Jr)
in a few including Praemonstratensian and Dijon representations (rabic 1. n1 in D; introit
Victricem manllm (51-52, discussed below) in C, but in E (a) only in the more recent sources
with a cadence not in an E formula; communion EXJuita fina (67-68) in D only according to
Regino whom Homm suspects as haVing arbitrarily adapted the ending to the D mode he
heard at the bq~jnning; communion /!men dico /lobis (77-78) in E, D only in Cistercian and
Dominican graduals; gradual Domine praevenisli (115-116) in most sources III D, because of
the discrepancy between response and its verse in D. in older sources in E (~) with verse un-
changed (erroneously listed by Bomm as D in Dijon); allcluia Dextera Dei (128-129) in the
more recent sources cnding on D (the cadence appears to have been an arbitrary addition);
offertory BClledidlls cs ... in Jabiis (149-150) older sources in E (E), 10 F only in the Cistcrcian
gradual; and the lone exception. our of the historical window. gradual ExsJlrge Domine Jer
opem (116-117) in D, as recorded in Dijon together with more recent sources, while older
sources notate one tone higher throughout, making the E chant with the rare x cadence
shown in Table 1 stllJ problematic for absolute modal idcntitlcation.
 FORMULAIC CADENTIAL NEUMES ...

trait Introduxit vas transferred to its own cadence. l1 As one expects, the
two tetrardus cadences are an exact match.
Nicholas Stuart contributed a perceptive essay on emendations made
to chants in the earliest transcribable sources, in particular the 'Gradual
of St-YrieixY He found little variation affecting the deuterus modality
in graduals. The gradual Domine praevenisti occasionally is discrepant in the
adaptation of verse to respond, ending both on D instead of E. In this
case, however, Stuart states that "the deuterus cadence is an ancient for-
mula specific to deuterus", which would attach priority to the cadential
neume. 13
Dom Jean Claire has dealt with the alleluias according to the formu-
las published in GT out of which he found problematic only the E mo-
dality, specifically mode IV, in that it shows a degree of cQmplexity not
characteristic of the other modes. The alleluia ends on one of ·two differ-
ent melismas with which the verses interface, or upon whi<:h they re-
solve, Dom Oaire's Ml, corresponding to 0, and his M2, similar to y.
Dom Claire concluded that in the "rather curious" case of the E melody
the verse must adjust to two alleluias of the same modality but a differ-

11 Michel Huglo, Les Tonoires, 411; cf. GT 200, 208. Actually, Viclricem copies the entire termi-
[Link] aUeluia of Introdtlxit in tetrardus. Huglo has held that a scribe who adhered to the
Cluniac leanings at St.-Maur-\es-Fosscs worked certain modal alterations into the Gradual of
(his Abbey. ef 114--1 t 5, also Manuel Pedro Ferreira, "The Cluny Gradual: its Notation and
Melodic Character," CantNs Planus, Papers &ad at tIN 6'1< Meeting. Egtr. HIIlIgary, 1993 (Buda-
pe3t, 1995), Vol. 1, 209. On the tradition for mode HI, see Huglo, us Tonairts, chapter 3,
especially p. 96, also 405 with deuterus cadences (X and E. Cadences ~ for the introit &NtiniJ-
cm and a. for Dum c!omarem appear in Paliograbit MuJicale. Vol. 4, 93, 96. Noticed too by
James McKinnon is the prevalence of the F sonority in many Gregorian chants, the introit
Misericordia, for example, that do not cadence on F or D but "surprise one with a sudden
move to E-final at their close". Sce The Advent Project, 383-384. This unexpected conclusion
resulted perhaps from an obfuscation of the effects of orality by "score-ality".
12 Nicholas Stuart, "Melodic 'correctiom' in an e1eventll-century gradual ([Link], B.N., lat. 903)",
Journal of the Plainsong & MediottJal Mllsic Society 2 (1979), 2- to. A-G, not finalis-specific, is
not reliably to be transcribed.
t3 Smart, "Melodic 'corrcction3''') 4. Within the E maneria another gradual, Tibi Domine, found
in the marginaJia of C, is classed mode IV, but is actually in m. See Kecs Pouderoijen,
"L'Interpretation des Indications Mod!lles du Graduel,Chartres 47", Requirtntts Motios MNsi-
cos, cd. Daniel Saulnicr (Solesmes 1995),271. with a facsimile of the ~[Link]. Such a mode as-
signment exemplifies the authority of the cadential neume y, and its ambilatcra!ity within the
mancrta.
[n6
I
Clyde W Brockett

ent "type", I assume to mean neume. 14 Taking the alleluia for the matrix,
rather than the verse apportioned into elements per syllable, and consid-
ering the two different cadential neumes as developed formulas rather than
shaped like verse particles would make this seemingly ambivalent alleluia
type less problematic. IS
Swart takes the opposite direction, from verse to alleluia, in noting a
discrepancy in Alleluia. Paratum cor. Here, Stuart claims, certain versions
proceed in the protus but end the verse on E, while others adhere to the
protus throughout, and still others adhere to the deuterus. However, he
admits "it is certain that the original had a deuterus A Ifeluid , (italics
mine). Yet, the sources that have deuterus verses had retained a Jubilus
with this deuterus cadence, which was removed from other versions that
consequently evidenced a "reformed" cadential neume. 16 Alleluia can
thus appear as a gesture of internal coherence in a chant irrespective of
verse. Marie-Nod Colette notices such a patent melodic rhyme in the in-
troit Resurrexi while demonstrating the ubiquity of the melodic formula
of its final cadence in E-maneria chants. l ? This alleluia melody, following
"tecum sum", is copied at the close of the introit, with both utterances
making use of the cadential figure that I have labeled rx.
Three deuterus offertories are among those Nicholas Stuart consid-
ers emended by the author of lat. 903.
Factus est, shown in Example 1, terminates in a ~ cadence as seen in
Example 1/ a. 11l But in lat. 903 this cadence has clivis ED erased to dis-

14 Jean (Iaire (after Georgcs Riquier, d. 1967), ClLes formules centons des AUt/ilia anciens",
Elutles GregorienntJ XX (1981), 4.
15 LaIlMIc Dellm, ASClndit DellS. Emillt Spirifllm, Excita Domine, Benedicite Domino omntJ virtlltes (a
recent chant in the Gl), Qui posllit fines, Lmrla jerosakm, LouMle pun1, and Sit 1I0mell Domim
(not in the (;'1). Clairc's roster of verses does not include two of the old stratum, Dtxltra
Del and Posl partllm.
16 Stuart, "Melodic 'corrections''', 5.
17 Mane-Noel Colettc, "Des introi'ts temoin:; de psalmodie archatque", RiI'Iujrmles MOMs Mus;-
cos, 169-170 I n the original paper I projected transparences of excerpts of Rilsllrma from
six manuscripts.
18 Stuart. "Melodic 'corrections'" 8, examples (transcriptions) 5,6. In my paper I projected ex-
amples in transparencies of the excerpts in facsimile. For this published version, the three
examples, it is hoped, will serve for comprehension better by the conciseness of their detail
of the Aquitanian notation, deftly reproduced through computer autography by Sarah Char-
lock whom I thank.
 FORMULAIC CADENTIAL NEUMES ...

A-G .
.• ••.. ... - .... . . t-
oO •
- .. .,. ..
.,. ..
..
.. ..
(SOv) .-- . ..

e om
Example lla

903 .. :.. _. -..,... ..1... .tl. :1 :.'. -F

(65) ..... • ,..- .
.. •

e -
Example lib

place the chant to end on E, leaving intact the ~ formula and the origi-
nal, now offset, placement of the ultimate syllable 11111. The lat. 903 reo.
dactor's clivis, that shows through the erasure even in the PaJiographie
Musicale facsimile, replicated in Example llb, would not have been a
deuterus category. Recognizing his ~stake (or on the other hand, wish-
ing to conform to an "official" version) the St. Yrieix neumator accepted
the A-G version of element 3, first form, drafted ill Table 1. This is the
porrectus subpunctum aGaF instead of the more common climacus
aGF that had prompted him to lower the finalis to the protus or to
hesitate to accept the vogue. Thus, it was the cadential ntullte in a source
like A-G that couJd have made the lat. ·-903 author "correct" his own
discrepancy.
Offertories Filiae regllm and Justitiae Domini conclude on F at St.
Yrieix but instead on E, at Albi and Narbonne. 19

19 Stuart, "Melodic 'corrections"', 3, 4-5. That offertory verses, whose melodic vagaries are
. notorious, may have affected their governing dUlllts retroactively irt gome way is also pos-
sible.
- - -- - _ ._- --_ ._ - - - -- - -- -- - - - -- - -- - ------,
1118 Clyde W, Brockett
I -----------~

A-G
... f
. .. ,
.. .
(44)
• • -- .... • • ".

custo - diet e am
Example 2/a

. ..- r .
903
(47) - -.. - .. ..
..._ :tJ. - -F
•

custo-diet e am
Example 2/b

Justitiae, seen in Example 2, in sources other than lat. 903 ends on a

clearly neumed ~ formula, as Table 3/b shows, and Example 2/a repli-
cates. However, in lat. 903, seen in Example 2/b, the reviser once more
edits the cadential neume at e-am from aGF GFE E to aGFEF F, pre-
sumably because he "corrected". But why edit the original mode and noth-
ing else? Perhaps he was attracted to the tritus final by the recurrent F
tristrophici throughout this chant, far more insistently than in counter-
parts with the ~ cadence, Eke the offertory IIlumina ocu/os. But his ration-
ale must remain moot.

A-G A/ / ""
~
.. t-
(23v) ... ...
•
.. .. .-
, ... ; .
-
varieta te

Examp]e 3/a
 FORMULAIC CADENTIAL NEUMES ...

... . r . 1-
-r..• . ... •
903 ... it
(20) • ... --
• ,
. -a
•
--
.
vane - ta te
Example 3/b

Filiae regum, shown in Example 3, is recorded in the sources, includ-

ing A-G, as formula us, but entered on Table 1 for A-G as y, sixth form.
Example 3/ a depicts this cadence. In lat. 903, however, the cadence is
"emended" to end on F without deuterus prototype, Example 3/b. This
alteration was conceivably to revise the unrecognized'; ~maly.
The example of a 'reform' communion antiphon affecting thedeu-
terus involves a manuscript from St. Martial rather than the familiar lat. 903.
Tollite hostias is assigned to deuterus in all Stuart's sources but lat. 1132,
where it is designated tritus. Although Stuart does not explain the revi-
sion from E into F, one consulting Table 1 easily imagines that the unique
variant of the l neume with its element 3 modified to a torculus woUld
have given pause to the St. Martial notator who may not have recognized .
thi~ rare cadence.
Close to Office responsories in their behavior, the processional anti-
phons are related in their neume endings as well. Here verseless anoma-
lies present themselves for a validation of jnalis by resolving modal ambi-
guity through neume terminations. One such ambiguity occurs in Christus
resurgens, assigned to the deuterus (IV) in the Aquitanian tonaries. 20
Despite this assignment, the antiphon ·appears among processional chants
that herald Resurrexi, in the protus with a non-deuterus cadence in these
Aquitanian manuscripts. Perhaps from an" analysis 9f this antiphon py
Christian Troelsgard, one may gather that the discrepancy might have re-
sulted from a modal or melodic shift in a Byzantine relative in the E

20 The tonanes at the cnd;; of A-G (incomplete) and lat. 780 prcllcrve the only lists that in-
-elude processional antiphons. I-Iugio, us Tonmres, 141, 149; ChrislJls rtSlif!,tnJ is entered in
mode TV in A-G, foL 153v, and lat. 780, foL 126r.
[120 Clyde W. Brockett

maneria. The Greek pattern in Chnstus resurgens with verse Dicant nunc in
deuterus in fact ends on E.21
The antiphon Timor ac tremor Listed in Table 3/b is typical in its at-
tachment of a terminal alleluia, but special in the modal maneuver of
this alleluia. The antiphon is designated in tonaries as ending in mode Iv,
endorsed by the Yj ending. However, its terminal alle1uia ends on G, and
is melodically typical of the authentic tetrardus. This remodeling at the
cadence caused tonaries prepared subsequently and even presentations
of the chant itself in later manuscripts - for example, the Nonantola
tropers - to revise the final phrase to the tetrardus to conform to their G
Alleluia, as aforementioned (note 15) in the case of introit Victn"cem ma-
num. Thereby, such witnesses of plainchant declared this entire example
to be tetrardus. The application of terminal alleluias, thus, can result in a
modal shift.22 Modality is affected in three ways by this operation. First,
the alleluia is independent with a resulting modal shift, as in Timor ac tre-
mor, second, the alleluia is dependent on the modality of the chant and
carries a cadential neume to identify that modality. Third, the alleluia is
dependent on the modality of the chant but follows the neume that
forms the chant cadence rather than progressing to a maneria-defining
neume of its own. Several of these formations appear in the catalogue
where they are indicated by an addition-sign (+). Thus, an alleluia termi-
nated by a neume identifier would have originally pertained to the anti-
phon and would not have been merely appended to it.
Tables 3/ a and 3/b list comparatively few deuterus processional an-
tiphons with certifiable modality. Unfortunately, there are even fewer can-
Ius ignoti whose finals can be determined by cadential neume recognition.
Table 4 records the five processional antiphons located in cheironom1c
notation whose finalis is pro5ably E.

21 Chnstian TroclsgarJ, "The musical structure of five Byzantine stichera and their parallels
among Western antJphons", Unillersite tie Copenhaglll! Cahiers de I1nslilllt dll Mqyen-Age gree el
la/in (Copenhagen, 1991),26-31.
22 '1'erence Bailev (The Processions, 134-135) noticed the mode-changing behavior of the termi-
nal allcluia prodUCing closure on a pitch different from the finalis of the chant to which it is
appended, stilJ the mode crirerion of the chant.
 --------~--------------------------.
FORMULAIC CADENTIAL NEUMES ... 1211I

CAO TITLE LITURGICAL SOURCE NEUME

ASSIGNMENT
- Deo gratias semper Do- Post cibum B ..,+
mine ribi
- Domine salvum fac impe- Ad regem suscipiendum B 'YI
ratorem
- In Nineven civitatem De dominicis diebus B a
- Sacerdos Dei inclito Ste- In natale Confessorum B e
phane
1-;>
- Tibi Christe referimus Post cibum B 11. .

gratias - 1*- ~.

Table 4 Deuterus processional antiphons found in cleffless or

staffless notation

A scouring of line-custos intervallic sources, namely A-G and Grad~­

als of Narbonne, and Toulouse, though manifesting modally. unclassified
antiphons, does not reveal any in the deuterus maneria and in the charac-
teristically responsorial style that do not already appear in Table 3. The
result of· these combings is indicative of the ocean that lies between the
'canonical' eucharistic chant types and the more or less optional extrinsic
processional chants as concerns interpretation of mode and melody.
This study presents the case for verifying that the cadential gesture
of the chant qualifies its modality and that the neume with its elements •.1'.

leading to the finalls is itself a special mode designator. Such a cadential

device might indeed have been a useful i~lement toward discerning
mode at the close of the first millenium. Although disappointing in the
lack of compromise by means of clef in chants found in interval-
specific sources and infrequency. of such chants in toWly cheironotnic
sources, the cadential neume sequence leading to element 1 in E has pro-
vided a degree of success in deriving the final note of a chant. This suc-
cess goes beyond modal identification provided by the formulaic verse
to discern the finalis of an even modally undetermined can/us ignotus. It
could thereby attract further attention to cadential neumes as clues to
modality.
 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 1iij

Ike de Loos RESPONSORY VERSES:

WHAT DO THEY TELL US
ABOUT CHANT TRADITIONS?

One of the first major studies on the office repertoire is Hesbert's well-
known Corpus Antiphonalium Officii, in which he explored the texts and
the order of the Advent responsories. 2 Since its publication between
1963 and 1979 this study has been followed up in several way~ increas-
ingly with electronic support,3 creating an excellent point of departure
for further r~search.
Hesbert, like many scholars of his time, was searching for an arche-
type. In his work on the Advent responsories he made a distinction be-
tween an East-Frankish and a West-Frankish tradition, using the nam~s
le premier et le deuxieme groupe for the secular manuscripts and /e grolljJe ger-
mafJique et le groupe fatin for the monastic ones.~ Some distinction between
East and West is often made in chant research, the East-Frankish and
West-Frankish traditions named after the Eastern and Western parts of
the former Carolingian empire. 5

1 The work reported here was supported by the Council for the Humanities, which is part of
the Netherlands Organization for Scientific · Research (NWO). With many thanks to Lila
Collamore for her critical comments on the preliminary· version of tbis article.
2 RJ Hesbert, COrpllS Antiphonolill11t Officii, Vol. I-VI. Rerum ecdesiasticarum documenta, Se-
ries maior, Fontes VII-XII (Rome, 1963-1979) (hereafter: CAO). -
3 Two project~ on the office repertoire are: CANIVS. A Database for Latin E«lIsiasticai Chmtt.
Indices of than!s in s~kcted manuscripts and ~or!y printed sOllrres of the /ihlrgiial OffiCI, The University
of Western Ontario, [Link], directed by T. Bailey ([Link] -(antus/); CAO-
ECE. Corpus Antiphonaliu1JI Officii - Ecc/tIiof'llm Centralis BII1"OjJIU, In,stitute for Musicology of
the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest, directed by L. Dobszay ([Link]
earlymusic/ cao-ece/ caa-ece. html).
4 ,For the secular manuscripts: CAD VI, 119 ff; for the monastic manuscripts: CAO VI, 181
ff. See also: Le Roux, "Lcs rcpons <de psalm is» pour les matiiles de l'cpiphanie a la Septua-
gesimc", Eludes Grigoriennes 6 (1963), 39-148 & tableau; on the verses: 13{) ff.
5 See for instance M. )fuglo, "Division de la tradition monodique en deux groupes «esb> et
«ouesb>", Revile de music%gie 85 (1999), 5-28, for the responsory verses: 1S-17.
[_
12_4_ _ __ Ike de Loos

Indeed one may distinguish two main traditions; however, the rela-
tion between these two is more complex than one might think at first
sight. From an analysis of the responsory verses I will argue that the bor-
derline between the two main traditions is not always identical with the
borderline between the East-Frankish and West-Frankish regions. Sec-
ondly I will argue that the distribution of the two main traditions may
vary with the place in the liturgical year.
My starting point is the texts of the responsory verses. Although
each responsory is normally sung with one verse, the verse texts may dif-
fer from region to region. Hence many responsories have more than one
verse, but not in the same manuscript. An analysis of the geographical
distribution of these verses may reveal some of the mechanisms that
have determined the shape of the office repertoire as it has been pre-
served in the manuscripts.
Hesbert found 60 Advent responsories in his corpus of 800 manu-
scripts. For none of the responsories, the manuscripts completely agree
on the verses; there is always more than one verse: the minimum is 2
(resp. Aspiciebam), the maximum is 14 (resp. Montes Israel).6 Hesbert gave
the verses a siglum and published them in vol. VI of his CAO. Pro-
jecting the sigla of these verses onto the map of Europe clearly shows
that the verses have spread according to a certain pattern. Many respon-
sories have two main verses; these two verses turn up in a large number
of manuscripts; in addition there may be verses that turn up only spo-
radically.

> Usually one of the main verses is found in the East-Frankish re-
gion, moreover, it dominates that region. It also turns up (but not
dominantly) in the northern part of the West-Franlcish region, but
in Aquitaine and the Iberian Peninsula (where the Aquitanian no-
tation was in use) it is absent. I call this one the 'general verse'. Its
text is frequently taken from a source (a bible book) different
from that of the respond; often it is from the psalms, and there-
fore the textual connection to the respond may be rather loose.
Besides) these verse texts quite often occur more than once on

6 CAO VI, 13-55, esp. 13-14 and 44.

[ RESPONSORY VERSES ...

the same day, as they may serve as verses for more than one re-
sponsory.
> The other main verse is usually found in the entire West-Frankish
region, from I taly and the Iberian Peninsula up to the insular
countries; it is absent (or found only spc>radically) in the East-
Frankish region. I call this one the 'main Western verse'. It is more
often from the same bible book as the respond, and it is sung no
more than once a day.
) Other verses only turn up in a small number of manuscripts, and
almost exclusively in smaller parts of the West-Frankish region.
I call these the 'secondary Western verses'. Like the main Western
verse, they are from the same bible book as the respond, and sung
at most once a day.
The terms 'general', 'main Western' and 'secondary Western' only re-
fer to the geographical distribution as displayed by the manuscripts, and
should not be read as implying a judgement about origin or early devel-
opment.
A representative example is resp. Audite verbum (CAO 6149) from the
First Sunday of Advent (Map 1). The general verse. A .solis ortu, is a
psalm verse; this text is very often used as a responsory verse in Advent. .
A'ctually it is the most frequendy used one, as Michel Huglo has pointed
out. 7 On Map 1 it is indicated by the letter 'a'.
Uer. 30: 1] Audile verbum Domini gentes, .et annuntiate iJlud in finibus terrae, et
in insulis quae procul sunt dicite: Sa/valor nosier adveniet.
[ps. 106: 3] A solis ortu et oeeasu, ab Aqui/(me et man
Repet. El in insulis quae procul sunt dicite: Sa/vator noster adveniet. (Or: Re-
pet. Salvalor noster adveniet.)

The main Western verse, Annuntitlte~et auditufIJ facite, is taken from

Jeremiah, the same book as the respond. In this version the conne~tion
between respond and verse is stronger. On Map 1 it has the code 'b'.-

7 M. Huglo, "Les remaniements de .l'Antiphonaire gregorien au lxe siecIe: Helisaroar, Ago-

ottom
bard, Amalaire", CNlto [Link] politico impniak ctJrOli"gia, 9-12 1977. C()nvegni del cen-
tra di studi sulla spiritualita mcruevale. Universici degli studi di Perugia XVIII (fodi, 1979),
89-119, esp. 98.
126
1
Ike de Loos
I

oer. 30: 1] Audile verbum Domini gentes, et annuntiate zliud in jinibus terrae, et
in inJUii.f quae proml sunt didte: Sa/vator nos/er adveniet.
[cf Jer. 4: 5J Annuntzate et auditumfacite, ioquimini et damate
Repet. Et in insullJ quae procul JUnt dicite: Salvator nos/er adveniet.

Our example has only one secondary Western verse, 'c' on map 1.
Like the main Western verse it is based on Jeremiah 4: s.H
Der. 30: 1] / 1udite verbum Domini gentes, et annuntiate iflud in finibus terrae, et
In imu/lJ quae proml .runt didte: Salvator noster adveniet.
[cf Jer. 4: 5] Annuntiate populis et dicite loquimini et clamale
Repet. Et in insulis quae prom! sunt dicite: Salvalor noster adveniet

On the map of Audile verbum we see')

) that almost all East-Frankish sources, both monastic and secular,
such as those from Bamberg, Einsiedeln and Zwiefalten have the
genera] verse~
) that Notre Dame of Paris and St. Martin of Tours have the gen-
eral verse as well;
) while the abbeys of St Denis and St Maur-des-Fosses prefer the
main Western verse;
) and that the secondary Western verse turns up in only a handful
of places in France (among others in Normandy) and the insular
regions (Coldingham),W

For each responsory the number and distribution of the Western

verses is different, especially for the secondary Western verses,ll Resp.
Audite verbum has a secondary verse at a few places (mainly in Normandy
and Coldingham), but other responsories may have their secondary

8' He~bert's CAO (Vol. VI. 16) gives only an incipit; the text given here is based on Pn lat 1043
(fal. 96r) and Pn !at 13230 (fol. 11 r, with the variant Annunlialr populI).
9 For reasons of readability I have omitted manuscript signatures as much as possible, refer-
ring to churchc~ and cities instead. ;\ survey of the relevant manuscripts is in the Appendix;
library ~igla are according to RlSM whenever possible
10 For resp. Audile verbum: CA 0 V r, 16; the manuscripts with verse Annunliate populis are from
Senus (l"-p~ 1221), Lyre (F-I ,~V 33 and Pn 13230), Le Bee (F-LA 255), Coldingham (G B-Lbl
[Link] 4664), La Couture (I"-LM 188), St-Jouin-sur-Marne (F-Pm 353), Bourgueil 0)n
1043).
11 This can readily be observed in 010 VI, 13-55.
 RESPONSORY VERSES ... _ _ __ _ _ 12~

a. a..

b
0. b
b

Map! Advent resp. Audile verbum Oet. 30: 1; CAD 6149)

Verses: a = A solis ortuCps. 106: 3);
b = Annuntiate et aJiditum Oer. 4: 5);
c = Annuntiate populis Oer. 4: 5)

verses anywhere in the West-Frankish region: Ly(~>n, Aquitaine and the

Iberian Peninsula, Nantes, sometimes Rhineland or Tongres/Liege on the
borderline of the East-Frankish and-West-Frankish regions, and '-so on.
Although we now appear to have identified the main distribution
pattern of the responsory verses, it must be said that not all responsories
fit this pattern. Some have several verses taken from the psalms, some
have several verses circulating in the East-Frankish region, but I suspect
that the majority more or less fits the model of Audile verbum. This is es-
- pecially clear in the responsories of the Advent Sundays, while, on the
r:- --
128
1
Ike de Loos _ _ _ _ _J
contrary, those of the weekdays of the Fourth Week of Advent, the se-
ries starting with Clama in fortitudine, show a different pattern.12 At pres-
ent these observations form no more than a working hypothesis that
may be refined or corrected in the future.

The Advent responsories in the Low Countries

I continue with an analysis of the repertoire of three chapter churches of
the Low Countries and the Rhineland: Utrecht, Aachen and Cambrai,
first of the Advent responsories and next of the responsories to the
Book of Job and the Assumption of Mary.
Looking at the Advent responsories we see that these three churches
mainly follow the West-Frankish tradition, with only a few exceptions:
, Aachen has the main Western verse for the responsory Audite ver-
bum. This is the case with most of the Advent responsories, but
sometimes one finds the general verse, or a secondary one;
> Utrecht shows more or less the same pattern as Aachen, using
predominantly the main Western verses;
> Cambrai always has a Western verse, often the main one, some-
times a secondary one.

This shows the distribution of the general, main Western and secon-
dary Western verses in the Low Countries chapter churches, and the po-
sition of these churches in the general scheme.
There is, however, a remarkable exception in the dissemination of
the verses as set forth here in that the main Western verse Annuntiate et
auditum is regularly found in Central Europe. 13 Manuscripts of this region

12 For lflstance, resp. Cloma in fortillldine (CAO 6292) has two verses circulating in the East-
Frankish region instead of one: Super mOlllWJ eXCtis1l11l and Beef tkJminalor tkJminus; besides
there is the psalmic verse A solis Drill, but that one is only established in a manuscript from
St Martm's of Tours.
13 The following references to the Central European sources arc based on the publications of
the CAO-ECE projtCl, both the Prtliminary rtporl (Budapest, \988) and the CAO-ECE-vol-
umes dedicated to the tradition of one specific church; JIA Salzburg (fll1l/Joralt); IlIA Rom-
berg (ftmporalt); Ill/A Praha (fm/porole). The resp. AlIdile verbum and its verse have the num-
bers 320-330 in these studies. Special thanks go to Zsuzsa CzagilOY for pointing out some
details of the Hungarian office repertoire to me.
 RESPONSORY VERSES ...

are not (or insufficiently) covered by CAO, and we have to turn to the
CAO-EeE project, that has inventoried the liturgy of these churches.
The verse Annuntiate et auditum is found in Prague, Chdmo, Gniezno,
Wrodaw, Krak6w, Olomouc, Transsilvania and Esztergom. So it seems
that this region strongly diverges from the overall picture described
above. This may be tentatively explained by the fact that the chant, at
least its basic repertoire, was not a local product. The chant tradition in
Central Europe is relatively young - Prague cathedral, for instance, was
founded only in the 10th century - and was therefore dependent on tradi-
tions formed elsewhere. Here, as in many other regions, chant was intro-
duced and transformed into a local tradition according to the artistic
taste and capabilities of the local singers. The clearest sign of this proc-
ess in Central Europe is the notation. As explained by Janka Szendrei
and clearly demonstrated by the many photographs in the articles of
Szendrei and Dobszay, the Central European notations display many in-
fluences of Messine (Lorraine) music script. 14 In the repertoire itself dis-
semination patterns may be discerned that are perhaps not identical with,
but more or less similar to those of the script: text variants and notation
must have traveled together to Central Europe.

The responsories of the book of Job

Because Hesbert only studied the Advent responsories, I had to turn to
the CANTUS project for other parts of the liturgical year. Although
CANTUS does not contain as many sources as CAO, it gives a detailed
overview of the office repertoire of more than 35 churches or monaster-
ies, including modal assignments and responsory verses. Togeth~r with·
the manuscripts edited in VDl. 1-4- of CAO, complete inventories of
more than 40 manuscripts are available.
A total of 22 responsories from the book of Job is encountered in
these manuscripts. Most of them are rather well~known arid have ~ place

14 J. Szendrei, "The introduction of staff notation into Middle Euro~", Sh«Iia MNsicoll'lJo .A&a-
dtmiae Scienliarum Hllngamae 28 (1986), 303-319;]. Szcn~ei, "Choihlnotation als Identitiits-
ausdruck irn Mjttelaltcr", SIIIt/ia MNSi'(()Jogia ' Acadt1lliat Sci",liartllll HIlI!i?iMe 21 (1985).
139-170; L. Dobszay, "The system of the Hungarian Plaintlong sources", SllIdia MtaicoiIJgia
Acatkmioe S citntiorllm HUIIgaricoe 27 (1985), 37-65. .
G~ o _______________________I_k_e_d_e_L_o_o_s _______
in CAO too; a few are only found locally. Like the Advent responsories,
most Job responsories are provided with varying verses, differing from
region to region. When these verses are projected on a map, a pattern ap-
pears that is similar to that of Advent, although we have considered less
than 50 manuscripts instead of Hesbert's hundreds. There is a general
verse, found in both the East-Frankish and West-Frankish regions, and
one or more other verses, almost exclusively in the West-Frankish region.
Usually one of these Western verses may be considered the main West-
ern verse. Most verses derive their texts from the Book of Job, and - in
contrast with the Advent chants - only five responsories have a verse
that is taken from the Book of Psalms; these psalm verses can usually be
considered general [Link] As in the Advent repertoire, some of the
general verses but none of the Western verses are attached to more than
one responsory.
Resp. Induta est caro mea (CAO 6956; text from Job 7: 5) will serve as
an example (M:ap 2). A general verse, with a text taken from the psalms,
dominates in the East-Frankish and is also present in the West-Frankish
region: Dies mei sicut umbra (ps. 101: 12); a main Western verse circulates
in the West-Frankish region: Dies mei velocius transierunt, with a text from
the same book as the respond Gob 7: 6).
In the Low Countries and the Rhineland we see the following (see
Appendix):
> Aachen contains 18 responsories, all using the general verses;
> Utrecht contains 19 responsories, the larger part (13) with the
general verses, a minor part with one of the Western verses;
> Cambrai contains 12 responsories, most with Western verses, but
some with verses of the general type (among which Induta est caro
mea).
We thus see a marked difference from the Advent chants, in which
all' three manuscripts showed more resemblance to the West-Frankish
manuscripts. Also remarkable in this repertoire is that the manuscripts
are quite different from each other, each of the three manuscripts dis-
playing its own tradition: the Aachen verses are different from the Cam-
brai ones, while Utrecht shows a middle position.
15 Rcsp. ('\06956, C\O 7143. C\O 7629. CAO 7244, but not e;\O 7235, whICh ha~ a psalm
vcr~e with a very [Link] spread
L_- - RESPONSORY VERSES ...

r
Map 2 Job resp. Induta est l'tlrO mea Gob 7: 5; CAO 6956)
Verses: a = Diu mei sicut umbra (ps. 101: 12);
=
b Dies mei ve/otius Gob 7: 6)

Now that office sources are more and more accessible, our ideas
about where specific chants or verses were in use have to be adjusted
from time to time. In the Job respGnsories there is something [Link]-
pected in the way the verses have been disseminated. The verse Quod jus-
tt/m for resp. Quare detraxistis (CAO 7463) and the verse Ecce non est auxi-
fium for resp. Antequam comedam (CAO 6106) were known only from
southern European manuscripts, an~ until recently some verses were
considered to be strictly bound to that region. 16 It appears, however, that

16 M.p Ferreira, "Three fragment'!> from Lamego", Revista de Mllsicologia 16 (1993), 457-476,
esp. paragraph IV
1L132 Ike de Loos
-

these verses occur In manuscripts of the Low Countries as well. Al-

though only a fraction of the manuscripts has been surveyed, a pattern
emerges where several verses seem to occur in Italy, Aquitaine and the
Iberian Peninsula, and the Low Countries, but so far nowhere else.

The responsories for the Assumption of Mary

The responsories for the Assumption belong to a layer of the repertoire
different from the Job and Advent chants, as this feast is part of the
Sanctorale. The feast of the Assumption is widely celebrated and one of
the oldest Marian feasts.
Most of the manuscripts draw on a number of well-known respon-
sories, used not only for the Assumption, but also for other Marian
feasts, other female saints or for the Common of Virgins. Their texts are
taken from the Song of Songs, from psalm 44, and occasionally from the
Magnificat; there are a few non-biblical texts as well. Some manuscripts
from the southern part of Europe draw on a quite different corpus of
chants,17 but as far as can be observed these chants were not used in the
northern region and hence they are not covered by this study.
The Assumption diverges from Advent and Job in that the antiphons
are often arranged in a modal order. Apparently they underwent a redac-
cion that is more often applied in saints' offices, but not in the Tempo-
rale, that is to say, not in the vieux fonds of the Temporale. 18 Matins anti-
phons in secular manuscripts can be arranged in two ways:

17 Manu,,;cnpts from Pavia, Rome, Marseille and Hesbert's E and E-Tc 44.1. M. della Sciucca,
"I~:in seltenes Offiziumsformular fur das Fest Maria Himmelfanrt - Liturgische und Melo-
di:;che Besondcrhciten", Beitrage '{JIrGregorian;k 25, 47-72; sce 48-49 for the presence of two
°
offices in one manuscript. Sce also: J,. Collamore, Aquitanio" colkction.! of office chant.!: com-
parative .fJIrvf!)' (Ph .D. diss., Washington, D.C, The Catholic University of America, 2000),
191-192.
18 A modal order in the Tcmporak occurs in D -Ai\m G 20 (fol. 50v ff.), where two series of
antiphons for Dominica per Annum arc recorded; the second series is in modal order. This
series conslsts of the following antiphons: mode 1: CAO 1591; mode 2: CAO 4494; mode 3:
C\O 3205; mode 4: C\O 5182; mode 5: CAO 3314; mode 6: CAO 5464; mode 7: CAO
~604; mode 8: CAO 2771; mode 4: CAO 4369; it occurs also in Hesbert's E (C40 n,
87-89). This must be considered a later addition to the repertoire, like the Trinity office that
shows a modal order too, but dates from the early 10'h century; A. Auda, Elienne de Uige.
L'Ecole muJica/e litgeoise all X' .riM! (Rrusscls, 1923),67-121.
[ RESPONSORY VERSES ...

) within one nocturn all antiphons are of the same mode~ or more
precisely, use the same melody: a mode 4 melody for the first noc-
turn, a mode 7 one for the second and the mode 4 one again for
the third, hence the scheme is always 4-4-4 / 7-7-7 / 4-4-4;19
) 8 out of the 9 antiphons are in oktoechos-order, hence 1-2~3 /
4-5-6 / 7_8_*.20
In monastic manuscripts we can recognize modal arrangements,
based on similar principles but carried out differently as the number of anti-
phons is different. The first possibility, one mode for an entire nocturn, is
applied less strictly (e.g. St. Amand: 4-4-4-4-4-3 / 7-7-4-4-4-1 / 2).21 The
second possibility, following the oktoechos, has two variants: either only
one oktoechos-series is displayed and then the modes are chosen ran-
domly (1-2-3-4-5-6 / 7-8-*-*-*-* / *), or after the eighth antiphon a new
series is started (1-2-3-4-5-6 / 7-8-1-2-3-4/ *).22
The only exception to this is Benevento 20, which has the antiphons
in random modal order, and (as the CAO-sigla in the CAN1US-flles
show) u'ses many local chants. This manuscript, containing the office
chant from a church in Benevento according to the secular use, does not
show traces of any redaction in the antiphons of the Assumption.
In the responsories, however, no redaction with respect to modal or-
dering can be recognized. For most of them two or three verses can be
found, and their distribution often fits the pattern described above. There
are several Assumption responsories that diverge from this, having more

19 The 4-4-4 / 7-7-7 / 4-4-4 arrangement is found in manuscripts with a secular ordo from:
Aachen Maricnstift (at present Dom), B-ambcrg Dom (incomplete), Cambrai Cathedral (in
thc margin by a 2nd scribe), Florence Cathedral, Klol-'tcmcuburg, Cologne (S. Severin and
Maricngradcn), Pavia (not entirely), Paris Notre Dame (with verses to the antiphons), Sens,
Salzburg, Kirnberg, Utrecht, Xantcn, Zutphen.
20 The 1-2-3 / 4-5-6 / 7-8-* arrangement occurs in secular manuscripts from: Wales,_Cam-
brai (1 ,I scribe), Cambridge (Sarum), Marseille, Piacenza, and in E-Tc 44.1.
21 This occurs in: Lambracht abbey (2'od series, starting with Btn,dicta fII on fol. 231r) ~~wiefal­
ten, St. Amand (not entirely); Krcmsmunstcr; St-Maur-des-Fosses (not entirely), St. Taurin
I'Echellc (Cluniac use), Rome (2nd serics). In the CANTIJS flles of Kremstnunster and
St. Taurin l'Echclle indications for the modes are lacking, but the incipits make the arrange-
ment dear.
22 The double oktoechos-series is also found' in manuscripts from the benedictine abbeys of
Echternach and Rijnsburg. Monastic manuscripts with a one-series . arangernent: Arras (St
Vaast), Lambracht (1,t series), Gent, Rome (1" series), and in E.-Tc 44.2.
!134
1__ -
Ike de Loos

than one verse in the East-Frankish region,23 but the larger part (an esti-
mated 75 %) fits the same pattern as described for the Advent and Job
chants:
) a general verse is predominant in the East-Frankish region and is
also encountered (but not predominantly) in the West-Frankish
region; these verses may be used for more than one responsory;
) there is a main Western verse, being from the same biblical source
as the respond;
) sometimes there are secondary Western verses.
As the number of responsories and the number of sources studied
is much smaller than in the case of Advent, I will have to choose my
words a bit more carefully in saying to which tradition the three Low
Countries chapter churches belong (see Appendix):
) Aachen has a preference for verses that occur in the East-Frank-
ish region; only once there is a secondary Western verse;
) Utrecht often concords with Aachen;
) Cambrai uses the Western verses.

*
Now three parts of the liturgical year have been analysed. In a table
the results looks like this:

ADVENT SUNDAYS DEJOB ASSUMPTION

------ -
Aachen often main \X'estern general verses general verses /
verses verses used in the
East-Frankish region
Utrecht often main Western often general verses, more or less the same
. .
verses sometlmes malO as Aachen
\Vestern verses
Cambrai often main \'(/estern, mos tly maio \'(/es tern Wes tern verses
sometimes secondary verses, sometltnes
Wes tern verses general verses

Table 1 The distribution of the verses in 3 groups of responsories

23 Resp. DiJ!Jlso esl gratia ((,.\0 6446). SlIper J'alHttm (CAO 7726). Vem cice/a ((AO 7826). Gallrie
Mono (CAO 6759).
 RESPONSORY VERSES ...
---
,~

Although Cambrai is more or less steadfast in following Western

verses, the Utrecht and Aachen traditions are not. The latter two join the
West-Frankish tradition in Advent, but they prefer the general verses for
the Assumption. In the Job responsories they split up, Aachen following
all the East-Frankish manuscripts in choosing the general verses, while
Utrecht has a more intermediate position. Hence, though Utrecht and
Aachen have some things in common, there are differences between
them as well.

*
One should be aware that the patterns of transmission I have shown
are only those of the responsory verse texts. It is likely that, if one were
to map the modal assignments of responsories, similarities and diver-
gences between manuscripts would turn up in different patterns. -Among
the examples I used in previous publications two are worth mentioning:
the Peter-responsory Ego pro le rogavi Petre (CAO 6630), which is in mode
3 in East-Frankish manuscripts and in mode 4 in West-Frankish manu-
scriptS. 24 A completely different picture is shown by resp. Plange quasi
virgo for Holy Saturday (CAO 7387), usually in mode 5, sometimes (in
places as far apart as northern Italy and Arras) in mode 2, in some
Rhineland manuscripts in mode 8, and finally in mode 7 in Worcester,
Benevento (Hesberfs L) and in many churches in the Low Countries - in
the Low Countries the 7t 'n mode version was app~rently the main one. 25
24 I. de Loos, "The transmission of the responsoria prolixa according to the manuscripts of
St. Mary's church Utrecht". Tijrlschrift van tit KOII;1I/clijiet vermigi1lg voor Ntdtrla"ds, MII~tk­
geschiedtnis49 (1999),5-31, esp. 12-14.
25 1. de Loos, "Plangc qua$i virgo. An archeological study of the Utrecht responsory tradition",
Musical Life at the Colkgiate Churches in Flantltrs anti Elffope / The Di Mar/i1le/fj Colkciion / Chatll
anti PolYPhony. Yearbook 4 of the Alamire Foundation (Leuven, 2(00). The 7m mode version
IS also established in Premonstratensian manuscripts of Averbode Abbey (Averbod.c, Abdi-

jarchief IV 418, fol. 47r and lV 412, fa!. 152r) and of Catharinadal in Oosterhout (ms 93,
317); and in a fragment from Mechelen -(j\artsbissch. J\rchief, 'Map Kap. A Yam, nr_ 389,
Muziek': a folder containing 13 fragments, probably from the Romboutskerk, see ' the 4th
fragment, entitled Archives till cbopitre tit s. Ro",boNl, Mali"ts. Antiphonairt Fill XV' ON Dibllt
XVI' sieck). Manuscripts of Crosiers and Augu:ltinians on the contrary have a 5th mode ver-
sion (Cuyk, St.-Aegten 17, from the Crosier monastery St.-Agatha near Cuyk; Tilburg, Theolo-
gische Facultcit, Haaren 30, probably for the Augustil1ian COllvent Mariehhagen in Woensel).
This responsory is all the more puzzling as some Rhinelandic manuscripts have a final g, but
, - - - - --- --
1136 Ike de Loos

This shows that the responds, or at least their melodies, underwent a

different redaction from their verses, a fact that is already apparent from
a letter written by the cleric Helisachar to bishop Nidibrius around 820,
in which he deals with responsory verses. 26 Helisachar objects to the
verses that he had heard in Aachen, because they were lacking authority
and sense (auctoritate et ratione).
Helisachar's words can be placed in context in several ways. Recently
Michel Huglo has pointed towards Helisachar's Hispanic backgroundY
More than once it has been suggested that the performance practices at
Rome and in Gaul were different, because - according to Amalarius of
Metz - in Rome the entire respond was repeated after the verse (a capite)
while the Franks only repeated the second part (a Iatere).28 Traces of this
a capite practice have survived in the Old Roman manuscripts, especially
in the Easter responsories. 29 Of these, resp. Angelus Domini descendit de
coelo follows here as an example:

a Sri, mode ver~e, such as D-KNda Severin A II 3 (fol. 70r); D-AAm G 20 (fo1. 95r) has fUl
erasure in the fmal cadence.
26 M. Huglo, "Les rcmaniements de l'Antiphonaire ... " (see note 7). M. Huglo, "D'Helisachar
a Abbon de I'leucy", &vlle binidichne 104 (1994), 204-230. K. Levy, "Abbot Helisachar's An-
tiphoner", Journal of the AJmn'con Musicological Sotiety 48 (1995), 171-186. "On 'Abbot Helisa-
char's Antiphoner' by Kenneth Levy, Summer 1995", Colloquy by A. Marcel J. Zijlstra and
Hendrik van de! Werf, Journal of tht Amtricon MlIsicological Sotiery 50 (1997), 238-249. A trans-
lation of the letter by James McKinnon is in Strunk's Source Reading in MNsic History, Revised
edition (1998), cd. L. Treitler, 17 5-178. M. Huglo, "The Cantatorium: from Charlemagne to
the fourteenth century", The stur!J of Medieval Chant, FoJhs and bridges, East and Wesl, in honor of
Kenneth Lt'!), cd . .1cffery (Cambridge etc., 2001), 89-103, esp. 93.
27 M. Huglo, 'The Cantatorium: from Charlemagne . .. " (see note 26), 93.
28 See literature mentioned in notes 26 and 27 above.
29 The Old Roman antiphoner Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, S. Pictro B 79 has ru-
brics to the feash; of Epiphany, Easter, Ascension, and St Peter and St Paul, indicating that
the responsories should be repeated from the beginning (omnia rtsponsorio rtincipillntlff a capite,
e.g. fo!. 38r, to Epiphany); however, this is often in contradiction with a cue for the repeten ~
dum, that indicates a repeat of the second part only; the Easter responsories have a cue for
a repeat of the entire respond; see also: F Cutter c.a., "Responsory", The New Grove Diction-
tlIJ' of MIISlC and MlIsicians, cd. S. Sadie & J. Tyrrell (London, 2001).
 "

RESPON,SORY VERSES ...

OLD ROMAN (S. PIETRO B 79) FRANKISH (CAO 6093)

Angelus domini descendit de celo et accedens Angelus Domini descendit de coelo el accedens
revolvit lapidem et sedit sll/Jer ellm et dixit revolvit lapitkm et super ellm sedit et dixit
mulieribus sao enim qllia crucifixum queritis mulieribus Nolite timere S do enim quia £'TU-
venite et vitkte ubipositus erat d/Jminus alle- ciJixum quaeri/is jam sUrTe>..it venite et videte
luia /Qcum ubi positus erat Dominus alleluia
Verse Angelus domini locutus est mulieri- Verse A Angelus D01llini locutuJ est 1IIU-
bus dicens quem querilis an hiesum queri!is lieribus dicens Quem qllllerilis an JesN1II
- Repet. Angelus quaeritis - Repet. Jam - or repet. Nolite
Verse B Et intrrmmles in 1Il0nNlIlentum vide-
nmtjllvenem sedentem in rilxtns coopertNm
stola candida el obstllj>Henmt qui dicit '-"is -
Repet. Nolite

The textual unity between verse and repetendum was not relevant
for the Old Roman practice. The need for it was only felt when the rep-
ertoire was transferred north of the Alps and a free choice of both the
verse and the part of the respond taken as repetendum offered possibili-
ties for a creative play with words. .
But whatever may have happened exacdy while transferring the Old
Roman repertoire to the north, Amalarius' comments concern Rome and
,Gaul ca 830 while Helisachar's comments concern Aachen and Aquitaine
ca 820, and - ,however Charlemagne would have liked it to bel - Aachen
was not Rome. Helisachar must have meant that the Aquitanian verses
better match the repetendum than the Aachen verses, and, as can be
seen in this study, for some parts of the liturgical year he is right. The
general verses display exacdy the chatacteristics that Helisachar disliked:
the fact that respond and verse are taken from a different biblical source"
and are often lacking sense. The Western verses on the other hand (both
the main and secondary ones) displayed the characteristics that I:ieli-
sachar favoured: both respond and -verse are from the same bible ...book,
hence the link between the two is stronger; besides each verse only
. serves one responsory. But it' is impossible to say whether the choice of
these verses (or part of them) is the result of Helisachar's activities, since
it appears from his letter that already before he had started his work the
office manuscripts showed many di~ergences. The }\achen verses espe-
1138 Ike de Loos

cially annoyed him - had he heard the Job or Assumption responsories

during his visit in the form they have reached us? Or did he hear the Ad-
vent responsories combined with general verses, and found them so ugly
that he changed them? We simply do not knOw.

Several conclusions may now be drawn. Firstly, with respect to re-

sponsory verses, it is not quite correct to speak of an East-Frankish and
a West-Frankish tradition, as there are no verses that occur in the East-
Frankish area only.
Secondly, not all responsories fit the same pattern, and even within
one group several smaller groups may be discerned, such as that of the
Advent responsories, which can be divided into those for the Sundays
and the Clama in fortitudine series for the weekdays of the Fourth Week of
Advent.
Thirdly, the transmission pattern is not the same throughout the en-
tire liturgical year. This is not a characteristic of the Low Countries only;
the same phenomenon can be observed in other regions of Europe, for
instance the areas using the Saturn tradition. This implies that, if one
were to draw up family trees of manuscripts, as Hesbert did, these trees
would vary with each part of the year. It seems that the office repertoire
was not transmitted as a whole, at least not as far as responsory verses
are concerned.
Several facts are clear from Helisachar's letter: the responsory reper-
toire was all but uniform in 820; the Aachen and the Aquitanian verses
were often different, and Helisachar tried his best to adapt them after the
Aquitanian taste.
We also know now that the redaction (or redactions) of the verses
was independent of that of the responds, and caused a geographic
spre'ad that was to some degree dependent on their position in the litur-
gical year. But it is not at all clear if this is due to Helisachar's influence.
Responsory verses apparently are among the most variable elements of
the chant repertoire, and there were ample possibi]jties for changing and
replacing them. It appears that the more simpler versions with the psal-
mic texts existed side by side with the more elaborate versions.
 "

RESPONSORY VERSES ... 139 j

In our manuscripts, unexpected parallels turn up, as, apart from in

the Low Countries, some verses are only found as far away as in south-
ern Europe; however, the modal assigments of resp. PJange, also display-
ing far-distant parallels, prove that this is not an exclusive feature of re-
sponsory verses. It seems therefore unjustified to explain this by holding
Helisachar responsible for transferring his own Hispanic tradition to the
North. It is also possible that these far-distant parallels are remains of a
tradition, once broadly in use, and later on diminished and replaced by
another one.
Helisachar valued his own tradition and certainly tried to impose it
on other churches, but in spite of his efforts, the result was all but a uni-
form repertoire. Several traditions have survived, or more precisely, ele-
ments from several traditions have survived. The analysis of the respon-
sories of Advent, Job and the Assumption shows how intermingled the
traditions were.
Appendix: the responsories for Job and the Assumption

i!
I 1

These Lists have been prepared with the help of Hesbert's CAO and of the C/1NTUS flies. At the beginning of each
line the text source is given, followed by the text incipit, the 12 CAO-sigla for the manuscripts analysed in G40 (the
letters CGBEMVHRDFSL), the CAO-number (or $$$$$$$ for a non-CAO-chant) \Vltb the verse suffix, and R or V
for 'responsory' or 'verse'. Then follow the letters G, MW, SW for 'general verse', 'main Western verse' and 'secondary
Western verse'. In the list for the Asswnption not all verses fit the pattern described; here the letters E and SE are
added, indicating verses circulating in the East-Frankish region ('Eastern verse' and 'secondary Eastern verse'). Finally
~
the letters A, U and C stand for Aachen, Utrecht and Cambrai. (1)

a....
(1)

r-
De libro Job e
e
V>

Here follow all Job responsories found in CAD, the C4.N7VS project, and the consulted manuscripts. Almost all re-
sponsories derive their texts from the words of Job, as he speaks to God or to one of his friends. Most of the respon-
sories have several verses, mainly from the book of Job; a few are derived from the psalms but these are in the same
vein of complaint and sorrow. This contrasts with the Advent responsories, which more often have verses from the
psalms. Some texts, mostly of Limited use, are freely composed, with a resonance of the words of Job or the psalms.
All responsories are exclusively tied to the Historia de Job, with one exception: resp. Memento mei is used for the Liturgy
of the Dead as well.

Job 2: 10 Si bona suscepimus de manu CGBEMVHRDFSL CA07647 R

Job 2: 10 In omnibus his non peccavit CGBEMVHRDF L CA07647a V G A
Job 1: 21 Nudus egressus sum ex utero V FS CA07647b V MW UC
Job 3:24-26 Antequam comedam suspi ro et CGBEMVHRDFSL CA06l06 R
Job 23:6 Nolo multa fortitudine CGBEMVHRDFSL CA06106a V G A
Job 6: 13 Ecce non est auxi I ium mihi In CA06106z V MW UC
Job 30:26 Exspectabam bona et v~nerunt CA06106z V SW

Job 6:2 Utinam appenderentur peccata CGBEMVHRDFS CA07813 R

Job 6:3 Quasi harena maris haec CGBEMVHRDFS CA07813a V G AUC

Job 6:25-28 Quare detraxistis sermonibus CGBEMVHRDFSL CA07463 R

Job 7: 1 Mi I itia est vita hominis CGa MVHRDF L CA07463a V G A
Job 6: 29-30 . Quod justum est judicate et E S CA07463b V MW UC
I 0~
CGBEMVHRDFSL CA06956 R z
Job 7: 5 (+7) Induta est car~ mea putredine tJl
0
Ps 101: 12 Dies mei sicut umbra CGBEMVHRD L CA06956a V G A ;;:0
-<
Job 7:6 Dies mei velocius transierunt FS CA06956b V MW UC <
m
;;:0
tJl

CGBEMVHRDFSL CA07143 R I ~
Job 7:7-8 Memento mei deus Quia ventus
Ps 129: 1 D~ profundis clamavi ad te C BEMVHR CA07143a V G A
Job 7: 5 (+7) Cutis mea aruit et contracta GE FS CA07143b V MW UC
Job 7:7 Et non revertetur oculus meus D CA07143c V SW
SW
Job 7: 11 Quapropter non parcam .'L CA07143d
CA07143z
V
V . SW
Job 16:1 Si tacuero non quiescet dolor 'l ~

Job 8:3; 17:3 Numqu i d dom i nus supp.1antat CG E VHRDFSL CA07244 R

(Ss 34:2 [Link] arma et scutum et CG E VHRDFSL CA07244a V G C
Job 13:21? ~num tuam /onge facta me et CA07244z V SW U
It
~

"
 ,--,,
Job 10:20-22 Paucitas dierum meorum CGBEMVHRDFSL CA07367 R I ~
1 NJ:>. 1,
Job 7 :21 Ecce in pulvere sedeo et in CGBEMVHRDFS CA07367a V G AU I 1
I I
I
Job 10:8 Manus tuae domine fecerunt F CA07367c V MW C I
Job 10:22 Ad terram miseriae et L CA07367b V SW

Job 13:20-21 Ne abscondas me domine a CGBEMVHRDFSL CA07202 R

Job 13:22 Voca me et respondebo tibi CGBEMVHRDFSL CA07202a V G AU
? Corripe me in misericordia et F CA07202b V MW

Job 14: 13 Quis mihi tribuat ut in CGBE VHRDF L CA07501 R

Job 10:5-7 Numquid sicut dies hominis CGBE VHRD L CA07501a V G A
Job 6:8 Duis det ut veniat petitio F CA07501b V MW U I J1)
~
D...
J1)

Job 30:17-19 Nocte os meum perforatur CGBEMVHRDFSL CA07217 R IS"

Job 7:20(+16) o custos hominum quare CGBEMVHRDFS CA07217a V G AU 19

Job 30: 16 Nunc autem in memetipso F CA07217c V MW C

Job 30:22 Elevasti me et quasi super L CA07217b V SW

Job 30:23-24 Scio domine quia morti me CGBE VH DF L CA07629 R

Ps 138 :8 Si ascendero in caelum tu CGBE VH D CA07629a V G AUC
Job 14: 16 Tu quidem gressus meos F CA07629c V MW
Job 19:25 Credo quod redemptor meus L CA07629b V SW

Job 30:31/7:16 Versa est in luctum cithara BE HRDFSL CA07846 R

Job 7: 20
Job 30:30
o custos hominum quare
Cutis mea denigrata est super
B HRD L CA07846a
E FS CA07846b
V
V
G
MW
AU
C U
 Job 31 :4-5 Nonne cognoscit deus vias BEMVHRDF CA07235 R
Job 6:8 Quis det ut veniat petitio BE VHRDF CA07235a V G AU
,Job 31: 7 Si decl inavit gressus meus de F CA07235c V MW C
Ps 7:4 Domine deus meus si fecit M CA07235b V SW

Job 31:35/23:7 Desiderium meum omnipotens B VH 0 CA06413 R

Job 23:6-7 Nolo multa fortitudine B VH D CA06413a V G AU
Job 31 :35-36 Et I ibrum scribat ipse qui CA06413z V MW

Job 42:5-6 Auditu auris audivi te domine BE VHRDF CA06150 R ;i(J

rT'1
Unum locutus sum quod utinam BE VHRDF CA06150a V G AU Vl
Job 39:35
Job 42:2, 3b Scio quia omnia potens et CA06150z V MW o
Z
Vl
o
;i(J
Job 30: 31 Adesto dolori meo deus nlmlum BE VHRDFSL CA06035 R -< .
BE VHRD L CA06035a V G AU <
Job 30:31 Versa est in luctum cithara m
;i(J

Job 30:27 Ihteriora mea efferbuerunt FS CA06035b V MW c Vl

rT'1
Vl

free Fundunt ocul i mei lacrimas CA06035z V SW

free Qui consolabatur me recessit BE VHRDF L CA07473 R

free F Ietum deduxerunt ocu I i me i BE VHRDF L CA07473a V G AU

free Incl inans faciem meam BE VHRDF CA06947 R

Quae est enim fortitudo mea BE VHRDF CA06947a V G AU
Job 6:11
$$$$$$$ R30

w
free Dolores vulnerurn meorum
30 Resp. D%rcJ tJlllnl'r1Im is in manuscripts from Cologne and St Amand.
free Fletum deduxerunt* $$$$$$$a V ~-t
-4 '
Job 7 : 15 Suspendium elegit anima mea $$$$$$$a V I
i

free Dulcedo mea conversa est in $$$$$$$ R31

free Fletum deduxerunt* $$$$$$$a V

Job 7: 15 Suspendium elegit anima mea $$$$$$$ Rn

Ps 101:12 Dies mei sicut umbra $$$$$$$a V

The Assumption of Mary

The responsories of the Assumption that occur in Matins of at least one of the three secular traditIons studied:
7'
Utrecht, Aachen or Cambrai. (1)

Q..
,
(1)

cf Cant 3 :6 Vidi speciosam sicut columbam C BEMVHRDFSL CA07878 R o

o
Cant 3:6 Quae est ista quae ascendit C BEMVHR S CA07878a V G AU '"
Cant 6:8 Viderunt earn fi I iae Sion et F L CA07878b V MW C

Sir 24: 17, 20 Sicut cedrus exaltata sum in C BEMVHR FSL CA07657 R
Sir 24:20 Et sicut cinnamomum et C BEMVHR FSL CA07657a V AUC

Cant 6:9,8 Quae est ista quae processit C BEMVHRDFSL CA07455 R

Cant 3:6 Quae est ista quae ascendit C BEMVHR F CA07455a V G AU
free Sicut dies verni circumdabant SL CA07455b V MW C
31 Rcsp Dulcerlo mea is in manuscripts from Arras and in E-Tc 44.1 .
32 Resp. SlIspmdillm elegit is in manuscripts from Rome, Marseille and St Amand.
Le 1 :48-49 Beatam me dicent omnes C BEMVHR FSL CA06172 R
Le 1 :50 Et misericordia ejus a C BEMVHR FSL CA06172a V G AUC
Le 1 :46-47 Magnifieat anima mea dominum CA06172z V MW

ef Cant 3:6,1:2 Ornatam in moni I ibus fi I iam C BEMVHRDFSL CA07340 R

Ps 44: 10 Astitit regina a dextris tuis C BEMVHR FS CA07340a V G AUC
Ps 44: 14-15 Omnis gloria ejus fi I iae L CA07340b V MW?

Ps 44:3 Diffusa est gratia in labi is C BEMVHRDFSL CA06446 R

Di lexisti justitiam et odisti RD SL CA06446b V G AUC
Ps 44:8
Specie tua et pulchritudine BEMVH CA06446a V E? I~
Ps 44:5 "0
Ps 44 9--10 Myrrha et gutta et casia a C CA06446c V SW? z
Ps 44:5 Propter veritatem et
Speciosa facta es et suavis C
F CA06446d
CA06446e
V
V
MW?
SW? ~I
-< .
free <
rn
;;tl
IlI'l
cf Le 1:45/free ~ata es virgo Maria dei C BEMVHROFSL CA06165 R i~
Lc 1:28 Ave Maria gratia plena C BEMVHRDF CA06165a V G
free Beata es et venerabi I is virgo SL CA06165b V MW C
free EIecta mate'r' et vir go quae _,: J~" ,;
CA06165z V SW AU

free Ista est speeiosa inter C BE HRDFSL CA06994 R

Ps 44:5 Specie tua et pulchritudine C BE HR CA06994a V G AU
Cant 8:5 Ista est quae ascendit de C FSL CA06994b V MW C
Ps 44: 11 Audi f i I i a R CA06994c V SW?
Cant 4: 10 Odor unguentorum CA06994z V SW? \ .....
~
\.r1
free Super salutem et omnem CB HRDF CA07726 R ~
free Paradisi porta per Evam B H CA07726a V ME \~:
Ps 44:5 Specie tua et pulchritudine R CA07726c V SE A
free Valde earn venerari oportet C CA07726d V MW UC
free Sola namque sine exemplo F CA07726b V SW

free Fel ix namque es sacra virgo BEMVHR FSL CA06725 R

free Ora pro populo interveni pro BEMVHR FSL CA06725a V G ?UC

~
ro

I~
I~
I I
 RESPONSORY VERSES ... 1{j
Manuscripts used for mapping the verses

Sources indexed by CANTUS

A-Gu 29 & 30 - 141h century, St. Lambrecht Abbey, Steiermark, Austria;
monastic cursus, summer and winter part
A-KN 589, 1010, 1011, 1012, 1013, 1015, 1017 & 1018 - several manu-
scripts, 12th century and younger, Klosterneuburg; secular cursus
A-LIs 290 - 12th century, Kremsmunster, Austria; monastic cursus, inte-
grum (breviary, part of a compendium)
A-SF XI 480 - 14th century, Sankt Florian, Augustiner-Chorherrenstift;
secular curs us, integrum
A-VOR 287 - pt half 14th century, Salzburg; secular cursus, integrum
A-Wda C-l0 C-11 and D-4 _15 th_16 th century manuscripts of the Vi-
enna Dompropstei Kirnberg an der Mank, Austria; secular cursus
B- Tongres, Church of Our Lady 63 & 64 _14th century; Church of Our
Lady, Tongres, secular cursus, two winter parts
CDN-Lu M2150 - 16 th century, possibly from the Burgos monastery in
Granada; secular cursus; fragment (97 fols.)
CH-E 611 - 14th century, Einsiedeln; monastic cursus, integrum
D-BAs lit. 25 - 2nd half 13[h century, Bamberg Dam; secular cursus, inte-
grum (several lacunae)
D-KA Aug. LX - 12th century, notation 14th century; Zwiefalten, later on
used by the abbey of Reichenau; monastic cursus, integrum
D-MZb A, B, C, D & E -1430-1440, for the Carmelites of Mainz; secu-
lar cursus (antiphoner in 5 volumes)
D-Sl HB.I.55 - 12th_13 th century, from the monastery of Weingarten
(W'uerttemberg); monastic cursus, integrum
E-SA 5,6,7 & 8 - 14th_15 th century, Salamanca ·Cathedral; secular cur:':
sus, parts of an antiphoner
E-Tc 44.1 - 11 th century, Aquitaine; mixed cursus, integrum
E-Tc 44.2 - 11 th_12th century, Aquitaine; secular cutsus, integrum Oa-
cunair) ,
F-Pn lat. 1090 - 12th century; Church of St. Jean-de-Maurienne, Mar-
seille; secular cursus, integrum
 Ike de Loos

F-Pn lat. 12044 - early 12th century, Monastery of St. Maur-des-Fosses;

monastic cursus (cluniac use); integrum
F-Pn lat. 1240 - 10th century; Church of the Holy Savior in the monas-
tery of St. Martial de Limoges; 13 fo1s., part of a compendium
F-Pn lat. 12601 - ca. 1075, Cluny; monastic cursus, summer part (brevi-
ary)
F -Pn la t. 15181 & 15182 - ca. 1300, N otre Dame de Paris; secular cur-
sus, winter and summer part
F-Pn [Link]. 1535 - early 13 th century, Sens Cathedral; secular cursus, in-
tegrum
F-AS 465 - 14th century, Monastery of St.-Vaast, Arras; monastic cursus,
integrum (breviary)
F-CA 38 - 13 th century, Cambrai cathedral; secular cursus, integrum
F-TOm 149 - 13th _14th century, St. Martin, Tours, secular cursus, winter
part
F-VAL 114 - 12th century; monastery of St. Amand; monastic cursus, in-
tegrum
GB-Cu [Link].9 ([he Barnwell Antiphoner) - pt half 13 th century, proba-
bly from St. Giles Abbey, an Augustinian house at Barnwell; secular
cursus, integrum
GB-AB 20541 E 20541 E ([he Penpont Antiphoner) - ca. 1320-1390,
Wales, probably from the diocese of St. David's, secular cursus (Sa-
rum use), integrum
GB-WO F.160 - ca. 1230, Worcester Cathedral; monastic cursus, inte-
grum
H-Bu 118, 119,122,121 - 14th century, Franciscans; secular cursus (anti-
phoner in 4 volumes)
1-BV V 19 & V 20 - 12 rh century, Benevento; secular cursus, winter and
summer part
I -CHV - 11 rh century, Chiavenna, secular cursus, integrum
I -Far - 12th century, Florence Cathedral, Firenze, Italy; secular cursus, in-
tegrum (some lacunae)
I-PI [Link].560 - late 12th century, monastery of Vallombrosa, Italy;
. .
monastlc cursus, mtegrum
I-MC 542 - 12rh century, Monte Cassino; mortastic (with secular ele-
ments), winter part
 RESPONSORY VERSES ...

I-MZ 15/79 _12th century, St. Mayeul (pavia); secular cursus, integrum
I-PCsa 65 - 12th century, Piacenza Cathedral; secular curs us, integrum
I-Rv C.5 - 11 th_12th century, untill 1219 Benedictines of San Sisto,
Roma, moved to Sant' Eutizio, Norcia; monastic cursus, integrum
I-Rvat [Link].27 - ca 1510, Sistine Chapel; secular curs us, only Ad-
vent and Christmas Tide
NL-Uu 406 - 12th century (with younger additions), St. Mary's Church,
Utrecht; secular cursus, integrum
NL-ZU a 6 - 15 th century, additions 16th century; St. Walburgis' Church,
Zutphen (NL); secular cursus, summer part
SI-Lna 17 & 18 - late 15th century, probably for the parish church of
Krani in Carniola (now Slovenia); secular cursus, winter and summer
part

Sources neither in Hesbett's CAO no.r in CANTUS

B-Gu 15-1 - 2nd half 15 th century, Baafabdij Ghent; monastic cursus, in-
tegrum
D-AAm G 20 - 13th century, Marienstift, Aachen, secular cursus, inte-
grum
D-KNda Severin A II 3 - ca 1200, St. Severin, Cologne; secular cursus,
integrum
D-KNd 226 - mid 14th century, Cologne, Mariengraden; secular cursus,
integrum
D-X H 104 - late 12th century, Viktorstift Xanten; secular curs us, inte-
grum
L-Ln 105 - 15 th century, Willibrord abbey (Benedictine), Echtemach; mo-
. .
nastJ.c cursus, summer part
NL-DHk 73 E 8 - 2nd half 15th ce':ltury, Abdij St Marie in Rijnsburg
(South-Holland); monastic cursus, summer part .~
 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 1511

Jane A. Redd THE ANTIQUARIAN ALLELUIA:

UNDERSTANDINGS OF
TRADITION IN AQUITANIAN
ALLELUIAS

Recent trends in medieval studies of various disciplines have reexam-

ined basic assumptions of the nature of extant artifacts. Especially
fruitful has been the study of oral transmission and the processes in-
volved. With the onset of a growing book-oriented literacy into the post-
Carolingian oral culture, varying in degree and rapidity according to the
intellectual center, l a new dime"n sion enters into transmission issues. In
this view there is no sharp boundary betweep the paradigms of literacy
and orality, but rather a continuum incorporating both extremes and a
large middle ground. The extension of the oral transmission issue first
to Old Roman chant, then to troping,2 has opened subtle windows onto
the interaction of oral and written aspects of transmission and perform-
ance. The implications of this approach for contemporaneous chant
activity - the relationship between literate adaptation. and a descriptive
role of notation as a guideline for performance by an insider' of the tra-
dition - can shed new light on questions of contrafacture and new
composition in eleventh-century Alleluias.
I t is frequently assumed that new chant compositions take a new ap-
proach with regard to past norms and traditions of singing. For certain
genres this is certainly true: new species such as rhymed offices, se-.
quences, and tropes were relatively unencumbered by the weight of
authority and were more free to respond to changing tastes and conven-
1 Brian Stock, The Implications of Uhmq: Written ungNd"t alld Motl;/Jof Interpretation in the Elev-
enth and Tweljth Centuries (princeton, NJ: Prince too University Press, 1983). · ~
2 I-Ielmut Bucke, "Zur mclodischcn Uberlieferung der Tropen", in Ulllrgische Troptn, cd. Gab-
rie! Silagi (Munich: Arbeo, 1985), 107-124, and Leo Treitlcr, "From Ritual Through Lan-
guage to Music", Scbweiztrisches Jahrbllch fiir MNSiktvissenschdji, Neuc l:olgc 2 (1982), 109-123.
See also Ritva Jacobssoo and Leo Treitlcr, "Sketching I jturgical Archetypes: Hodie surrexit
lco fortis", in De mllsica et cantll, cd. P~tcr Caho and Ann~Katrin Hcimcr (Hildesheim -
Zurich - New York: Gcorg Olms, 1993), 157-202.
r'- - '- - -
1152 Jane A. Redd
- - - - - -- - - - - - -- -- -- -

tions. Although overshadowed by these developments in research, there

remain vestiges of older conventions visible in traditional genres. The
Alleluia especially lends itself to an evaluation from the oral/written
continuum because of continued cultivation within a traditional setting.
Paris, B.N. lat. 776, a gradual with strong anthologizing tendencies (and a
rich Alleluia repertoire), from ca. 1079 in the region of modern-day
southern France, allows us to glimpse choices that were made in reper-
toire and the notation of individual chants. Examples from it and com-
parative transcriptions from a select group of contemporary manuscripts
of the same region shed some light on the criteria with which old ones
were transmitted and new ones were created in that place and time.
These manuscripts were selected on the basis of similarities in repertory,
sequential order of Alleluias, style of illumination or script, and histori-
cally attested political and ecc1esiastical ties. The table in Figure 1 identi-
fies these manuscripts with their geographical provenances. Particularly
close ties are visible in those manuscripts identified by an asterisk, con-
sidered "local" in the discussion that follows.
Gailliac Pari', BN 776, ca. 1079
Narbonpe *Pan., BN 780. Iale U" e.
Toulou.e '"Lopdon, BM Had. 4951,
mid·U" c.
[Link] (?) "Paris, BN n.a. U77, "",d 11'" c.
Aurillac *Paris, BN 1084. mi4-U" c ..
*Pari., BN 903, ?'" half 11" c.?

P:n"
....... M.u.
\
....
St. Yrieix
Umog.... St. Martial PIlri_. RN 909. ca. 1028-33, and
PIlri'.
BN 1l2I, c. 1000
o I Souvi&")' Bru ••eb, Bib. Royale, II 31123.
S- - beg. l2'" c.
a...u. ~. \ Ouny Paris, BN 1087. 11" c .
T...,..
\ San MilUn de la Cogolla ~adrid, AemiI. St, 11-l2'" c.

.
T.....
on.....
~
.....~)-.'
IIuoI
\
updelermined "Florence. Ulurenzian.:
Aahburnham 62, 11" c., and
~~BN1lJ5,mid-ll"'C..
N......
A.-
•
)\ _~,f
.
~
c....y
'Lyoo
• II<wcio

Figure t Southern French centers and manuscripts

 THE ANTIQUARIAN ALLELUIA '5~

MELODY DISTRIBUTION VERSE DISTRIBUTION QTY O/B

Local single 31 9.28

Local + single 1 0.29
Local/Local + local 6 1.80
Regional/Regional + single 32 9.58
Regional local 5 1.50
Regional regional 10 2.99
Regional +Italian single 7 2.10
Regional + Italian regional 3 0.90
French/French + vartous 10 2.99
French and Italian vanous 25 7.49
Oddities vanous 11 3.29

International single 13 3.89

International local 25 7.49
International local +Italian -2 0.60
International regional - 15 4.49
International regional+ 8 2.40
International French/French+ 16 4~ 79

- International international 93 27.84

Unicum Unicum 15 4.49

&gional Unicum 3 0.90
International Unieum 3 0.90
TOTAL: 134 100.00

Figure 2 Distribution of Melody Category Compared with Verse

Distribution in Paris 776 (dWv"ed from concordances
listed in Karlheinz Schlaget, ThtlJlatischer Katajqg tier
dltesten Alleluia-MelodienamHandschriften des 10. Mnd 11.
[Link]"derts [Munich: W. Ricke, 1965])

Transmission patterns of hqth verse texts and m~lodies as catego-

rized for Paris 776 are illustrated in Figure 2. Th,e categories are defined
as follows: a "unique" verse occurs only in Paris 776. A single verse is the
r~-- ---
1 154 _ _ __ _ __ _
Jane A. Redd
L- _ ~

--- - -- -- -- - - - - - --

only verse extant for a melody, regardless of where it is transmitted.

Melodies or verses classified as "local" occur only in the manuscripts
identified with an asterisk in Figure 1; a "+" indicates 1-5 additional
sources beyond the area defined; "regional" includes Pa BN lat. 1135 and
1134, Brussels BR II 3823, and St. Martial sources; "international" com-
prises at least France, Germany, and Italy. Of the repertory of 334 AUe-
luias in this manuscript, unique, local, and regional verses for unique,
local, and strictly regional melodies make up nearly 30 percent. The in-
ternational core, international verses sung to international melodies, has
nearly the same percentage. Occupying a middle position on the spec-
trum, the group of unique and local verses set to international melodies
comprises 12 percent, which indicates the manuscript's continued aware-
ness of familiar ways of singing verses in the midst of considerable local
production. Paris 776 thus presents opportunities to examine a localized
presentation of how to sing a melody with different words, and to an ex-
tent, what aspects of a text help "read" a melody.

Familial Resemblance within Paris 776: Structures

A systematic examination of how a family of verses IS sung to a
given melodic framework provides a start. The big international families
of alleluia verses have been the subject of discussions of contra fact and
adaptational procedures, generally with an emphasis on one or more pri-
mary verses and mechanically adapted secondary ones.:I Verses of a fam-
ily do exhibit a high degree of surface resemblance. Yet there are subtle
differences that respond to a close syntactic, structural reading of the
verses. Norms for singing in a family of ten verses, associated in Paris

3 Kar\hein~ Schlager, "Choraltcxtlcrung und Mdodievcrstandnis im fruhen und spaten Mittel~

alter", in Ut mens concorriet von: Feslscbrifl Eugene Cardine, cd. J.B. Gocschl (St Ottilicn: Eos,
1980), 314-337. Recent monographics deal primarily with melodic criteria and not with the
v(;f~e~mc1ody interaction. S<.:c Tcrence Bailey, The AlIJbroJ';an Alleluias (Surrey: Plainsong and
l\vlcJicv~:d [\'{USIC Socicty, 1983); Thomas Kc1ly, The Beneventan Chant (Camlmdgc: Camhridge
University i>fe~s. 1989); and Philippe HernarJ, "I ,cs Allcluia melismatiCJues dans le chant ro~
main: recherche,; sur la g<.:nc::>c de l'AlIeluia de la mcssc romaine", Rivisfa inttrnazionale di mll~
Jica saCTa 12 (1991),286-362. j':wald Jammcrs looked at verbal criteria at the beginnings and
ends of verse phrases, in Dm Allelllia in der gregorianischen Mess/': Eine Sludie uber seine Enfste~
hllflg l/IId E/ltwlCklllng (Munster: Aschcndorff, 1973), 111 ff.
[ THE ANTIQUARIAN ALLELUIA

776 with Iustus ut palma, are identified here. Nine of these verses are at-
tested in other centers, and the tenth is unique to this manuscript.
A syntactical synopsis of the ten verses is presented in Figure 3:

Phrase I: medial caesura D: m:

Cols. b c g h r s w
1. histus I ut p8lma florebit 1/ et sicut cedrus / multiplic4bitur .
2p (paroxytone) 6p 11 5p / 6pp (proparoxytone)
2. Slon / noli timere 1/ ecce deus I tOus veniet.
2p 5p 1/ 4p / Sp
3. TUam cnicem I ador8mus d6mine 11 tUam g1ori6sam / rec6limus pessi6nem.
4p 7pp 11 6p / 8p
4. B6num / certAmen cert8vi 11 Cursum cOnsumavi 11 Fidem servavi.
2p 6p 11 6p 7/ 5p
5. Martinus I hie pauper & m6dieus If caelum diveS / ingreditur.
3p 7pp /I 4p / . 4pp
6. Dilexit I andream d6minus_ (11) inhodOmn / sulViWis.
3p 6pp (/f) 4p / Sp
7. Fulgebit / lux vera super nos /I & tanquam sp6nsus / procedens de tb6Iamo sUo.
3p enclitic 6pp // 5p I 9p
S. Dum complerentur / dies pentecOstes // 6rant 6mnes I pUiter dic6ntcs.
5p 6p /I 4p I 6p-
9. MIsso / her6des spiculatOre /I prec6pit impudre I C6put ioIWmis in ~.
2p 8p 11 7p I 9pp
]0. Mlchael / prep6situs paradfsi 1/ quem honorificant / IIlgcl6rum elves.
3p/pp Sp /I 6pp / 6p

Figure 3 Phrase Structure and Accent Patterns

Iustus ut palma is the only purely psalmodic text; Fu/gebit lux vera draws
from Isaiah 9:2 and Psalm 18:6, while verses 2, 4, 8, and 9 ha e other
scriptural sources. Most follow the typical psalmic structure. In phrase I,
there is a brief caesura after the initial word or sense-unit (incisio).,
marked by a slash (/), follow~d by a modifier, subject, or predicate. The
consequent half-verse (phrases II-III) generally balances the first with its
own complete thought. The exceptions to the typical str~cture, · nos. 4
and 6, have two and no independent pred'icates in .the second half-verse,
respectively, but are still treated by the melody as having the same overall
.form as hemistichs in nprmal two-part structures. There are moments of
verbal artistry such as the anaphora of "Tuam 'c rucem ... tuam glorio-
 ~
1
156 -=____ ------------- lane A. Redd
~--~~--~

sa m" , parallelisms in Bonum certamen, or end-rhyme in Dum complerentur on

"pentecostes", "omnes", and "dicentes", but they find no special expres-
sive design in the music.
As we can see in the reduction on the top staff of Example 1, the
verse melody is conservative in range and materia1. 4 Outlining mostly
thirds and fourths, it balances between the final-based pentachord DFa
and the contrasting "subfinal" pentachord CEG. 5 The timing of the re-
turns to the C-based sonority is important for the overall articulation,
marked with arrows above ItlStuJ ut pa/ma. The melody has three distinct
phrases. Phrase I emphasizes the Fa and DFa outlines, and cadences on D.
Phrase 11 opens the range up to a seventh from C, with repetition of two
melismatic segments. Phrase III repeats the initium of the Alleluia.
Examination of the melody-verse interaction for each member of
the family reveals key moments that define norms of declamation for
each verse phrase. The norms are of two types, correlations of music
and verbal accent, and melodic markers.(i They are summarized as follows:
Phrase I has two key points, both accent-related, located in columns a-b
and f-g. The initial incisio of the verse, in a-b, coincides both with the
self-sufficiency of the word-units and with the initial accent; extra recit-
ing pitches are added as necessary. Thus "Iustus" in line 1 begins directly
on the FaG figure, but "Martinus" (line 5) requires a prefix. Because of
the proclitic monosyllable "dum" in line 8, the initial accent of Dum com-
pJerentur falls near the end of the phrase on the penult of "compleren-
tur", which requires additional reciting notes in col. a as a prefix. The
second moment occurs in cols. f-g, which introduces the cadence of
phrase I with a small melisma, starting on C. The exact length and begin-
ning of this punctuation melisma depend on the number of syllables of

4 In this and the tran~criptions that follow, verses represented beneath the:: first verse have
their own notatlOn only where neumes or syllable underlay differ from the flfSt. A column
segment with ( ) indicates that the verse in question lacks ncumes contained elsewhere. Re-
alization of the text underlay follows the source as much as possible in placement and or-
thography.
5 Use of anachronistic theoretical terms is intended as a description only, not to imply strict
adherence or compliance with modal hierarchies.
6 Cr. John Gearey Johnstone, "The Offertory Tropc: Origins, Transmission, and Function",
PhD. dissertation, Ohio State University (1984), and others. This responsiveness to accent
and syllabic is typICal of oral and semioral transmission.
 THE ANTIQUARIAN ALLEL._U_IA_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _'_S-'7\

the concluding word. Subgroups are discernible based on the nature

of the accent. Thus, simple paroxytones (accent on the penultimate sylla-
ble) without special conditions, as in "florebit" of line 1, have their ac-
cent in col. g; proparoxytones (antepenult accents) s~t theirs in col. f; and
the group of three longer words with penult accents (verses 8-10) have
an extra quilisma figure for the primary accent, as on "pentecostes".
Phrase II has also two key moments, at cols. hand k. The phrase begins
in col. h with a DEDE figure which serves as a melodic marker. This has
a purely melodic function of signalling the beginning of the phrase, and
unlike the key points in the first phrase, this point has no correlation
with accent - it generally occurs on the last syllable of -the initial word,
except verses 5 and 8, which have fewer syllables at this location. Addi-
tional syllables, regardless of accent, are set as prefixes with repeated
notes. The second moment is accent-related: The melisma begins in
col. k on the next main accent of the phrase; secondary accents, if pres-
ent, and additional syllables before this second accent occur in col. i, for
instance in the third line, at "tuatn gloriosam". The logic of the phrase
works backwards from the precadential accent.
Phrase III likewise has a melodic marker (col. r) and an accent-melisma
correlation, which is in this case the reference to the Alleluia initium.
The phrase begins with the articulating note C, then the same figure as
before at col. h, completely without respect to accent or word length:
it acts as a purely melodic marker. Any additional syllables must wait un-
ti] cols. s or t. The invocation of the Alleluia in col. t serves not only to
bring balance and closure (ab/ca) to the overall structure, but als it
causes the accented syllable of ''Alleluia'' to resonate in the verse con-
"
clusions. The proparoxytone verses have the accent coincide with the
. "-lu-Cia)" figure ("[Link]" in line 1), while the paroxytone verses
have a choice: they can either follow the "alleluia" model (the third line,
"Recolimus passionem") or delay the accent syllable until the following
neume FG ("fidem servavi", fourth lineJ. This choice appears to be regu-
lated by the number of syllables in the final word. The key moments
thus include both purely melodic as well as accent-related components,-
and the nature and location of key moments varies from phrase to phrase.
Given this overview of norms derived from the collection of verses,
we can evaluate how the unicum of the manuscript, Fulgebit lux vera, (line
I1sS-__ Jane A. Redd

7 of Example 1) responds to the perceived conventions. The accent of

the word "Fulgebit" corresponds to the FaG figure in col. a; the next ac-
cent in the phrase, "vera", follows its cousins. The conclusion on the en-
clitic "super-nos" in cols. f-g is regular for three-syllable proparoxytones
such as "dominus') and "modicus". Phrase 11 is completely regular in its
use of the single word "ee' for the melodic marker, the main accent of
"sponsus" that falls on the melisma's beginning, and the conclusion in
col. q. Phrase III has a longer text than its siblings, so it uses the expan-
sion techniques in cols. sand t to accommodate them, after the manner
of "Tuam crucem". Finally, the allocation of "suo" to the end of col. t
falls within a subgroup, with No. 8, that subdivides the neume into rising
and falling motion in order to maintain the accent, in echo of the "alle-
luia" setting. This unique verse, far from being a "mere" mechanical re-
production, actually exhibits observance of norms inferable from a
group of chants. It does not seek original or aesthetically artistic solu-
tions, nor copy anyone verse. It also shows a continued SenSlt1Vlty to
verbal accent and declamation practices from the past.

"Contrafact"
Proceeding from the family of ten verses to Example 2, we face a
different challenge. Where before we were able to deduce groups and
subgroups of verses whose treatment depended on the varying verbal
conditions, here we have only two verses and are more restricted in our
conclusions. We also have a confluence of other features not related to
accent that might at first suggest a mechanical adaptation. Both verses
are paraphrases, from Luke and Acts, with tropelike clarifications of the
persons invqlved ("apostoli", "dei") and the situation ("vanis linguis",
"magnalia") added to the scriptural texts. A quick glance at the synopsis
below shows a close resemblance in line length, use of verbal rhyme at
parallel locations between the two verses, similar deponent verbs at the
beginnings, and the same final word, "dei".

Epiphany Ill: Mirabantur 6mnes de his II que prOcedebant de 6re dei.

6p •• (p?) 5p Sp
Pentecost: Loquebantur variis Ifnguis (If) a -pOstoli magnalia dei.
4p Sp (6pp?) 4pp 6p
 THE ANTIQUARIAN ALLELUIA 159\

Where accent patterns do correlate between the two verses, they are
joined also by rhyme or word repetitions, so that the primary accent of
the opening phrase (-ba-) is identical in sound and melisma. The end of
phrase I in both verses has the "de his/linguis" rhyme. 7 For the begin-
ning of phrase II, the second syllable shows a correlation of melisma
and accent, though in one verse it is the primary, in the other a secon-
dary accent. This accent correlation between the verses is supported by
the "o"-assonances on "procedebant" / "apostoli". Both verses conclude
with a combination of accent-correlation and word repetition, on "de
ore dei/magnalia dei". So it might appear that the physical sound of the
words played a greater role here than accent and syntax, or at least had
equal importance with accent at the memorable beginning and -end of
the verse. Yet this does not explain two discrepancies, marked with an ar-
row on the transcriptions. If we examine the situation for each verse, we
see that at least some of these differences can also be explained by syn-
tactical reasons.
Most important are the different overall syntactic structure and de-
tails of accent placement: Mirabantur consists of two syntactically bal-
anced phrases, each with subject-predicate plus prepositional phrase, -
linked by the relative pronoun "que". The opening word "Mirabantur"
ends on F; it is followed by a DEDC figure on ~'omnes" as a small ca-
dential elaboration. This emphasizes the break before the second half of
the phrase, "de his", which starts on F and explores a higher tes-situra. It
thus creates a balance between the phrase halves. The verbal unit "de
his" is very short, and there are several possible reasons why "his" was
sung on the very last neume of the phrase: 8 1) its location as the final syl..,
lable of the hemistich; 2) the assonance with "linguis" (if we assume that
Lofjuebantur was the original); or 3) as an indication toat the singer viewed
it as enclitic and unaccented, in contrast 'to "linguis", and thus could' not
7 The Vulgate text (Luke 4:22) for Mirabanlllr reads: "et mirabantur in verbis gratiae ; .. de ore
ipsius". Replacing "ipsius" with "dei" clarifies the ,text, but "in verbis gratiae" is more spe-
cific than "de his". Apparently conscious choices were made in transitioning the scriptural
text to cbant; the changes in MirabanlNr bring it closer to [Link]"ll/f'in sound and in phrase
structure-
8 While not always clear in its alignment of neumes and words, Paris 776 in this case clearly
shows the end of the melisma at the beginning of the tine, and the monosyllable underneath
a two-note neume.
~_-_-----_·_____________J_a_ne__A_._Re_d_d________________________~

be sung to the neume group rising from C, which coincides with the ver-
bal accent. The second phrase subdivides also into two units and the
verb closes on the finalis DJ before the prepositional phrase takes up
the Al1eluia initium. As a whole, the verse has a very short first phrase,
but the parsing of the melody creates the length and balance lacking in
the words. The second phrase behaves regularly, with subdivision of the
phrase.
By contrast, Loquebantur consists entirely of one long thought: the
second verse half, " apostoli magnalia dei", requires mental continuity
with the verb at the beginning. In this verse, the incisio articulation takes
a different form: "loquebantur" ends not high on ~ but continues low
with a leap from E to C and without the elaborating figure from "om-
nes". The lack of conjunct motion and extension of the word reinforces
the continuity of the phrase rather than the subdivisionY In line 2, the al-
location of the final syllable of "apostoli" to the last two neume groups
of the half-phrase offers a different consciousness of the verse flow. If
we view Mirabantur as the model, the location of the primary accent of
"procedebant" gave an impulse toward the final half-phrase lacking in
the other verse, where the unaccented syllables of "apostoli" avoid this
neume. This changed perception of the flow enhances the continuity of
thought like a melodic liaison. It may be that the proparoxytone accent
prompted this effect, but we cannot be sure with only two verses.
Comparing the two, Loquebantur better suits modern norms of the
congruence of verbal and melismatic accent. to The antepenuJt accent of
"apostoli" coincides with the melisma, whereas in Mirabantur the asso-
nant syllable "pro-" is actually the secondary accent, with the primary
accent "-cedebant" requiring another, shorter melisma. It is almost as if
the singer/scribe recognized the existence of conflicting criteria (asso-
nance vs. primary accent) in his realization of the details. Loquebantur's
9 The incisiones in Example 1 were approached by step, not leap. The treatment of the orna-
mental neume i~ inconclusive. Each verse has one use that correponds to functional uses of
the Liquescent ncume and one that does not. I f we adopt a different placement in Loqueba1l-
tur for "-ntuf" that aligns with the liquescent neume, that verse shows a stronger under-
:;tanding of its notation and Mirabantllr a lesser onc. It could strengthen the case for Miro-
banlllr as an imitation.
10 Paolo Ferretti, L 'EslhitiqNt gregoritllne (fournai: Societe de St-Jean l'Evangeliste. 1938). See
also Johnstone, 78ff
 THE ANTIQUARIAN ALLELUIA

placement of "linguis" perhaps meets a need for an impulse toward the

caesura, whereas "his" on the two-note neurne seems like an after-
thought.
Which of the two fulfills the norms best? Loquebantur demonstrates
the simplest solution.!! Yet we have evaluated these discrepancies for this
two-member family by itself and have seen that the discrepancies corre-
late with syntactic-based variants used systematically' by other chant fami-
lies. Obvious links of assonance and rhyme do not preclude that Mira-
bantur illustrates the working-out of a chant according to understood
rules. Even within the aesthetically often maligned practice of contrafac-
ture, there is evidence of informed choices, based on the singer/ scribes
understanding of verbal declamation and of possibilities latent in certain
melodic segments for responding to subde syntacticcues. 12 _
Based on our composite understanding of Alleluia verses, we Can ex-
plain how each verse "works", but each needs experience of the other in
order to clarify certain oddities, such as weakening an articulation point
or creating a liaison across a customary melodic caesura. It seems likely
that the general model for singing verses to this melody goes back fur-
ther than either of these two discrete instances. Even with the limitations
imposed by studying a small family group, it is possible to observe a
flexible response by melody to the syntax.

Musical vs. Verbal Conventions

With Example 3 we see a different kind of technique used and un-
derstood as part of the tradition of Alleluia 'verses. On folios 79 and
115v of Paris 776 two presentations of a ·melodic model occur to two .
separate texts, Sun-exit altissilllUs and In 011l11e11l ten-am ... eoruill.13 In omne11l

11 A8 it happens. LoqN,banlNr is the more widely transmitted verse, and Mirabatmtr} distribution
is limited to six French and Italian 'concordances: Pam 903 and 1US, I vrea 60, Nonantola 1,
Douce 222, and Vercclli 124. ,
12 In his article on the Alleluia for the new MGG, Schlager repeated the warning that there are
problems with basing an analytical approach to the genre on the ,prim'acy of one text over
another. He continues: "davon abgcsehen, da8 Mehrfachtextierungen unter den Bedingun-
gen miindlicher Oberlieferung anders zu bewerten sindals Kontrafakturen einer Note fur
Note gcgebenen Melodie". S.v. "AUeluia", in Di, [Link] i" Gesc/Ji,htI M"d G'I!fII'tIrl. 2nd ed,
Vol. 1 (Kassel: Barcnreiter, 1994), col. 450.
r - ---~-- -- -- -

i162
l__
Jane A. Redd

terram is followed immediately on the same folio by a second transmittal

of the verse, coupled with a different D-mode Alleluia. Both texts are
fairly ancient, occurring in at least two of the Sextuplex manuscripts.
The melody is widely transmitted in international sources. Examination
of the way the melodic material is used in Surrexit and the first In omnem
reveals that there are small "modular" segments used repeatedly.14 "Mod-
ule" in this sense refers to the enclosure of a small verbal unit, usually
complete in syntax, in a melodic arch. This is often used to give a word
some contour rather than the plain recitation on a single pitch; the me-
lodic segment is a kind of typical phrase of the mode rather than a sin-
gular melody. In the verse Surrexit, the melodic gesture "y", first used at
the end of "altissimus", recurs almost immediately at "sepulchro", "pro
nobis", and "pependit". The module here is the EFaGEFDD gesture,
preceded by a variable melodic prefix.
Verbally, Surrexit divides naturally into two large phrases, which are
well-balanced in sense and structure (11 + 10 syllables, both ending par-
oxytone). One can parse smaller subdivisions, but there are not obvious
caesuras. The incisio ascends quickly through the fifth to c and descends
to finalis D; the rest of the phrase retraces FaD and DEFaFD, the y
module. "Qui pro nobis" presents essentially the same melodic outline as
"de sepulcro", though the details differ; "pepeodit" has yet a third repeti-
tion of the y unit, rising from D to a and back to D, before invoking the
Alleluia ioitium at ('in ligno". The medial caesura at the end of col. i
coincides with a descent to the final, but any modal significance and
the caesura itself are lessened since the verbal units before and after do
the same. Thus, after a musically well-balanced opening phrase, the verse
continues with repeated modules.

13 Schlager's classification of these two as Melody 74 was based on the AUeluia alone. He did
not address verse melodics in his Thematischer Kotalog der allesten Alltluia-Melodien aus Hand-
schriften des 10. und 11. Jahrhunde1ts (Munich: W Ricke, 1965).
14 The type of module discussed by Hailey in The Ambrosian Alleluias did not address correla-
tion:; with the verbal text. This seems closer to a type of construction and of relationships
between different traditions of a chant that Hucke noticed in graduals: that it is p05sible for
different transmissions of a chant to differ in their allocation of certain melodic segments to
text unit~, which is an indicatIon that the "Weise" and not lOdividual meiodics arc transmi[~
ted lIuckc, "Gregorianischcr Gesang in altromtscher und frankischcr Uberlicferung", Ar~
chivfilr k!usikwissenschaft 12 (1955),7'.
 THE ANTIQUARIAN ALLELUIA 163\

transcription column: h i m n 0 p
Paris 776: Surrexit (I) altissimus de sepulcro /1 qui pro nobis pependit in Iigno.
balanced incisio y =Initium
"Y Y Y
Paris 903 "Y Y Y Y
Paris 780 ay ~ a 'Y
Pistoia 120 ay ~ a 'Y
Benevento Cap. 34 ay ~ a----
Rome. Angelica 123 a?'y? ~? Y?
Rome. Vallic. C52 ay ~ a y
Modena [Link].9 y? Y!

Table 1 Concordances to 5 u"exit: Modules

Evidence of Surrexit from selected concordant manuscripts, shown

in Example 4 and Table 1, demonstrates even rnore clearly that lhese fea-
tures belonged to the international tradition of this melody (the manu-
scripts date back to at least the tenth century, in nondiastematic neumes).
These concordances show two new, typical melodic shapes used as mod-
ules, marked "a" and "W'. As we might expect, the closest cousin to Paris
776 is from the St. Y rieix gradual, Paris 903, which uses only the 'Y figure
throughout. In Paris 780, Pistoia C120, Vallicelliana CS2, and Benevento
34, the a .modUle is introduced just prior to the 'Y module at "de sepul-
chro" (col. i.) and again at "pependit" (col. 0), though Benevento 34 here
omits the 'Y. All four replace the 'Y module at "nobis" with a new ~ mod-
ule (col. m). This ~ module does not repeat within thi~~ ' melody; its iden-
tity as a module becomes evident only through parallel transcriptions.
Even the nondiastematic manuscripts (Modena [Link].9 and Rome,. Angel-
ica 123) show pattern repetitions at cols. i and 0, including some that re-
semble modules ~ and y.
In contrast, In omnem terram (line 2) subdivides easily into four verbal
subphra~es, artistically balanced as 5 + 8 and 8 +--5, all paro~ytones. There is
-
also a parallelism of sense in each half-verse, in which "in fines orbis ter-
rae" functions as a classic psaltnic reformulation of "in omnem terram".
Immediately we notice differences from Surrexit. Both the medial cae-
sura and the incisio occur at different points inJn omnem terra", (Table 2).
The incisio is longer and cadences on G, followed by a different parsing
of the ascent to the fifth and back to the final: the neumes for "exivit
r-
164 Jane A. Redd
1 -

column: h i k m n 0 p
I. Surrexit (1) altissimus de 11 qui pro nobis pependit in ligno.
sepulchro
balanced incisio y =Initium
'Y Y Y

column: g h k m n 0 p
2. In omnem terrBm (I) exivit sonus eorum 1/ & in fines orbis terrae verba carum.
balanced incisio (l y p a p a'
=lnitium
3. In omnem terram (I) exivit sonus eoruml/ & in fines orbis terrae verba eorum.
Initium: embellished E E' balanced phrase
recitalion
5&J.' a."

Table 2 Modular Organization of Surrexit and In omnem ter-

ram in Paris 776

sonus eorum" follow the contours of Surrexit, but with an added empha-
sis on CD and the formation of different modules, the a and ~ identi-
fied in the Surrexit concordances. This becomes obvious when we juxta-
pose Surrexit's melodic caesura with the phrase structure of In omnem:
In the context of Surrexit, "eorum" is a lame insertion, whereas it is ac-
tually the end of the verse half. It could have received a simple ex-
tension, e.g. D CD D on "eorum", and "et in fines" could have easily
been set to the music of "qui pro nobis". Rather than an intent to recre-
ate the musical phrase structure of a "Stammvers", this appears to be a
different parsing of the melody. IS The a and ~ modules repeat at the start
of the second hemistich. They are used together at both eight-syllable
subphrases, so that the interior phrases "exivit" /"& in fines" each begin
with the same melodic figure. The framing subphrases, however, do not
exhibit a full-blown chiasmus, since they have other conventions to con-
sider of verse beginnings and conclusion with the Alleluia inicium. Thus
•
simply judging the structure of In omnem terram against the musical struc-
ture of Surrexit, as represented in a single manuscript, misses the point al-
together in this case, and leaves us with the unsatisfying discorrelations at
its structurally important incisio and medial caesura.
Chiasmatic melodic relationships are unusual for a chant, and se-
lected concordances (in Example 5) show that this overall concept of

15 On other interprctanons of melody, :-;cc Leo 'l'rcitler, "From Ritual Through l...anguage to
Mu~ic"> 116.
 THE ANTIQUARIAN ALLELUIA

modular declamation with attention to parallel structures was interna-

tionally known, and also extended to non-diastematic manuscripts. Mont-
pellier H 159 and Pistoia 120 most resemble the first In omnem of Paris
776 with the a~ at the same locations. Benevento 34 extends its own
concept (observed in Surrexit) of using ay at the medial cadence, but its
~-<l pair occurs at the beginning of the second verse-half, not its end. 16
In Vallicelliana CS2 both interior phrases close with ay for "sonus eo-
rum/orbis terrae". There is less conformity in these concordances than
for Surrexit. While some modules might be common, there was little di-
rect reproduction of anyone overall structure. The technique of using
stylized melodic segments as modules for this melodic model was wide-
spread, but there was no absolute constraint to follow anyone particular
pattern. Rather, each singer/ scribe exercized his own competency in use
of typical material according to a personal concept for the chant at hand,
which mayor may not agree with other manuscripts' witness.

Modern Alleluias
In conjunction with this melody, we have an opportunity to examine
one of the unique chants in Paris 776. The chant in line 3 of Example 3
(Schlager's Melody 64) is written immediately following the previous set-
ting of In omnem terram on the same manuscript page. It uses typical pro-
tus modal material and some of the same melodic gestures as line 2, but
they are not closely related as tunes. Its Alleluia uses a variant of the a
module and adds a module derived from it, marked o. The setting of the
verse quickly reveals an increased use of modular declamation as a prin-
ciple. A second a version, a", occurs at the close of the first half-phrase
in col. g, earlier than in the first setting. Three simpler modules carry the
text to the medial cadence, each centering on D. Compared with the
modular technique in the two verses of Melody 74, this chant uses the
modules in a type of continuous variation. The second half continues
the "similar but different" relationship to the other melody: the verbal
caesura before "& infmes" is clearly brought out in this setting by the
upward leap of a fifth. It functions as a new beginnning and recalls the

16 These observations arc based on the perspective of Paris 776. Bcnevento 34's presentation
of its versions of the melodic model needs to be evaluated on its own terms.
~66 _____________ _________Ja_n_e_A_._R_e_dd______

opening of the verse (col. e), particularly the ascent up to c in both Mel-
ody 74 verses. 17
Given that this chant is unique to Paris 776, it is a creation of some-
time in the eleventh century. Is its music in any way modern as well, in
the way that rhymed offices or the like were structured? Is there evidence
of motivic repetition or large exuberant leaps anywhere in this chant,
said to be a hallmark of late Alleluia composition? The melismatic
initium of this latter chant does have a repetition of the a-module at
cols. b-c. The unusual a -~ parallelisms of the first setting of In omnem
terram (line 2) that occur in both verse halves at cols. h-k and l-n are not
repeated in Melody 64. Instead of the distinctively shaped phrase "in
omnem terram" followed by modular declamation from "exivit" on, the
unicum exhibits the reverse: modular declamation followed by a phrase
with a shaped melodic arch. This second setting appears to take familiar
material from the first setting and consciously reorder it. Intervallically,
the chant remains within the norms for a conservative protus chant,
breaking significantly beyond the characteristic modal fifth only at the
start of the second phrase. There we see more movement by thirds in-
stead of the prevalent conjunct motion. It shows no striking leaps of a
fifth or larger, apart from the gestures at the beginning of each verse-
half, nor melisma repetitions within the verse, nor modal fifth-plus-
fourth constructions. Although this chant is eleventh-century in origin,
as far as we know, it displays an awareness of, and an intent to adhere to,
perceived and understood traditions.

o adoranda trinitas
In 0 adoranda tnnitas (Example 6), we observe a chant with more
modern traits. In Paris 776 this is the seventh of ten Alleluias for the
mass of the Holy Trinity, a fairly late addition to the Temporale. 0 ado-
randa trinitas is known with this melody only in this region, and all known
sources with their variants from Paris 776 are transcribed in the example.
The unusual verse recalls trope poetry and structure: a series of four ac-

17 Jr alw reflcct~ possible interference from yet a third D-mode setting of the text, found on
folio 1OS\' of Pari~ 776, to be addressed elsewhere.
 THE ANTIQUARIAN ALLElUIA

clamations to the deity joined as a string of epithets, without verb or

connecting words: III

o adoranda trinitas, 0 veneninda unitas, 0 perfeaa deitas, 0 c18ritatem liuninis.

a a b c
8pp 8pp 1pp 8pp .

The first two acclamations are parallel · constructs in grammatical

form, syntax, rhyme, and rhythmic accent, consisting of eight syllables
per half-phrase. They also use identical music, rising from the opening G
and contrasting Fac sonority, to the high d. This repetition is highly un-
usual for Alleluias, and betrays an awareness of musical parallelism for
parallel words that is new to the genre. The third acclamation remains in
the ee trichord range, with a lower dip to a. The fourth phrase repeats the
"0-" invocation from the third, but then returns to a fuller exposition of
the G-d pentachord, with its Fac contrast, and coneludes with a cue to the
jubilus in the high d area. This fourth phrase also takes up the accentua-
tion of the first two epithets using the accusative case, "claritatem», in--
stead of the nominative. One could interpret this as a syntactical ellipsis
in which the verb was lost, or it could be that the accentual rhythm of
the phrase ("cliritatem" vs. "eliritas") prompted the use of the case.
This is the version known in two of the six sources.
Some of the singer/scribes may not have found this additive struc-
ture in phrase 4 to their liking, or relied on their own traditions for this
verse. The scribe of Aemil. 51 Oine 6 of the example) substitutes the
nominative "claritas" instead, thus rounding out the parallelism, and with-
out changing any of the music. A repetition of the "0" -declamation fig-
ure preceding the Hnal epitheLcontributes to the climax. The version
represented in line 2 by Paris 903 supplies· a predicate, "da nobis" - "give
to us the clarity of true light", again without melodic changes, except for

18 Gunilla ]verscn, "Mwiic as ancilJa verbi'and Words as anei/Iot 11I'1tSicae: On the Interpretation of
the Musical and Textual Forms of Two Tropes to Osa~na in excelsis: I.....tmMs MO and Trimtas
IInitas dei'as", in L/[Link] Tropen, cd. Gabricl Silagi (Munich: Arbeo, 1985), 45-66. See also
Ritva Jacobsson, "Le style des prosules d'.Alleluia, genre melogcnc", in Lt Polifonit pn"mitive in
Frillii e in Europa, ed. Ccsare Corsi and 1lier1uigi Petrobelli (Rome: Edizioni toue d'Orfeo,
1989),370,373.
 lane A. Redd
------------------
inserting "veri" 1n additive fashion. In so doing, though, the scribe cre-
ates a different sense structure for the fourth phrase, subdividing it into
two units, "da nobis daritatem - veri luminis", which obscures the paral-
lelism in favor of syntactic completeness.
The version witnessed by Paris 909 (line 5) gives a somewhat differ-
ent interpretation of the phrase norms and final segment. Its form of
the CIF subfinal emphasis at the beginning of the first phrase concen-
trates on the pitches G and F themselves, not the exuberant exploration
of the pentachord. Likewise it takes a different form for the "0"- intro-
duction of the third phrase, with a clear stress of its own pitch-module,
cl instead of c_e. 1Sl "Deitas" uses two of the same neumes as before at
"pet-fecta», but here transposed to a downward orientation. Although
diastematy in this manuscript is not precise, the relative height, place-
ment, and above all, direction of pitches are clear. For all its unusual ap-
pearance, however, this version is not a casual variant or a completely
new composition. The ace module still plays a role: it forms the basis for
the restructured continuation of the phrase, but in an alternative form, at
"0 perfecta deitas nobis miserere". Unfortunately the notation was omit-
ted for the continuation "claritate luminis", but we see that the final
word "cunctis" then shifts to the melodic segment normally held by "lu-
minis". The shifting in alignment between strings of neumes and words
is typical of tropes, and likewise the intervallic changes and momentary
transpositions such as these. 20 Even the syntactic alterations for this
phrase make sense: "0 perfect deity, have mercy on us all by the clarity
of your light". This is far from the simple series of epithets, but the
common framework for all presentations is still very evident.
In this unusual alleluia we find several aspects revealed through com-
parative transcriptions that illustrate typical elements of the "mouvance"
or "fluidity" of trope practice, in areas of verbal content, coordination
with the melodic shape, and notation. The individual presentations of

19 Treitler, "Observations on the TransmiSSIon of Some Aquitanian Tropes", in Forum MIIs1rolo-

gicultJ, ed . I Ians Ocsch amI Wulf /\rlt (Wintcrthur: Amadeus, 1982), 2Sff
20 Charles Atkinson, "Music as 'Mistress of the Words': Laudes deo ore pia", in Lilllrgische Tro-
pm, ed. Gabricl Silagi (Munich: Arbco, t 985),67-82. Sce also Gunilla Hjorkvall and Andreas
I Taug, "Texting Melismas: Criteria for and Problems in /\nalyzing Melogene Tropes" , Revisto
de A1us1cologia 16 (1993/2),807-829.
 THE ANTIQUARIAN ALLELUIA

this Alleluia reflect a common understanding of "how to sing" it, but

they were not striving to reproduce a single fixed entity. Or, each singer/
scribe was revising according to his own competency, which amounts to
the same thing: composing new chants within the framework of tradition.
Tradition takes on a variety of faces in Aquitanian Alleluias, ranging
from responsiveness to syntactic verbal conditions, when and how to use
small melodic markers within a verse, to the use of small melodic mod-
ules, and to different realizations of how to emphasize structural pitches.
Although each comprises different criteria, verbal and melodic, some-
times separately and sometimes in conjunction with each other, they
were all used at the same time in the written-down witness of a particu-
lar manuscript, Paris 776. In many instances these aspects are discernible
only through study of concordant readings from other manuscripts, and
require us to suspend preconceived notions of copying a work, at least in
order to comprehend our observations of the compositional procedure.
We need to develop a variety of approaches to discover both "modern"
traits and inherited traditions at work in a given Alleluia. so that we can
view the "past in the present" as well as the "present in the past",
'170 Jane A. Redd
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 TH E ANTIQUARIAN ALLEL._
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 THE ANTIQUARIAN ALLELUIA
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1176
I
Jane A. Redd

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IL_ _ __ _ THE ANTIQUARIAN ALLELUIA

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1178
l ___ _ ____ _ _ _ Jane A. Redd

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 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000

Lila Collamore TOLEDO, BIBLIOTECA

CAPITULAR, 44.1 -
ITS ORIGIN AND DATE*

Toledo, Biblioteca Capitular, 44.11 is a notated antiphoner of the elev~

enth century.2 The manuscript contains 176 folios which measure 370 by
240 mm., and it is complete apart from missing the first three weeks of
Advent and the end: it breaks off in the middle of the summer Histories,
among the responsories for Tobit, which follow various material that
would more usually appear after this section (see Table 1). 'T he music in
Toledo 44.13 is written in semi-diastematic Aquitanian neumes without
lines (see Plate 1).
Despite the importance of this manuscript, no firm provenance or
exact dating has hitherto been established fot it. It has generally ,been as-
sumed that the manuscript was copied in Occitania (southern France)
and brought to Leon-Castilla during the period of the imposition of the
Roman rite in that region. The city of Toledo, where the manuscript is
now housed, was reconquered from the Muslims in 1085, five years after
the formal suppression of the Mozarabic rite and chant in Le6n-Castilla.
Suggestions for the origin of Toledo 44.1 have been Auch, brought to
.. I would like to thank Benigne Marques, of the Cathedral Archives of la Seu d'Urgell, and
Angel Fermindez ColIado, of the Cathedral Archives of Toledo, for their gracious permis-
sion to reproduce photographs of Tavemoles No. 4 and No. 16, and 1bledo 44.1.
The catalog description is in Jose Janini and Raman Gonzalvez, Cotliiogf! de IDs [Link]
liturgicos tit la cotedrol tit Toledo (foledo: Diputacion Provincial, 1977), 179. It is briefly de- ".
scribed in Ismael Fernandez de la Cuesta, ManllSmtoJ y ilmlltS 11I11sicolts en Espano (Madrid:
Editorial Alpuerto, S.A., 1980), 181-182. t\.CANTUS index of this manuscript has been
made by Lila Collamore 'and Keith Glaeske,
2 This date is the general consensus. Higi11i Angles gives a later date; the el'c venth to twelfth
centuries. Higini Angles, El ctidtx mNSicol de "Is Hlleigos (Barcelona: rnstitur d'Estudis Catalaos,
Biblioteca de Catalunya, 1931), xix. Michel Huglo gives' the tenth century as the date 10 "Ob-
servations codicologiques sur l'antiphonarie de Compiegne (paris, B.N. lat. 17436)", in De
musiC(} el contll: 5111men zur Geschichte tkr Kirchell1llllsile /lnll tUr Op,r: H,Im"t lfNclel tN'" 60. Ge-
burtstog, ed. Peter Cahn and Ann-Katrin Heimer (New York: G. Olms, 1993), 10, n. 26.
3 In this paper, manuscripts are routinely referred to by the city of the library and rhe call
number only.
[180 Lila CoJlamore
-- .----------------------------------------~

Toledo by Bernard of SahagUn, the fIrst Cluniac bishop of Toledo (1086-

1124) who was previously a monk of St.-Orens in Auch;4 and Aurillac, in
the Auvergne. 5
The premise of this paper is that Toledo 44.1 was copied at the monas-
tery of Sant Sadurni de Tavernoles around the year 1020, for Abbot
Pon~ when he became attached to the court of Sancho the Great. I sug-
gest that this manuscript was a source involved in the transmission of
Catalan liturgy to Leon-Castilla.
The former Benedictine monastery of Sant Sadurni de Tavernoles 6 is
located in the village of Anserall, a few kilometers north of La Seu d'Ur-
gell. The monastery claims a charter from Charlemagne, but is actually
older, probably from before the Muslim invasion of 711. Benedict of
Aniane introduced the Rule of Benedict to the monasteries in the dio-
cese of Urgell, including Tavernoles, when he came to Urgell to reorgan-
lze the episcopate after the deposition of bishop Felix (who may also
have been abbot of Tavernoles) for the Adoptionist heresy in 799. 7 Ta-
vernoles was at the height of its power in the eleventh century under ab-
bots Pon~ (1004-1034) and Guillem (1035-1054), and a new Roman-
esque church was consecrated in 1040. 11 This church is considered to be
an outstanding example of Romanesque architecture with Visigothic in-

4 Jose Janini and Raman Gonzilvcz, CatO/ogo, 33, 179.

5 Michel Huglo, us lillm tk chant Jilllrgiqllt, Typologic des sources du Moyen Age occidental 52
(Turnhout, Belgium Rrcpols, 1988), 92. Earlier, Huglo had stated that Toledo 44.1 was an
"antiphoner from a French church taken to Spain at the suppression of the Mozarabic ritc"
where it became onc of the models for Toledo 44.2. Michcl Huglo, "Antiphoner", The New
Grow Dictionary of Music and [Link], cd. Stanlcy Sadie (London: Macmillan, 1980), Vo!. I,
487. I do not know why Iluglo suggests Aurillac as the origin for Toledo 44.1; perhaps be-
cause a BeneJictine monastery there established daughter houses in Lc6n-Castilla. Toledo
44.1 does not include Gerald, the patron saint of Aurillac, among the Sanctorale.
6 The monastery was dissolved in 1592. For the history of Sant Sadurni de Tavernoles, see
Cebria Baraut, "Diplomatari dd monestir de Sant Sadurni de Tavernoles (segles IX-XIII),"
Urgtllio 12 (1994-1995): 7-414; Josep Nogucs i Estany, HistiJria tUl MQntslir tk SallJ SOIiNrni tk
Tavtrnolu (Barcelona, 1973); and Josefina Solcr Garcia, El Cort,,/ario tk Tavtrnoks (Caste1l6n
de la Plana, 1961).
7 Baraut, 8- t 2.
8 Ibid., 17-18. "Saor Cerni de Tavcmoles", pamphlet published by the parish of Anserall with
the Consell Comarcal de l'Alr Urgell (n.d.). I am grateful to Albert Uus:;a i Torra for obtain-
ing this pamphlet for me and for acting as translator on many occasions.
 TOLEDO, BIBLlOTECA CAPITULAR, 44.1 18~

fluence. The sanctuary and apse of the church were restored in 1971-75,
but the nave is still in ruins. It now functions as the parish church of An-
serall.
Pone; was abbot of Tavernoles from 1004 until his death in 1034. In
1020 or 1021 Pone; traveled to the court of Sancho the Great, king of
Aragon, Navarre, and Qater) Le6n-Castilla, as the chaplain of Sancho's
sister, the Infanta Urraca. 9 Shortly af~erward, in .1023, Pon~ was ap-
pointed bishop of Oviedo, the capital of the Asturias, where he imposed
the Roman rite against strong resistence. 10 Around 1034, at the com-
mand of Sancho, Pone; organized the pew diocese of Palencia and the
royal monastery of San Isidro de Duenas,11 staffing both with Catalans
like himself, possibly from Urgell. Thus, in the first half of the eleventh
century, long before the official date of 1080, the Roman rite was im-
ported into the region of Le6n-Castilla. 12 Specifically, the Roman rite in
its Catalan form, and this was associated with one man in particular,
Pone;, abbot of Sant Sadurni de Tavemoles.

The Case for Toledo 44.1: The Repertory

The 'selection and ordering of chants in a manuscript are key markers for '
its place of origin, or the origin of its liturgy,13 and comparison of re-
sponsory cycles is a useful tool for establishing provenance.
9 Charles Julian Bishko, "F'ernando I and the Origins of the Leonese-Castilian Alliance with
Cluny," in Stlldiu in Mldievai Spanish mntin- History (London: Varior\:lm Reprints, 1980),
Vol. 11, 19.
10 I am indebted to Cebria Baraut for advising file OR Pon/Y's activities in Oviedo. The docu-
ments of Oviedo have been published by Santos Garcia Larragueta, Cokctio1l tk doClllllflltos tk
10 CaJedro/ tU Oviedo (Ovicdo:, Instituto de Estudios. Asturianos, 1962). Pon~ does not appear
as a witness on any charters. See also J. Percs de lkbel, StIIIU» ,I MiI}If' tU Navarra (Madrid1
Disputacion Foral de Navarra, Institucion Principe de Viana, 1950).
11 The connection between the regime of [~6n-CastiUa and the monastery of Cluny has been
documented by Bishko. In 1073, San lsidro de Dueiia!l WIl$ given to Cluny as a IlUbsidiary
house (Bishko, 17).
12 Bishko, 14-21; Bernard F. Reilly, cd. Stmliago. Sai,,/-D,1Iis tm" SfJi1It Ptt".: TIN Rlc6piio" of tIN
&molf Llllrg) in uon·Caslik ill 1080 (New York: Fo~ham UQivettlity 1'ress, 1985), 145-146.
13 The stability of the chant repertory in a particular church or monastery or a religious order
h~ been well established. Knud Ottosen, speaking of ,the responsories for the Office of the
Dead, notes that "once established, they dip not cbange throughout the :ages". Onosen, TIN
'&.sj>DuDries tm" Versicks of the LaIi" Offia of tht DIIRI (Aarhu8, Denmark: Aarhus University
Press, 1993), 3.
f182---- Lila Collamore

Raymond LeRoux has tabulated the responsories of Matins for Tri-

duum - Maundy Thursday, Good Friday, and Holy Saturday - in 407
sources. 14 Toledo 44.1 has extra responsories for each of the three days
of Triduum. The first nine responsories of Matins correspond on alJ three
days to the series in six sources: from Albi, Gap, 010ron, Susa, Toledo,
and Valence. The series in Aurillac does not match Toledo 44.1. In his
study of the Braga Breviary, Pedro Romano Rocha lists tables of the re-
sponsories for Tn"duum in ten sources, nine of them Iberian. ls The re-
sponsory series for these days in Toledo 44.1 closely resembles the series
in Rocha's sources from Santiago de Compostela and Orense. In alJ three
sources, the first eight responsories and their verses match exactly. The
ninth responsory is slightly rearranged (see Table 2). The R. Reveiabunt
appears on Thursday in Toledo 44.1 and Santiago de Compostela, and
on Saturday in Orense. The R. Eeee turba, which appears on Thursday in
Toledo 44.1 and Orense, is on Wednesday in Santiago de Compostela,16
along with R. 0 Juda and R. Judas mereator, which are on Thursday in
Toledo 44.1.
The responsory cycles for the four Sundays of Advent and Quat/uor
tempora of Advent (the winter Ember Week) in 800 sources have been
studied by Rene-Jean Hesbert in volumes 5 and 6 of Corpus antiphonaiium
oJficii. 17 Toledo 44.1 lacks the first three Sundays of Advent, but no
matches were found on the Fourth Sunday of Advent and Quat/uor tem-
pora of Advent with any of the sources surveyed by Hesbert. 18
I have included in Table 3 available sources from the places that
matched the responsory series in Toledo 44.1 for Tn'duum, as well as

14 Raymond LeRoux, "Rcpons Ju Triduo Sacro et de Ngues", Etlldes grigoriennes 18 (1979):

157·-176.
15 Pedro Romano Rocha, L 'Office dimn au M'!Jen Age dons l'iglise de Braga. Originalite et dipendences
d'lIf1e liturgie partiC1l/ier au M'!Jen Age (paris: Funda<;ao Calouste Gulbenkian, Centra Cultural
Porrugucs, 1980),425, n. 30.
16 Rocha discu~~es the distribution of this responsory on p. 425.
t7 Renc-Jean Hesbert, COrpllS antiphonalium ~fftcii, 6 vols. (Rome: IIerder, 1963-79), hereafter
C40. Hcsbert's tables are presented in a more accessible form in Knud Ottosen, L'antiphon-
am la/in 011 M'!Jen-Age: riorganisalion des seritJ de ripom de l'Avenl dOJsis par R-j. Hesberl. Rerum
ecclesiasticarum documenta: Extra seriem O{ome: Herder, 1986).
18 The first nine respomories for Quattuor tempora match Gap. This corresponds to Hesbert's
"archetype" ~erje~ for thi~ day, and it appears in several ~ourccs from various locatlons.
 TOLEDO, BIBLlOTECA CAPITULAR, 44.1

some others that are most similar to Toledo 44.1. Perhaps the closest
matches to Toledo 44.1 are "Coimbra?", a thirteenth-century source pos-
sibly from Coimbra,19 Compos tela, and Ripoll.
Turning to another genre, the assignments of invitatory antiphons to
the Sundays of Lent in Toledo 44.1 are similar to other sources utilizing
Aquitanian notation (Table 4). While Toledo 44.1 lacks the first three
Sundays of Advent, the invitatory antiphon assigned to the Fourth Sun-
day of Advent is Prope estjam dominus (1120), also used on this day in two
manuscripts from Aragon, Huesca 2 and Huesca 7, but not in this posi-
tion in several other Aquitanian antiphoners. 20
For the invitatory antiphons, at least, the lacuna in Advent in To-
ledo 44.-1 can be made good from the tonary of invitatory tones at the
end of the manuscript, which is complete. A reconstruction of the invi-
tatories for Advent from the tonary yields a series identical to that in
Huesca 2. A reconstruction for Lent is less certain, but it is compatible
with Huesca 2 and Huesca 7, or with the antiphoner of ·Toledo 44.1
(see Table 5).
Table 6 shows a summary of these repertorial comparisons for Ad-
v~nt, Lent, and Triduum, as well as for the Ferial Office and the feast of
Benedict. From this table, it is clear that the repertory of Toledo 44.1
shows no sign of Cluniac influence (as shown by Paris 743, Toledo 44.2,
Silos 9). This rules out any connection with St.-Orens in Auch, through
Bernard of Sahagun, for this was a Cluruac monastery and a manuscript
coming from St.-Orens would certainly be Cluniac. Toledo 44.1 likewise
cannot have been copied at or for Toledo, since prior to the reconquest
of that city in 1085 such a manuscript would be Mozarabic (and Toledo
44.1 follows the Roman rite); after the reconquest it would be Cluniac,
under Bernard, the archbishop of Toledo. That Toledo 44.1 is not a£lu-
niac manuscript makes any association with the Cluniac monks influen-
tial in Le6n-Castil1a in the latter half of the eleventh century extremely
unlikely.

19 Rocha believes that this source cannot be attached to Coimbra: "l'origin n'estpas fixee". Pe-
dro Rocha, Gr~orionllm 60 (1979}, 151, cited in Ottoscn, L'allliphonai,., fati,. all Mf!Y',,-Agt, 24.
20 Thili invitatory is found in Cluniac liources and Mdina A during the third or fourth week of
Advent.
 Lila Collamore

The arrangement of the chants and the selection of the repertory in

Toledo 44.1 is most similar to other Iberian sources. 21 In his study of the
Ripoll breviary, Joseph Lemarie noted the similarities of repertory in
Toledo 44.1 to manuscripts from Girona and Ripoll, in Catalonia. 22 Tole-
do 44.1 also shares much of its repertory with Huesca 2 and Huesca 7,
from Aragon.

The Sanctorale
The calendar of saints in use in a particular church is one of the most
distinctive features of its liturgy. The presence of saints of local obser-
vance, or the unusually prominent celebration of more widely known
saints can suggest a regional area, or even the patron saint of a particular
church or monastery. The saints for which there are proper chants in
Toledo 44.1 are shown in Table 7. A full calendar would include saints
that do not have proper chants.
The inclusion of a full monastic Office for the Translation of Bene-
dict Quly 11) in Toledo 44.1 suggests a connection with a monastery fol-
lowing the Rule of Benedict.
Toledo 44.1 also includes chants for the offices of several saints as-
sociated with Occitarua. Julian (August 28) was a martyr of Brioude, in
the Auvergne. Hilary of Poitiers Oanuary 14) was prominent in preaching
against the heretics in Aquitaine. Pontius (May 14), was a third-century
martyr at the city of Cimiez (Cimella) near Nice. His relics were trans-
lated to Septimania where he gave his name to the town of Saint-Pons-
de-Thomiere. 23 Orientius (May 1), a fifth-century bishop of Auch (ca.
419-439), was the son of the duke of Urgell. Orientius was certainly re-

21 An Iberian origin IS supported by certain chants, such as an offlce for the Beheading of
John the Baptist (added at the end of the manuscript), the invitatory antiphon Rtx lsral/ eras,
and the invitatory tone SV, which I have so far found only in Iberian sources.
22 Girona 4 and Pans 742. Joseph Lcmarie, Lt brivioire tie Ripou, Paris, B.N. 101. 742; 'lurk sur sa
compost/ion el .res lexles inedi/s, Scripta et documenta 14 (Montserrat: Abadia de Montserrat,
1965), throughout, but see especially p. 101. While Lcmarie demonstrates the liturgy of
lupoll to be that of St. Victor de Marseille, there arc several features in Paris 742 which do
not correspond to St. Victor, including many of these unusual chants.
23 Pontius appears in the calendar of La Seu d'Urgcll on May 11. Jose Janini, MaT/mm/os Ut"r-
gieoJ rk /as Bib/ioleeas de Espaiia, 11. Aragon, CaJa/lliia,y Vakncia (Burgos: Ediciones Aldccoa, Di-
ego de Siloe, 18, 1980), 186.
 TOLEDO, BIBLlOTECA CAPITULAR, 44.1 _ _ _ _ _ ~

vered in Auch, where he was patron, but he may also have been known
in Urgell. 24
George (April 23) is patron of Aragon and Catalonia, as well as sev-
eral other places. 25 Medard Oune 8), Symphorianus (August 22), Quentin
(October 31),26 and Silvester (December 31) are not Occitan saints, ~ut
are attested in manuscripts there. Arnulph of Metz (August 16), likewise
not a Occitan saint, appears in Iberian calendars. 27
Most prominent among the saints in Toledo 44.1 is Saturninus. Sat-
urninus receives not only a complete set of proper chants from First
Vespers to Second Vespers on his feast, November 29, but additional
proper chants for the celebration of the Octave as well. The distinction
received by Saturninus in the manuscript can only be that of a patron
saint.
Saturninus was the first bishop of Toulouse. Prior to becoming
bishop, he was a missionary and preached in Pamplona, Spain. He was
martyred ca. 257, when the pagans of Toulouse, angry that his presence

24 Orientiu~ was a patron of three mona~terie~ : Saint-Orens d'Auch. Saint-Orens de Larreule

(m Bigorre), and a third at hi!; supposed birthplace near Pierrefitte-Nestalas (near Lourdes) .
He also had a shrine at St.-Orens-de-Lavadan (near Tacbes), where he was a hermit, and
there is a Sant Orens in Catalonia, near Roda. Proper chants for Orientius appear in the
tonary of Paris 776 (148v) and in Paris 1118 as well as Toledo 44.1. Orientius appears on
May 1 in Toledo 44.1: his feast was celebrated on May 11 in Auch. For his life, see EG. Hol-
week, A Biogrophical Dictionary of the Sainls (St. Louis: B. Herder Book Company, 1924; re-
print, Detroit Gale Research Company, 1969), 758. For his cult, see Nicole Sevestre, "Quel-
ques documents d'iconographic musicalc medicvale: l'image e\l'ccole autour de l'an mi]", in
Imago MllSicoe IV, cd. by Tilman Scebass (Basel: Barenreiter-Verlag, 1987), 31.
25 Holweck,423.
26 Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, lat. 780 (Narbonne) and Paris 903 (St. Yrieix). He is ~so in-
cluded in Hues-ca 9, though without proper chants.
27 Amulph was a common and noble name in Catalonia and southeast Occitania during the
tenth and eleventh centuries, suggesting a locuc' Qf his cult, or perhaps a local saint of the
same name. For example, there was Arnulph, bishop of Apt (~60-364?); Arnulph. abbot of
Aniane (fl. 853); Arnulph, bishop of Carcassonne (fl. 875); Arnulph, abbot of Saint-Poly-
carpe in the diocese of Narbonne (fl. 889); Arnulph, bishop of Sisteron (fl. 925); Arnulph,
abbot of ArbHmr-'I'cch (fl. 963); Arnulph, bishop of Girona and abbot of lUpoll (d. 910);
Arnulph, apocryphal bishop of Girona (994-996); Arnulph, bishop of Vic-Ausona (99).-
, '
1010); and Arnulph, bishop of Roda (fl. 1023). Did'i()n"ai,., d'msloi,., ,1 dI ~hi' Ittlisias-
1iq1l1J, eds. Alfred Baudrillart (vols. 1-3), Albert de Meyer (vollO. 4-t ~), and Roger Aubcrt
(vols. 14-), Encyclopedic des sciences eccU:siastiques 4 (Paris: Letouzey et Ane. 1912-),
Vo!. 4, cols. 636-653.
1,86~
L..: Lila Collamore
___ __ __ _ _ _ __ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _
~ ~ __ ~ _ _______.J

silenced their oracle, tied his feet to a bull, which dragged him to his
death. Although centered at Toulouse and Auch, Saturninus' cult was
widely known. He is mentioned in the early sources of the Midi 28 and he
is commemorated in all of the Mozarabic calendars. There are proper
chants for his office in manuscripts from Moissac, Toledo, Huesca, Gi-
rona, and Marseille. 2,)
Several of these saints named here, and which have proper chants in
Toledo 44.1, are relatively uncommon. To have all eleven together in a
single source is extremely unusual. A calendar from Ripoll30 includes nine
of the eleven saints - only Arnulph and Quentin are not included. This
calendar, dated to the tenth or eleventh century, is the earliest and most
complete calendar surviving from Catalonia, and is contemporary in date
with Toledo 44.1.
Just as interesting as the saints included in Toledo 44.1 is that it does
not include the feast of the Annunciation of March 25, even though
there is no lacuna in the manuscript at that point. By the eighth century,
the observance of this feast was universal in the west. However, in Ibe-
ria, the practice of celebrating the Annunciation on December 18 was
traditional, following the decision of the Council of Toledo in 656 to
move it to that date in order to avoid Lent. 31 This was the date for the
Annunciation in the Mozarabic calendar, and it continued to be followed
in some Iberian churches even after the adoption of the Roman rite. Un-
fortunately, Toledo 44.1 has a lacuna at the place in December where this
feast might have appeared. But it is hard to believe that the scribe some-
how forgot to include such a major feast in the manuscript. Further,
28 Pam 776 (GailJac), Paris 903 (St. Yricix), London, Hritish Library, Harleian 4951 (loulouse),
Paris. BibllOthcquc Nationalc. Jat. 944 (AuriUac), Paris, Bibliothegue NationaJe, lat. 14301
(Santa Maria. ;\rles-sur-Tcch). Michcl Huglo, Les to noires: invenloire, analYse. comparoison, Publi-
cations de la Societe fran~aise de musicologie, Ser. 2, Vo\. 2 (paris: Heugel, 1971), 139-140.
29 The MOIssac Hreviary (New York, Picrpont Morgan Library, M. 463), Toledo 44.2 (161 v-
164r). lluesca 9 (247r-250r), Paris 1090 (235v-239v), Girona 4, and Toledo 44.1 (151v-
1SSr).
30 Barcelona, Hiblioteca de la corona de l\ragon, [Link] 59. [Link] in Jose Vives and Angel
hibrega, "Calcndarios hispanicos antcriores aJ siglo XII", Hispania 5ocro 2 (1949), 122-136.
Vives and J;abrcga describe the Latinity of the manuscript as "muy con fu so, scguramentc
por la:; muchas errata:; del copista gue frccucntemcnte no entenderia 10 que iba copiando".
This Jcscnptlon also aptly describes the Latinity of ·1'olcdo 44.1.
31 Set.: Rocha, L'OJftce divzn, 88 , n. 124.
L- - - -
TOLEDO, BIBLlOTECA CAPITULAR, 44.1
-------
Toledo 44.1 also omits the feast of the Chair of Peter on February 22
and Benedict on March 21, feasts that likewise fall during Lent. Toledo
44.1 includes the full observance of Benedict on July 11, rather than a
set of abbreviated chants, so there is no question of the March f~ast
having been omitted in error. The proper chants for George, whose feast
falls on April 23, are also out of place in the manuscript, after the Inven-
tion of the Cross on May 3. It seems clear that the celebration of saints'
feasts in Lent is being carefully avoided. This systematic avoidance of
feasts in Lent suggests Mozarabic influence: such influence could only
have occured in an Iberian church. 32

The Common of Kings

Toledo 44.1 has another unusual feature which, in conjunction with the
repertory and the calendar of saints, may help to lo<;at~ it more precisely
in time and place. This is the inclusion of a series of chants for the
Common of Kings (fols. 169v-17Ov). _Surprisingly, since there. was no
court in all of Occitania whose ruler styled himself king, chants for the
Common of Kings appear in two Occitan manuscripts, Parj.s 776 .and .
Paris 903. 33 Such chants also appear in a Mozarabic manuscript, the Lean
Antiphoner (Le6n, Archivo Catedral, 8), a manuscript from Ivre~ (lvrea,
Biblioteca Capitolare, 106), and the Compiegne antiphoner (paris 17436).
The Compiegne antiphoner is dated· to 877 and was copied for
Charles the Bald, king of France. It shares several features with Toledo
44.1, including the large selection of chants and the eclectic collection of

32 There are a few early non-Iberian manuscripts that avoid Lent. The Compiegne antiphoner "
i~ di~cussed later. Another is Paris, Bibliothequc Nationale, lat. 1240 from St.-Martial de Li-
moges, dated 933-6, which has both the feast of Bcnedict and that of the Annunci3tion in
July; but by the end of the tenth century, St.-Martial de Limoges celebrated those feasts in
March (where they arc in Paris 1085). Waiter Howard . Frerc refen; to the tendency to avoid
feasts in Lent in the early Church, but by tbe ninth century these feasts were in _F*ace in
France. For example, the feast of the Chair ~f Peter (February 22) had a corresponding Gal-
lican feast Oanuary 18) that did not ~urvivc. Ori the fcasts for Bcnedict, he states: "The day
of the saint's [Link] was March 21; but owing to the clash of this date with Lent, the l<.alen-
dan; were slow to admit his. feast on that day. When his relics were translated OD July 11,623,
to S. Benoit-sur-Loire at F\cury, the opportunity was taken of entering his commemoration
on th~ translation-day." Walter Ho~ard Frere: SllItii,s ill EotfJ Rolllon UlllrD, I. TIH Ko/nuIar,
Alcuin Club Collections 28 (London: Oxford University Press, 1930), 91,97,120.
33 Hesbert, C40, Vo!. 1, xvii, n. 2.
 Lila Collamore

saints. The arguments put forth by Louis Brou for the attribution of the
Compiegne antiphoner to Charles the Bald 34 are equally valid for the view
that Toledo 44.1 was copied for Pone:; at the royal court of Sancho the
Great. These arguments are: the inclusion of regional saints; the inclu-
sion of certain special saints important to the owner (in the case of
Toledo 44.1, these are Pontius, Arnulph, Saturninus, Beneclict, and possi-
bly others); the exclusion of certain feasts that would normally be ex-
pected (the Annunciation); the lengthy series of chants for the Common
of Kings indicating a connection with a royal court; and the mixture of
offices following the monastic cursus (used in Benedictine monasteries)
and the canons' cursus (used in cathedrals).35

The Text Hands

Finally, I would like to consider the text hand in which Toledo 44.1 was
copied. The text of Toledo 44.1 was copied by a single scribe using Car-
olingian script, whose knowledge of chant and of Latin was less than
perfect. The music was then copied by another scribe who corrected the
text in several places (see Plates 2 and 3). These two scribes wrote a
script that was virtually identical in the way in which the letters were
formed. And this script is noteworthy for its archaisms, particularly in
the manner of forming the letter G. The semi-uncial form of this letter
is used throughout (see Plates 4 and 5), a form that had largely dropped
out of use by the end of the ninth century, having been superceded
by the m,ore familiar Carolingian form with the upper loop closed or
nearly SO.36

34 Brou's attribution was upheJd and refined by Michel Huglo in "Observation~ codicologiques
sur I'antiphonaire de Compicgne (paris,[Link]. 17436)".
35 Loui.", Brou, Appendix to "L'ancien Office de Saint Vaast eveque d' Arras", Ebltks grigtwit1llltS
4 (1961),21,23. For many of the offices in Toledo 44.1, the cursus cannot be determined as
the Matins chants are presented in sen. and not organized by nocturn and there arc many
extra items. But of those offices where there is some division by noctu1"n, the majority ap-
pear to follow the monastic cursus, including the offices for Benedict and Satuminus. For
AU Saints, there are three sets of chants: the first has Matins arranged according to the can-
ons' cursus, the second to the monastic cunms, and the third is unclear.
36 The form of the G with the upper loop not completely dosed was common in the tenth
century and survived into the eleventh century, but in Toledo 44.1 the left part of the top
stroke does not curl down to form a loop at all.
 TOLEDO, BIBLIOTECA CAPITULAR, 44 .1

The archaic semi-uncial letter G is also seen in documents from

Tavernoles, now housed in the cathedral archives of La Seu d'UrgellY
The script used by the scribe of a document (favernoles no. 4) dated Janu-
ary 17, 1010, who names himself as "Benedictus monachus", is closely
similar to that of the music scribe of Toledo 44.1 (see Plates 6 and 7).
This document records a donation from Er~engol, the count of Urgell,
to the monastery. Another document (favernoles no. 16), dated March 9,
1066, was copied by Reginus, a priest, who uses both the semi-uncial G
and the more common form with the top loop closed (Plate 8) .38

*
All evidence points to a close connection between Toledo 44.1 and Pon<;
of Tavernoles (see Table 8). The location of Tavernoles, is right for the
repertory and the calendar of saints contained in Toledo 44.1. The mon-
astery is Benedictine, dedicated to Saint Saturninus. The inclusion of a
large number of chants for the Common of Kings suggests association
with a royal court,' and the mixed cursus that the intended recipient was
an individual rather than a church. The anthology style of the manu-
script is typical of sources of early date" and the use of multiple exem-
plars 39 suggests the wish to record as much as possible, perhaps on the
impetus of copying an antiphoner for removal to a distant location. Fi-
naily, the script used in Toledo 44.1 is distinctive, and similar to that of ~
monk of Tavernoles at the time. All of , these features, taken together,
suggest a scenario in which Toledo 44.1 was copied at Tavemoles for
Abbot Pon<; around 1020 or 1021, the time that he became attached to
the royal court of Le6n-Castilla. 40 After Pon~'s death, the manuscript

37 I am grateful to the librarian, Benigne Marques,Jor granting me access to these documents,

and allowing me to take photographs.
38 Two other contempot:Uy manuscripts ~nown to me also use the semi-uncial G: a ~e folio
of a Libn- judiciontI'JI, now in the cathedral archives of La Seu d"Ufgcn. (A LiIItr~ is
listed as belonging to Tavernotes in the act of consecration of 1040.) Secondly. Paris 1118,
a tfoper and tonary of unknown origin dated 985-996, and ,very ~ to Toledo 44.1 in a
number of ways. "
39 As many as three or four exemplan; may have been u~. This is most apparent in the Feri2l
Office, the Sundays after Pentecost, and the f'OlSt of AD SaUtts.
!190 ______________________L_il_a_C_o_lI_am
__o_re___

would have remained with the royal court, which transferred its base to
Toledo in 1085 upon the capture of that city, where the manuscript is
still preserved today.

Manuscript Sigla
For Triduum, from LeRoux
Albi 15 Albi, Bibliotheque Municipale, 15 9th C.

Aurillac Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, lat. 944 11-12th c.

Gap Gap, printed breviary 1499
Oloron Oloron, ms. 1279 141h C.

Susa Grenoble, Bibliotheque Municipale, 137 151h C.

Toledo Toledo, Biblioteca Capitular, 35.9 121h c.

Valence Valence, Bibliotheque Municipale, 80 15 th c.
Valence Arras, Bibliotheque Municipale, 552 151h C.

Valence Valence, printed breviary 1526

For Triduum, from Rocha

Braga Braga, Bibliotheque Publique, 657 14-1S!h C.
Compos tela Santiago de Compos tela, Catedral, s.c. 151h C.
Compostela Santiago de Compos tela, printed breviary 1497
Orense Orense, Catedral, 10 15 th C.
Moissac Paris, Institut Catholique, ms. 1 13 th C.

Salamanca Salamanca, Universidad ms. 2023

Salamanca Salamanca, Universidad ms. 2362
Salamanca Salamanca, two printed breviaries 1541/n.d.
Santa Cruz Porto, Bibl. Mun., ms. 843 12-131h C.

de Coimbra
Santa Cru? Porto, Bibl. Mun., ms. 1159
de Coimbra
40 I do not mean to suggest that Pon<; himself used this manuscript, but that it was used by his
suite. It i..; not entirely clear which court Pon<; was most associated with. His reform activi-
ties arc all in the region of Lean-Castilla. Urraca, Sancho's sister to whom Ponr;: wa$ chap-
lain, was married to Alfonw V of Lean (wherein lies Oviedo), but Sancho the Great did not
annex CastilJa until 1027 and J . dm until 1028, and both nominalJy under other rulers. Pon<;
wa.~ associated with Sancho before this: he was given the town and castle of Lasguarri (near
RoJa) by Sancho '0 1023 (Baraut, 116-117).
 TOLEDO, BIBLlOTECA CAPITULAR, 44.1

Toledo Toledo, Biblioteca Catedral, 33.7 14'h c.

Toledo Toledo, two prin ted breviaries 1482/1492
Toledo 44.2 (AA) Toledo, Biblioteca Capitular, 44.2 12th c.
Tuy Porto, Bibl. Mun. D'-1;51 (printed) 1564
Zamora Zamora, Catedral, S.c. 14th c.

For Advent, from Hesbert

Coimbra? Porto, Biblioteca Muriicipal, 1151 13,h c.
Compos tela Santiago de Compostela 15th c.
Gap Paris, Ecole des Beaux-Arts, 14th c.
Collection Masson, 5
Oloron Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, lat. 12-79 14th c.
Rip 011 Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, lat. 742 12,h c.
Susa Grenoble, Bibliotheque Municipale, 137 15,h c.
Toulouse Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, lat. 1034 14th -c.

Other sources
Compiegne Paris, Bibliotheque N ationale, lat. 17436 ca. 877
Girona 4 Girona, Bibioteca del Seminario, 4 11-12'h c.
Huesca 2 Huesca, Archivo Capitular, 2 12th c.
Huesca 7 Huesca, Archivo Capitular, 7 end 12th c.
Huesca 9 Huesca, Archivo Capitular, 9 end ' 12,h c.
Mdina A Mdina [Malta], Cathedral Museum, A 12th C.
~1dina B Mdina l1v1alta], Cathedral Museum, B 12th c.
Paris 742 Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, lat. 742 12~h C.

Paris 743 Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, lat. 743 11 th c.

Paris 776 Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, lat. 776 11'h c.
Paris 903 Paris, Bibliotheque ~ationale, lat. 903 11'h c. '-

Paris 1085 Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, lat. 1085 end 10,h c.

Paris 1090 Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, lat. 1090 13th c.
Paris 1118 Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, lat. 1118 end 10,h c.
Silos 9 Silos, Archivo del monasterio, 9 end 12th c.
Toledo 44.1 Toledo, Biblioteca Capitular, 44.1 ca. 1020-21
Toledo 44.2 Toledo, Biblioteca Capitular, 44.2 end 11 th c.
1192 Lila Collamore
J
Tables
FOLIOS CONTENTS

3 unnumbered Description of the contents

Lacuna MIssing the fIrst three Sundays of Advent

lr-157va Temporale-Sanctorale from the Fourth Sunday of Advent

157v-160r Common of Apostles

160r-161r An tiphons for the Benedicite

161r-17Ov Commons

l70v-173r Dedication of a Church

173r-174r Common of Virgins

174r-177v Invitatory Tones

177v Chants for the Sundays of the Year

178r-178v Antiphons for the Beheading of John the Baptist

178v The Benedicamus Domino

178v-186v Histories

Lacuna Breaks off in Tobit

Table 1 The Inventory of Toledo 44.1

Note: The Temporale and Sanctorale are combined.

'The numeration skips from 139 to 150 but there is no lacuna.

 Table 2 Matins Responsories for Maundy Thursday• .
Good Friday, and Holy Saturday Hi Toledo 44.1, :9rense,
and Santiago de Compostela,
Beginning with the Ninth Responsory of the Series

Source: The responsories for Orense and Santiago de Compostela are taken
from Rocha, L'Office divin, 422-433.
§194- ------ - Lila Collamore
- ----

FOURTH SUNDAY OF ADVENT

Toledo 44.1 - 43 44 91 45 46 47 48 59 55 49 54 ?
Coimbra) 41 42 43 44 91 45 46 47 29 48 59 93
Compostela 41 42 43 44 91 46 47 48 60 49 55 94
Ripoll 41 43 44 91 46 47 48 60 49 86 58 92
Huesca 2 41 42 43 44 91 46 47 48 62
Huesca 7 41 42 43 44 91 46 47 48 60 49 SS
Oloron 41 42 43 44 91 46 47 48 60
Gap 41 42 43 44 91 46 47 48 49
Susa 41 42 43 44 91 46 47 48 63

QUATTUOR TEMPORA IN ADVENT

Toledo 44.1 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 81 90 95 93 82 94 62 06 97
COlmbra? 51 52 53 55 56 57 58 94 90
Compos tela 51 52 53 54 59 56 90 57 58
Rlpoll 51 52 53 54 55 56 90 57 59
Huesca 2 51 52 53 54 56 57 58 59 94 90
Huesca 7 51 52 53 54 56 58 59 94 90
OIoron 51 52 53 54 56 58 59 94 90
Gap 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59

Table 3 Matins Responsories for Advent in Toledo 44.1 and

Selected Sources

Notes: The responsories are represented by the numbers assigned to them in

Hesbert, C10, vo!. 5. It is unclear how many of the series of responsories
provided for Quattuor tempora in Toledo 44.1 are actually intended for this feast,
nor is it known how many responsories are missing at the beginning of the
Fourth Sunday of Advent in trus manuscript.
 TOLEDO, BIBLlOTECA CAPITULAR, 44.1 195 1

FIRST SECOND THIRD FOURTH PASSION PALM

SUNDAY SUNDAY SUNDAY SUNDAY SUNDAY SUN.
MA Non sit vobis Ploremus (SUS) Populu:; Vcnitc adoremus Quadraginta lpsi vero

MB N on !lit vobis Ploremus (SSS$) Populus Hodie si vocem Quadraginta Tpsi vero

'n N on sit vobis ** ** ** Quadraginta Ipsivera

S9 N on !lit vobis Plorcmus ($$$$) Populu:; !-Iodie si vocem Quadraginta Ipsi vera

P3 N on sit vobis In manu tua Populus I-Iodic si voccm Quadraginta Ipsi vera

PS Hodie si vo- Plorcmus ($$$$) Pracoccupcmus Non sit vobis Populus do- Ipsi vera
eem m1m
P9 N on sit vobis Quoniam deus Populus Hodie si voccm Quadraginta Ipsi vera

H2 Non sit vobis Plorcmus ($S$$) Populus HOOic si voccm Quadraginu Ipsi vero

H7 N on sit vobi!l Plorcmu!l (SSSS) Populu:; I-Iodic si vocem Quadraginta Ipsi vero

TI-A Non sit vobis Plorcmus (S$S$) rIodic si voeem Adoremus deum Quadraginta Ipsi vero

Table 4 Invitatories for the Sundays of Lent in Aquitanian

Office Manuscripts

Notes: The texts not included in CAO are indicated by "$$SS" in parentheses af-
ter the incipit; a lacuna in the manuscript by "**".

JVL\ =Mdina A PS =Paris 1085

MB =Mdina B P9 =Paris 1090
T2 = Toledo 44.2 H2 =Huesca 2
S9 =Silos 9 H7 =Huesca 7 --
P3 = Paris 743 T1-A =Toledo 44.1, the antiphoner
r
1
I
196 Lila Colla more

The Sundays of Advent

FIRST FIRST SECOND THIRD FOURTH
SUNDAY WEEK SUNDAY SUNDAY SUNDAY
- - ~- -- - ---- ------- - - ---
112 Surgitc (SSSS) Rcgcm vcnturum Eccc venit rex Ecce veniet dominus Prope est jam
(SSSS)
fr7 Surgitc Rcgcm vcnturum Ecce venit rex Eccc vcniet dominus Prope est jam
(1165 ) ($S$$)
T1 ~ _\ .... ** Prope est jam

T1·T Surgitc (SSSS) Rcgem vcnturum Eccc venit rex Ecce veniet dominus Prope est jam
(SUS)

The Sundays of Lent

FIRST SECOND THIRD FOURTH PASSION PALM
SUNDAY SUNDAY SUNDAY SUNDAY SUNDAY SUN.
I 12 N on sit vobis Ploremus (S$SS) Populus domini I-Iodic si voccm Quadraginta Ipsi vero

1[7 Non sit vobis Ploremus ($SSS) Populus domini Hodic ~i voccm Quadraginta Ipsi vera

T1-A Non sit vobi.~ Plorcmus (5S$S) I Iodic si vocem /\dorcmus deum Quadraginta Ipsi vero

'1'1-'1' N on sit vobis Ploremus (SSSS) Populus do- Hodic si vocem? Quadraginta Ipsi vera
mini? /\doremus
l-1odic si vo- deum?
ccm?

Table 5 Invitatories for the Sundays of Advent and Lent in

Toledo 44.1, Huesca 2, and Huesca 7

H2 = Huesca 2
H7 =Huesca 7
TI-A = 'Toledo 44.1, the antiphoner
Tl-T = Toledo 44.1, the tonary of invitatory tones
 INVITATORIES RESPONSORIES RESPONSORIES ~SPONSORIES BENEDICT BENEDICT
OF ADVENT OF ADVENT OFTRlDUUM OF THE FERlAL MATINS MATINS RE-
ANDLENf OFFICE ANTIPHONS SPONSORIES
Match Huesca 2 l or 9 only: Huesca 9
Albi 15 Paris 1085
Gap
Oloron
Susa d
r
Toledo m
0
Valence ,0
Thurs. onl;t: ~
Q)
Albi 15 ~

Very Huesca 7 Orense Huesca 9 Q

m
SimiW ' Compostela
Q
Similar Coimbn? Huesca 2 Paris 1085
~
Compos tela Huesca 7 Silos :::2
Ripoll ~
No Match Mdina A Toulouse Aurillac Mdina A Paris 143 Paris 143 ~
JO
MdinaB · "'
t •
MdinaB Tolldo 44.2 Tolldo 44.2 ~

~t090.
-
,. Paris 1090
~
-'
\ 1,"
,., ,.
~

Pw 1085
PtiN 743
'.
~
. j.,
Paris 1085
Paris 743
.- ToINlo44.2
Tolldo44.2 , f
.... ,'.
i~J
~

.J , "
1-:'
j

Silos 9 1. .- SiIM9

Table' .. Summary of Repettotia:l Correspondence in Toledo 44.1. (Cluniac sources are shown in italics.)
.....
ID
"...t
L--

"
---_ ..-
i198
L - - _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ___ _ _ Lila Colla more

DATE SAINT Tt DATE SAINT Tt

--
12/ 21 Thomas [apostle] m 1* 8/3 Invention of Stephen m*

12/ 26 Stephen Protomartyr m! 8/6 Sixtus m* I

12 /27 John Evangelist ma I 8/10 Lawrence ml

12/ 28 Holy Innocents ml 8/11 Tibertius a

12/31 Silvester [pope] m 8/ 13 Hippolytus rn}

1/14 HIlary of POltiers ml 8/15 Assumption rnl

1/ 20 Fabian, Sebastian ml 8/ 16 Arnulph of Metz m 1*

1/ 21 _\gnes ml 8/22 Syrnphorianus ml

1/ 22 Vincent m! 8/28 Julian of Brioude [martyr]

1/25 Conversion of Paul m! 18/29

I
Beheading of John ma I

2/ 2 Purifica cion rul 19/8

I
Nativity of I\hry rnl

2/5 _-\gatha m! 9/14 Exaltation of the Cross rnl

4/ 23 George [martyr] a 19/22 Maurice ml

5/ 1 Phihp. James 9/29 I\,iichae! rn}

5/ 1 Oriencius [bIshop] rnl 10/31 Quentin 1*

5/ 3 Invention of the Cross rnl 11 / 1 All Saints m}

5/11 Pons of Cimtez [martyr] rn* 11 / 11 Martin of Tours rnl

6/ 2 ~1arcellinus, Peter 11/13 Brice ml

6/ 8 Medard Ibishop] 11/18 Octave of Martin m

6/ 24 John Baptist m! 11/22 Cecilia rnl

6/ 26 John, Paul ml 11/23 Clement ml

6/29 Peter, Paul ml 11/29 Saturninus mal

6/30 Commemoration Paul ml 11/30 "-\ndrew rnl

7/ 11 Translauon of Benedict rn) 12/ 6 Octave of Saturrunus rnl

Table 7 Saints' Feasts in Toledo 44_1 for which Proper Chants

are Supplied
 TOLEDO, BIBLlOTECA CAPITULAR, 44.1

The chants are indicated as follows: "rn" for Matins, "ma" for Matins anti-
phons in numerical series, "mr" for Matins responsories in numerical series, "1"
for Lauds, "1" for Lauds antiphons in numerical series, "c" for a memorial, "a"
for a single antiphon or antiphons of unspecified liturgical assignment. Bold in-
dicates the chants are in numerical series. "*,, indicates that the chants are not
notated.
[200 Lila Collamore

1. T he repertory of Toledo 44.1 shows no Cluniac influence, so 1t cannot be associ-

ated wi th the Cluniae monks that infiltratt'd nurthern Spain in the latter half of
the eleventh cen tury. T here is also nothUlg to link Toledo 44.1 to northern France.
2 The closest relatives of Toledo 44.1 are Huesca 2, Huesca 7, Toledo 44.2, Paris
742 (Ripoll), Santiago de Compostela, and Orense.
3. The distribu tion of ce rtam chants in Toledo 44.1 is along the axis of Septimania -
Catalonia - northwes t Spam.
4 The set of invitatory tones is that of the T'vIidi group. It lacks several tones found
in the Iberian m anuscripts.
5. However, Toledo 44. 1 includes chants not found in sources outside of Iberia.
6. To ledo 44.1 avoids the celehration of saints' feasts during Lent: tills is a Mozara-
bie characteristic.
7. The combination of a j\·1idi repertory "vith Iberian and '~Aozarabic aspects found
in Toledo 44.1 exactly corresponds to the situation in Catalonia.
8. The calend ar of saints is that attested in Catalonia, with the addition of Amulph,
who was certainly well-known there.
9 T he manuscript contains the liturgy (in the monastic cursus) from a church dedi-
cated to St. Satu rninus : ant Sadurru de Tavernoles is such a church.
10. T he manuscrip t includes a full office for Benedict 1f1 the monastic cursus, such as
would be typical o f a Benedictine monastery like Sant Sadnrru de Tavernoles.
11. The inclusion of an e..xtensive Common of Kings suggests a close tie to a royal
court. The only royal courts in the region of Aquitanian nota tion were those of
Navarre, Leon-Castilla (the .r\sturias), and, later, _'iragon and Galicia-Porrugal.
12. ~-\t some point Toledo 44.1 arrived 1f1 Le6n-Castllla, where it (or the lirurgy it rep-
resent d) wa. influential, as attested by Toledo 44.2 and sources from Santiago de
Composrela and Orense.
13. T he cursus of Toledo 44.1 is mixed, in some places monastic and .in other places
of the canons' curs us. \Xfhile a church must follow one cursus, an individual (and
his m anuscripts) would n t need to.
14. T he text hand of the p rincipal text and music scribes possesses archaic features
which are unusual, and the script closely resembles that of a docwnent from Sanr
Sadurru de Tavernoles, dated 17 January 1010.

Table 8 Points Concerning the Provenance of Toledo 44.1

 TO LEDO, BIBLlOTECA CAPITULAR, 44.1

Plate 1 Toledo 44.1 , 152v. The beginning of the Matins respo

sories for St. Saturninus
~2_0_2_ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ ____L_i'_
a _c_o_'_
'a_m_o_r_e_ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ __ _ _ --.ll

Plate 2 Toledo 44.1, 129v. The music scribe has corrected " an-
gele') to "archangele"
 TOLEDO, BIBLlOTECA CAPITULAR, 44.1

Plate 3 Toledo 44.1, 150r. The music scribe has inserted a

phrase omitted by the text scribe
 Li la Collamore

Plate 4 Toledo 44.1, llSr. Text scribe letter G

 TOLEDO, BIBUOTECA CAPITULAR, 44.1

Plate 5 Toledo 44.1: 41 v. An addition by the music scribe in the

left margin

Plate 6 Tavemoles, no. 4. The top left of the document

 Lila Collamore

Plate 7 Tavernoles, no. 4. The bottom left of the document

with the name of the scribe

Plate 8 Tavernoles, no. 16. This scribe uses two forms of

the letter G
[L-_ _ _IM_S_'_ntercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000

Jane Mor/et Hardie THE PAST IN THE PRESENT:

SOME LITURGICO-MUSICAL
RELATIONSfIIPS
BETWEEN TOLEDO, ROME
AND ANDALUCiA

This study explores the theme of The Past in the Present through an ex-
amination of the Lamentations of Jeremiah as they appear in two chant
sources now in Cordoba Cathedra1.1 Here, the "Present" is around 1576,
and the "Past" is at least a hundred and fifty years earlier. In Andalucia
post 1492, with the reinstallation of the Catholic Monarchs the mandate
in the Church was to follow the practice of Rome. This was partially
achieved at first through the use of breviaries based on Roman _Curial
U se, and more completely after 1568 with the introduction of the Brevi-
ary of Pius V when the instruction to follow the practice of Rome was
more widely applied. The Lamentations of Jeremiah in two Andalucian
sources follow the mandate to adhere to the practice of Rome through
1 This article is a revised version of a paper delivered to the Cantus Planus Study Group at
the International Musicological Society's Symposium in Budapest. August 2000. Funding to
support this work came from the Australjan Research Council and the Fulbright Founda-
tion. In preparing this paper 1 would like to acknowledge the work, of the liturgical historian
Demetrio Mansilla. Excellent summaries of his work with bibliographies may be found in
the following: Demetrio Mansilla, "Panorama historico-gcografico de la iglesia espanola (Si-
glos VIII al XIV)", in His/oria de la Iglesia en Espana, ed. Ricardo Garda-Villoslada, Vol. .,
(Madrid: Editoria Catolica, 1979), 611--681 and "geografia eclesiastica" in the Diccionano tit
His/oria Edesiastic-O de Espa;;a, 4 vols. (Madrid: lnstituto Enrique Florez CSIC, 1972). In addi-
tion, the work of Robert Snow and lsmael Fcrmindez de la Cucsta should be acknowledged.
See especially for example with reference to the· Lamentations of Jeremiah, A New World
Co/lettioll of Po/ypho'!J for HolY Week 01Jd the Salve Service: Gllatemafo City, Cathedral Archive, Mllsic
Ms 4, ed. Robcrt J. Snow, Vol. 9 of Monuments of Renaissance Music, cd. Bonnie J. Black-
burn (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1996), 49-64, and more re-
cently, Ismacl hrnandez de la Cuesta, "El canto Toledano, estrato musical en la polifonia sa-
era de la Catedral de Las Palmas y otros iglesias de Espana", in Homent:#f (J Llfo de la To"t
Champsollr (El Museo Canario, 1999), 305-338, offers a wide-ranging view of the primacy of
Toledo in aspecrs of the Iberian polyphonic repertory.
 Jane Morlet Hardie

the use of the appropriate Roman texts and shape of the unit while at
the same time using the chant of a long-established Toledo practice. I ar-
gue that this juxtaposition could be read either as a way of maintaining
ties with an important and strong earlier Iberian tradition, while at the
same time following the new rules emanating from Rome; or as a reflec-
tion of the powerful centralization of practice after 1568; and that
changes in practice as documented through the sources foster insights
into a process of change.
The tradition of the Lamentations of Jeremiah was and is an impor-
tant one in Iberia. Throughout their history, from the medieval reading
or chanting of the whole of the Lamentations at Matins during the
triduum sacrum to the later truncated versions that may be encountered in
liturgical sources throughout Western Christendom, the Lamentations
have been subject to both change and variety, and the persistence of
tightly held traditions. 2 The Lamentations as they are preserved in two
manuscripts to be considered here are no exception.
These sources are Cordoba Catedral, Libros Corales Mss 64 and 70
(formerly Mss 0-29 and 0-30, Liber primo and Liber secundus de tenebra-
rum). The third book, which would have contained material for Holy Sat-
urday, and almost certainly would have had the old number of 0-31,
now appears to be missing.) These manuscripts now form part of an ex-
tensive microfiche collection of liturgical sources at the Centra de Docu-
mentaci6n Musical de Andaluda in Granada. Here, more than 600 litur-
gical books have been filmed from Cathedral Libraries in Sevilla, Gra-
nada, Jaen, Malaga, and Cordoba. Of those 600 books, only two appear
to contain chant for the Lamentations of Jeremiah. These are for Ferias

2 I have addressed questions of tradition, change and liturgical geography in the following
publications: Jane Morlct Hardie, The Motets of Francisco de Pefiafosa and tlMir Manuscript SOllrces,
PhD diss. (University of Michigan, 1983). Francisco dc Peiialosa, Lamentations of Jeremiah, cd.
Jane MorlCt Hardie (Ottawa: Institute of Medieval Music, 1999); Jane Modct Hardie, "Ky-
ries tenebrarum in Sixteenth-Century Spain", Nassam 4, Nos. 1-2 (1988), 161-194; Jane
Morlet r Jardic, "Lamentations Chant in Spanish Sources: A Preliminary Report", in Chant
and its Peripheries, ed. Bryan Gillingham (Ottawa: The Institute of Medieval Music, 1998),
370-389; Jane Morlct Hardie, "Lamentations in Spanish Sources before 1568: Notes To-
wards a Geography", Rwista tU MusicrJlogia 16 (1993),912-942.
3 The two books for Tenebrae come from a series of manuscripts whose contents from Palm
Sunday to Easter Jay bore the old numbers 0-27 to 0-33.
 SOME LlTURGICQ-MUSICAL RELATIONSHIPS ...

V and VI and are now located in Cordoba Cathedral. Materials from this
Cathedral are the subject of a recent article by Francisco Javier Lara
Lara,4 who provides both a useful chronology and dating. Lata Lata con-
siders that Mss 64 and 70 may have been copied between 1556 and
1596. 5 The content of the Lamentations in the two Cordoba manuscripts
is identical to that of the Toledo Passionarium published by Pla~a of
Toledo in 1576. 6 If the timing of the introduction of changes in text pat-
terns for the Lamentations brought about by the Breviary of Pius V
modified by Gregory XIII and implemented in Toledo were influential in
practice and are to be ·believed, then the material of these Lamentations
from Cordoba puts the copying of these two manuscripts to after 1572,
the year of Gregory XlII's ascension to the papacy.7 Internal evidence '
. suggests that the manuscripts were copied after 1576, and 2fobably di-
rectly from the Pla~a print. A printer's error in the 1576 Toledo .prin!ed
source provides the clue: in the first Lectio on Feria V the last. verse, He
(Chapter I, 5) is incorrectly printed as Heth. This error is not repeated in
any of the other sixteenth century printed Spanish sources that carry the
"Roman" text of the lamentations, but is copied into the Cordoba manu-
script. In my opinion this error is significant, and provides an example 'of
a printed edition influencing and providing a dating for a subsequent
manuscnpt.
The juxtaposition in the Cordoba manuscripts (probably copied
from the Plac;a print) of text patterns authori~ed hy Rome with chant
from Toledo shows that we are really dealing ~th Toledo following the
practice mandated by Rome; and is testament to the strength of a proc-
ess of centralization extending to C6rdoba, one of the cities then under .

4 Francisco Javicr Lam Lata .• "La Musica litU:rgica monOtlica en la catedml de Cordoba en el si-
glo XVI". &visla tit Musi(Q/6gia 20, No. 1 (1997), 155-169. Lara Lara is most interested in ""
those sources numbered 1-31 (corresponcling to the fmt period 1502-1504 of the Bishop
Juan Rodriquez Fom;eca), and those numbered 32-61 (corresponding to the second period,
1505-1510 of his :!UCCCSllor Bishop Juan Daza). The two books to be considered here (Mss
64 and 70), come from · the third period, and Lata J..aQ considers that they may have been
copied between 1556 and 1596. ,
5 See Lara Lam, "Musica lirurgica monOdica . .. ", 156.
6 Pmsio1lt1tiu!II CII!II riffoio !llaiDri! htbdDJJt. (1bledo: Johannell Pla~aJ 1576) (copy located at NY
Sibley_Library, RochestcrUniversity: M2148.2 1-576).
7 Gregory XIII was Pope from 1572-1585_
 Jane Morlet Hardie

her jurisdiction. Cordoba and Toledo were not always related thus, and
the changing details of liturgical boundaries have been thoroughly cov-
ered by the Spanish liturgical historian Demetrio Mansilla. B
Before the eighth century Cordoba appears with Seville and Granada
as part of the Provincia Betica, thus establishing very old ties between
the three cities, while Toledo was part of the older Roman-Christian Pro-
vincia Cartaginense. ') Between 1228 and 1250 Cordoba, Jaen, Baeza and
Seville became part of the new Provincia Eclesiastica of Toledo, and
Granada was part of the Moorish Kingdom. In 1492, Granada was re-
conquered by the Catholic Kings, and had its own Provincia Eclesiastica
consisting of Granada, Guarux and Almeria. Sevilla, Malaga and Cadiz
became the Provincia Eclesiastica of Sevilla; and Cordoba remained part
of the Provincia of Toledo, which now included Palencia, Osma,
Siguenza and Cuenca to the north, and Cordoba and Jaen to the south.
With the addition of Valladolid in the north, this province of Toledo
remained stable through the sixteenth century, as did the Provinces of
Granada and Sevillelll liturgically speaking. By 1568 then, the year of the
introduction of the Breviary of Pius V, Catholicism had long been re-es-
tablished in Andaluda, the cities of Granada, Seville, Cordoba and Tole-
do had had a long and changing series of relationships due to changing
boundaries of liturgical administration, and the Breviary itself had un-
dergone a series of changes mandated from Rome. 11

8 Sec hi~ article "geografia cclesiasrica" in Difcionono de Histono Eclesiastica, pages 983-1015.
9 Scc map 2 of Mamilla's article "geografia eclesiastica".
10 I"or a complete and detailed discussion of liturgical geography with maps, see Demetrio
Mansilla in the following two publications: "Panorama historico-geografico de la Iglesia es-
panola (Sigh.; VIII al XIV)" in RicarJo Garcia-Villoslada, Hislona de 10 iglesio en Espaiia, Bib-
lioteca de Autores Cristiano (Madrid: Editoria Catotica, S.I\, 1979), 611-681, and the article
"geografia eclcsiastica" in the Dicciol/ano de His/ona Ecluiaslifo, 983-1015.
11 It should be noted in thIS respect that reforms to the Roman Breviary (Curial Use) initiated
by Clement VII and Paul Ill. executed by Cardinal Quignon and appearing in the Second
Recension of his Breviary (1536) appeared to gain considerable currency in Spain just prior
to the Breviary of Pius V. J. Wick ham 1,egg, The Second Recel/sion of the QlligtlOJl Brl!viory, HBS
Volumes 35, 42 O,ondon: The Henry Bradshaw Society, 1908) considers that the Breviary
for Granada Use of 1544 (Brevianum Romonum Jecul/riJlm ordinem sanete eec/esie Garl/olentis Paun
Pope III .. .) may have been either a local reprint of the QUlgnon Breviary, or a local breviary
mfluenccJ by Quignon. With respect to the I,amcntations it is unclear tn what extent the
sltghtly abbreviated cursus of verses that appears in Granada 1544 represents Quignon's re-
 SOME LlTURGICO-MUSICAL RELATIONSHIPS ...

Variety and regionality of musical practice is intimately bound up

with these kinds of liturgical maps and their changing boundaries, and I
do not believe one can really comprehend one without an appreciation
of at least the main lines of the other. Establishment of a "geography of
practice" however, may not be quite the same as the kind of liturgical ge-
ography proposed and documented by MansiUa; and relationships be-
tween historical boundaries established by ecclesiastical administrations,
and boundaries established by actual practice are often subde and com-
plex. While this is not the place to expand on this, the occurrence in two
C6rdoba sources of aspects of more than one "geography of practice"
and or "liturgical Use" requires that the issue' is recognized as central. 12
Since the Lamentations in the C6rdoba sources appear to have been cop-
ied from the Toledo Passionan'um of 1576, we need to pursue them
through the practice of Toledo, the provincia to which Cordoba be-
longed from the thirteenth century.
In 1568, with the introduction of the Breviary of Pius V, uniformity
of practice was at least in principle imposed on Western Christendom
according to the Use of Rome. Exceptions to this were made for places
where a continuous local practice could be demonstrated to have been in
place for more than 200 years. When the mandate was issued to adhere
to the practice of Rome, it was to the texts of this breviary, and its sub-
sequent modification by Gregory XIII that it applied. 13

forms rather than simply Granada's local Use. Robert Snow regards the Lamentations mate-
rial in Granada 1544 to have been based on the Roman Curial Breviary of Giunta (Venice)
1522, itself based on the Ordo brevia";; of Ilaymo of Faversham(1243-44). For mo~ on
Snow':; views of this, and for a full discussion of relationships between the various Curial
ven,ions of the Breviary sec his New World Co{'!ction. I have been unable to Md any other
references to the contents of Granada 1544 rdative to either Quigrton or the Use of Gra-
nada. ..
12 J,itu rgica I Use is not just a question of chant, but a combination of texts and chant, with the
pt;me determinant being text. I have published elsewhere on this question, with reference to
the multiple variants that onc encounters in text patterns in both the lamentations and other
liturgical moments in Spanish practice. Similarly; I have addressed, and continue to address
the question of chant variants that may be regionally based. For further reading see the fol-
lowing publications: f-Iardie. "Kyries tenebrarum"; I'{ardie, "Notes Towards a Geography";
Hardic, "Lamentations Chant in Spanish Sources: A Preliminary Report",
13 For a full discussion of the Breviary (1568) and Missal (1570) issued under the authority
of Pope Pius V, and the ensuing correspondence between Philip 1I of Spain and the Popes
[fu Jane Morlet Hardie
--------------------------------------------------------------~

The so-called stability of Roman practice for the Lamentations as

exemplified in this breviary, could be compared with other equally stable
traditions found in a variety of geographically based text patterns seen in
earlier Spanish sources. 14 Toledo, the liturgical administration to which
Cordoba belonged, offers an example, for here one of the demonstrably
Spanish text traditions seems to have been completely stable until 1567.
Prior to the Toledo Print of 1567 (Passionarium 1567), all Toledo versions
appear to have the same texts as this source. This includes the manu-
script sources now known as Toledo Reservado Manuscripts 6, 7 and 8
which date from the fifteenth century. Lynette Bosch, in a recent book
on art and liturgy in Toledo considers that manuscript 6 may be a prod-
uct of the Starnina workshop, and shows that manuscripts 7 and 8 were
made for Cardinal Mendoza probably in 1484. The scribes of manu-
script 7 were Jude Aquilera and Johannis. 15 As the texts for the Lamenta-
tions are the same in all three of these manuscripts, one or more of
them may have provided the model for the well known Passionarium of
1516, and the Toledo Brevian·um of 1551.1<'
Piu~ v, Gregory XIH, Clement VIII and their authorities, see Robert F I Iayburn, Papal Leg-
/s/alt01l on Sacred Music 95 AD. /0 1977 A.D. (CoUegcville: The Liturb"cal Presli, 1979), 34-46.
While the [Link] of Pius V specificalJy abolished the use of the second recension of the
breviary mandated by Paul III and executed by Quignon (1536), and was more closely re-
lated to the breviary based on Roman Curial Use published in 1522 by Giunta in Venice, it
was clear that the Quignon Breviary enjoyed widespread use in Spain, and continued to do
so In 1568 a Qui bl110n version of the Breviarillm Romanllm published io Antwerp by Plantio
contained both the Privileges by Pius V (22 November 1562, "Quod a nobis") and Philip of
Spain (10 January 1568). The presence of Philip's letter suggests that the Breviary was
printeJ for distribution in Spain. A copy of this volume (possibly unique) is held at St. John's
College, Cambridge University with the Classmark "1'.12.3. For material 00 the Quignon Bre-
viary, and other reforming breviaries in Spain before the pontificate of Pius V, :iee Pierre Ba-
tiffol, Hislory oJ the Roma1l Breviary, trans. AtweU MY Baylay (London: Longrnans, Green
and Co., 1(12), Chapter 5; J,egg, Sec01ld [Link], and J. Wickham Lcgg, Some Local RlJorms of
Ihe Divine Service Allempted on the Conlinent in the Sixteenth Century, Transactions of the St. Paul's
Ecclesl0logical Society 5 (1905), 17-57, pages 21-38. J am exploring these relationships fur-
ther in a forthcoming publication.
14 For a full discussion of lamentations and their texts, their variety and geographica1 disposi-
tion in Iberia before 1568, see I [ardic, "Notes Towards a Geography", 912-942.
15 See I _ynette Bosch, Art, litllrgy and ~end in Rlnmssanct Toledo (University Park, PA: Pennysl-
vania State University Press, 2000), 163, 181-186.
16 Passionanllm Tolelanllm, Alcala de r Ienarcs: Ameo Guillem Brocar, 1516 (copy located at Lon-
don, Brittsh Library C.3S k.1 0). Brtviarium sec conslI,llIrlinem ... Tolelane, Lyons: Bartholomaeum
 SOME LlTURGICO-MUSICAL RELATIONSHIPS ...

From 1572 a new textual stability came into play in ToledoY In this
regard, Robert Snow said:

"It needs to be noted that the verse assignments in the Breviary of

Pius V were reduced by Gregory XIII shordy after his election to the
papacy in 1572 to those that appear in the 1576 Passionarium (Toledo,
Pla~a) and all subsequent liturgical books of the Roman rite.

The version that appears in this 1576 Passionarium is precisely that

found in the two manuscripts now in Cordoba cathedral, right down to
the reproduction of the printer's error on Feria V that may have pro-
vided a terminus post quem for the copying of the manuscripts.
The text tradition of the lamentations can be summarized as follows.
Before the Breviary of Pope Pius V (1568) the Toledo "tradition" . ap-
pears to have been stable, and contained the texts and text disposition of
Table 1 column 1 (foledo 1516/1551/1567). While this arrangement
represented a considerable contraction from the older medieval cursus
represented by Haymo of Faversham,18 it is notable; for the retention of
the singing (or reading) of the whole of the Oratio Jeremie Prophete (Chap-
ter V verses 1-22). With the introduction of the Breviary of Pi us V in
1568, the cursus of texts changed to that in the second column of Table
1 (pius V). Here, the readings for all three lectios on Feria V are ex-
panded somewhat and use different source chapter material for Feria VI.
On Holy Saturday, the first two Itctios are expanded, using different
source chapters, while in lectio 3 the OraJio (Chapter V) is contracted to
verses 1-16 only. This basic outline which remained true for the Use of
Rome with minor modifications by Pope Gregory XIII (after ~1-572»19
was adopted by Toledo 1576 (fable 1 column 3), was used by the -Cor-

Fraenum, virorum Petri & losephi Ossandon & G. Fornerii, 1551 (copy located at Vatican
Stamp. [Link].M).
'7 For information on the~c thre~ manuscripts sec Jose Janini and Ramon Gonzalvez, MtJltJiJcri-
tos litllrgicos tie la Catedrol tk Toledo Cfoledo: Diputacion Prov~cial, 1977), 26~264 anrj Bosch,
Art, Lturgy and Ug,nd, 163, 181-186.
18 Snow, New World ColkctiOll, SO-S3.
19 Snow, New World COlllctiOll, 49, Footnote 61.
l214 lane Morlet Hardie
~---- -----------------------------------------------~

doba sources that we are considering here, and is still intact in the u'ber
usuaJiJ (Table 1 columns 4 and 5).
A comparison of the text shapes for these sources shown in Table 1
(Toledo pre-Pius V, Pi us V, Toledo post Pius V, Cordoba, and Rome post
1576) makes it quite clear that Cordoba (under the jurisdiction of
Toledo) did in fact adhere to the mandate to follow Rome - textually
speaking - by 1576, and that this pattern represented a considerable de-
parture from the earlier long-held Toledo tradition.

!
\TOLEDO PlUS V 1568 TOLEDO 1576/
1516/1551/ 1567 CORDOBA ?POST 1576
----- -
Incipit
I

Exord ISpanish

Lectio 1 Ir*:
I Beth
Aleph II:
Beth
Aleph I:
Beth
Aleph

Gimel Gimel Gimel

Jherusalem Daleth Daleth
I
I Jherusalem He Heth [He]
I Convertere Vau ]]C
I OJC) JJC
Lectio 2 II: Deleth 1: Zain I: Vau
He Heth Zain
I Vau Teth Heth
I
I JJC lod Teth
I Caph JJC
JJC
Lectio 3 I: Zain I: Lamed I: Jod
Heth Mem Caph
Teth Nun Lamed
lod Samech Mem
JJC Ain Nun
JJC JJC

Table 1/ a Comparison of Texts: Feria V

 SOME LlTURCICO-MUSICAl RELATIONSHIPS ...

TOLEDO PlUS V 1568 TOLEDO 1576/

1516/1551/ 1567 C6RDOBA ?POST 1576
~---

Incipit
Exord
Lectio 1 II: Aleph II: Heth II: Heth
Beth Teth Teth
Gimel lad lad
]]C Caph Caph
Lamed ]]C
]JC
Lectio 2 II: Daleth II: Mem II: Lamed
He Nun Mem
Vau Samech Nun
]]C Phe Samech
Ain ]]C
Sade
]JC
Lectio 3 II: Zain Ill: Aleph llIl: Aleph
Heth Aleph Aleph
Teth Aleph Aleph
lad Beth Beth
J]C Beth Beth
Beth Beth
Girnel Gimel
Gimel Gimel
I Girnd Gimel
Daleth JJC
Daleth
Daleth - -"
DC "-'"

Table lib Comparison of Texts: Feria VI

 16-
l 2__ Jane Morlet Hardie
1

!
!TOLEDO PlUS V 1568 TOLEDO 1576/
11516/1551/ 1567 CORDOBA ?POST 1576
Incipit Ii
Lectio 1 /IV: Aleph Ill: Heth Ill: Heth
I Beth Heth Heth
i Gimel Heth Heth
Daleth Teth Teth
JJC Teth Teth
Teth Teth
Jod Jod
Jod Jod
Jod Jod
Caph JJC
Caph
Caph
JJC
Lectio 2 IV: He IV: Aleph IV: Aleph
Vau Beth Beth
Zain Gimel Gimel
Heth Daleth Daleth
Teth He He
lod Vau Vau
I JJC Zain JJC

Lectio 3 Iv 1-22: V:
JJC
1-13: V: I-11
Recordare Recordare Recordare
Hereditas Hereditas Hereditas
Pupilli Pupilli Pupilli
Aquam Aquam Aquam
Cervicibus Cervicibus Cervicibus
Aegypto Aegypto A egyp to
Patres Patres Patres
Servi Servi Servi
In animabus In arumabus In animabus
Pellis Pellis Pellis
Mulieres Mulieres Mulieres
Pnnclpes Principes JJC
 SOME LlTURGICO-MUSICAL RELATIONSHIPS ...

Adulescen tibus Adulescentibus

Senes Senes
Defecit Defecit
Cecidit Ceciclit
Propterea JJC
Propter montem
Tu autem
Quare in
Converte nos
Sed projicens
JJC
Table llc Comparison of Texts: Sabbato Sancto

Turning now to the chant. In a recent article ("El Canto Toledano,

estrato musical en la polifonia sacra de la Catedral de Las Palmas y otras
iglesias de Espaiia") Ismael Fernandez de la Cuesta distinguishes be-
tween what he calls a universal repertory of chant, common to all
churches across various countries, and particular repertories that form
traditions proper to a place. Spain, he argues, had conditions that were
especially conducive to the latter. He considers this to have been bome
out by the numerous surviving early printed liturgical books whose title
includes the name of the church, diocese or U se for which they were ap-
propriate. 20 Femandez de la Cuesta speaks of the antiquity and strength
of tradition of the chant repertory from Toledo, whose survival and per-
sistence in the face of numerous obstacles established a primacy "que ha
perdurado en la Iglesia espanola hasta hoy".21 This strength of the
20 Sce Fernandez de la Cuesta, "Canto Toledano", 310-31 L Bibliographical access to liturgical
books printed for use in Iberia may be gained through the foUowing: Antonio Odribzola,
Cala/ogo de libros /i;Nrgicos, espaiioks y porlllll'UlS, impNSOS en I8s siglos XV.y XVI, eds. Julian
Martin Abad and Franccsc Altes I Aguilo (Pontevedra, Spain: Museo de Pontevedra, 1996);
lsmael Fernandez de la Cuesta, "Libros de musica [Link] impresos en Espaiia antes de
1900", MNsica: &visla de/ Cons~rvalorio Supnior de MIJsicQ tit MtHlrid 3 (1996), 11-29; and
RELICS (Renaissance Liturgical Imprintt\: A Census), database dir. by David Crawford
(Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan), available at [Link]
-davidcr/. In spite of the wealth of more recent scholarship, the work of Robert Stevenson
on the early liturgical imprints containing music is still extremely valuable. See his Spanish
Music in the Age of Co/umbus (rhe Hague: Nijhoff, 1960) 102-119.
21 Fcrnaodez de la Cuesta, "Canto Toledano", 310.
1218
'---- - -
jane Morlet Hardie
J
Toledo traditjon had already been recognized by Pius V, who in iUs motu
proprio of 1571 said, speaking of chant for the Mass:

"As for the remaining, whose chant forms We have set forth in the
new .Missal, let them be sung in the Spanish kingdoms according to
the forms of the Church of Toledo which has been handed down
from a most ancIent time."22

] should like to add a further subtlety to Fermindez de la Cuesta's

distinction between universal and regional traditions. That is, that within
the band of chant that Fernandez de la Cuesta regards as making up the
particular repertories that form traditions associated with place, further
subdivisions of Use may be created by text patterns unique to particular
places or regions. It is demonstrable that as far as the lamentations are
concerned, many more regional text shapes survive than chant shapes.
And it may be that a chant could be used in more than one textually de-
fined region without compromising an individual Use. Where a printed
liturgical book contains in its title "ad Usum [place]", this refers to the
texts and not necessarily the chant.
That having been said, Fermindez de la Cuesta is absolutely correct
in his judgement of the power and persistence of chant shapes that we
associate with Toledo (at least for the Lamentations). They may in fact
say more than just "Toledo"; for the characteristic rising shape with
which the Toledo chant opens the initial alphabet letters on Feria V was
associated with text regions other than Toledo; had already been seen in

22 Scc r layburn. Papal LegIslation, 34-36. It is clear that i'ius V is only speaking here of the
Mass. but I fayburn comments that Pope Pius V promulgated the Missal and the Breviary
witho\lt giving attentIon to the chants contained therein. There had been no thought given
to alterations in the melodies of the chant as a whole, the only changes were mll1O[ and in-
volved the adapration of corrected texts to the melodic line. A special exception was made
for the Spanish king Philip 11. A motJl proprio of Pope Pius V, issued on December 17, 1571 ,
granted an exemption to the countries under the rule of Spain, and this because of the spe-
cial usages whIch were customary there at the time. The full text of this document follows
(I layburn, 34-35) The Spamsh side of thc correspondence, together with some discussion
and InterpretatIon may be found in a little-known publication entitled "Notas diplomaticas
de I'cure I I, accrca del Canto-Ilano, Missa1cs, Breviarios y demas libros litmgicos" , R~vista de
Archivos, Bibfiolewsy MIlJeOS, Tercera I':poca j\no 9 (1905), 39-50. This is a reprint of material
that :lrre:ucJ c:uucr in the German Journal QJlortelsschrift (1900).
 SOME LlTURGICO-MUSICAL RELATIONSHIPS ...

some much earlier chants found in Aquitanian sources from Huesca and
Silos (Huesca 2, 3 and 7, and Silos 9); and chants from Aragon and other
regions shared some common features with it pefore branching to their
own distinctive shapes. 23
In spite of a demonstrable variety of versions of Lamentations
chant in Spain, by the sixteenth century the Toledo chant shape was one
of the most influential, and for now it is enough to regard it as an ex-
traordinarily stable manifestation of a tradition of chant that had come
to be associated with the liturgically [Link] important region of ' Toledo ~
while recognizing that it was by no means the only version ,that came to
be associated with Spanish Use. 24 In addition to Spanish chants, and not-
withstanding the dispensation given by Pius V to Spanish churches to
follow Roman practice in the texts, but allowing continued use of Toledo
chant, some plates in Spain were already doing "pure Rome": that is,
in both texts and chant. For example the Passionaniim pubHshed by
Andrea de Angulo in Alcahi de Henares in ' 1563 showed "Roman"
chants and was also used in the Province of Toledo. Therefore, if one
wished· to make a strong reference to "Spanishness" as distinct from

. ,

23 It is important not to oversimplify the question of variety among versions of the lamenta-
tions in Iberia. This has been done before with earlier scholars suggesting that the Toledo
chant was the only / or one of only two chants used in Spain and that the various versions
that later came to be associated with different regions, may have stemmed from a common
medieval source. See for example discussions of earlier medieval chants for the lamentations
that include R.P German Prado, "Mozarabic Melodies", SptCIIlNml, No. 2 (1928), 218-~36;
Bmno Stablein ("lamentatio" in Di8 M,uik i1ll [Link] IInd GWIIIIII1I'I); Snow, N"" Worlii ci/-
Ice/ion; Matildc Olartc Martinez, "Estudio de la forma lamentacion", Amlario MJUic41 4-7
(1992), 81-102; Karl-Werncr Gumpel, "El Canto m~dico de Toledo: algunas reflexiones
sobre su origcn y estilo", Reeerea Musicoldgica 8 (1988), 25-45; Sr. Mary J. Klimisch, The Mllsic '-
of the Lamentations: Historical and AnalYtical AspIcts, PhD diss. (Washington University, 1971);
Paul, Ludwig, "Lamentations norees dans quelqucs manuscrits bihliques", EhltIIs grlgqrimlfts
12 (1971), 127-130. For access to and discussion of Aquitanian ilources from Huesca and
Silos see for example Antonio Dunin Guidol, "Los manuscritos de la Catedral de H~esca",
Argensola 16, No. 4 (1953); R.P Casiano Rojo, "The Gregoriao Antiphon~ of Silos and the
Spanish Melody of the Lamentations", Splel/hl1II 5 (1930), 306-324; and the manuscripts:
Huesca, Archivo Catedral, Manuscript 7(5): Bnviurill11l [Link] (Hill Monastic Library Manu-
script Project #31560), and Silos, Archivo del Monasterio de Santo Domingo, Manu1'cript 9:
Antiphonarillm Monashcum (I Ell Monastic Library Manuscript Project #33691).
24 For further discussion of this point see Snow, Nt", WorM Co/kcti()fI, and Hardie, "Lamenta-
tions Chant in Spanish Sources: A Preliminary Report".
12 20
L -_ _ _ lane Morlet Hardie

"Romanness", the use of this identifiably Toledo chant would be a pow-

erful way to do it.
In 1996 Robert Snow looked closely at a number of Toledo Lam-
entations and charted relationships, both textual and musical, between
the Toledo books that pre- and post- dated the Breviary of Pius V 25 As
we have already seen, the Toledo Passionarium of 1567 was the latest of
the "pre" Pius V books, and the Passionarium of 1576 was the earliest
of the "post" Pi us V prints. I have looked at both manuscript and
printed books from Toledo that predate the 1567 print by more than a
hundred years, and it appears that this Passionarium was the last of a com-
pletely stable tradition of both texts and chant for Toledo.
The later (post Pius V) Toledo sources, represented here by Toledo
1576 use basically the same repertory of chant material as the earlier
Toledo sources, but the material is ordered in different ways from that of
the earlier books. Robert Snow carefully mapped and discussed musical
and textual relationships between the two generations of sources (pre-
and post 1568),2f) and this material need not be repeated here. It is how-
ever instructive to see how this works, and Figure 1 shows these relation-
ships with regard to the alphabet letters at the start of each lectio. If one
compares these Toledo chants with the Roman version associated with
Pius V and still in use today, their relationships and differences become
clear.
In Figure 1 the relationships are coded by letter on each day so that
it is easy to see where the repetitions and differences occur. Strikingly, on
Feria V the pre- and post- 1567 Toledo sources are identical, but as the
Triduum advances, differences (related to text differences) multiply. On
the whole, chant repetitions are tied to the source chapters from which
the texts are drawn.
It is clear that Toledo, after the Breviary of 1568, was following the
mandate of Rome, in that it adopted the Roman texts. Since Use was de-
termined by the texts used and not the chant, this was all that was neces-
sary to fulfil the obligation to adhere to the practice of Rome. Toledo
could have also adopted the Roman chant, but did not. I believe one

25 Scc Snow, NfUl World Collection.

16 See Snow, New World Collection, 55-58.
 SOME lITURGICO-MUSICAL RELATIONSHIPS ...

Toledo pre--1S67 Toledo/Cordoba post-IS76 Rome

.-
=J:(aJ a x
Lectio 1
,; ~
I Aleph
... ...... I
..- ...
A/~pJt
"
.
. ......
I Aieph

Lectio 2
~ b x
~
..

I Delcth I Vau I Vau

Lectio 3
Fi:@ c x

~
I Zam I lod I 1011

1/1 Aleph 1/1 AlepIr

Lcctio I
'-
d(i) -
'-

-
i . ]I:

,; IV Alcpb .'
UJ H~'" UJ HtIIlI

Lectio 2
~ I J:

t lVHe 1Y Aleplt . - JY AI.,.

~ 4i' y
Lecrio 3
" ...,.,
O-na
., . .. .
b - 0
'!* •• " .....
fit· [Link]-ra -
" ....
Ii - 0 IIf-cl-pil Q-ra-II-o

Figure 1 Chant Relationships

 _ .Morlet Hardie
. _ -- -Jane

could read the persistence of the Toledo chant (albeit reordered to ac-
commodate the new text patterns) as a strong statement about the reten-
tion of a very long-held Iberian tradition. Cordoba, as part of the Prov-
ince of Toledo, also followed this tradition by copying the lamentations
from the Toledo Passionarium of 1576 for the use of the cathedral.
In my opinion the Papal dispensations allowed for, and led to the ex-
ercising of choice. One could (and some places did) continue to use the
pre Pius V local practice. Others "did Rome" in both texts and chant.
Yet others (the Cordoba sources included) took a third option - that was
to mix the two. Their solution was to "do Rome" in the texts, and "do
Spain as allowed by Rome as a special case" in the continued use of
Toledo chant.
So it becomes possible, in the Cordoba manuscripts probably copied
exactly from the Toledo Pla<;:a print of 1576, to see two things happen-
ing. On the one hand they may be read as witnesses to an increasingly
strong centralization of practice emanating from Rome but filtered
through Toledo and the Papal dispensation. And on the other hand it
could be argued that Cordoba, whose ties had not always been with
Toledo, chose the Rome/Spain combination over the other Andalusian
possibility which was "do Rome" as Granada and Seville were expected
to do post 1492.
This glimpse of the old seen through the eyes of the new shows
how traditions can change, persist, mix and coexist in ways that show
both a new present and a remembered past.
 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 223

fun) Snoj THE REPERTOIRE OF

SEQUENCES IN THE EASTERN
PART OF THE PATRIARCHATE
OF AQUILEIA
I

Introduction
Studying repertoires of sequences is a complex and intricate undertaking.
They are elusive: difficult to differentiate and difficult to define. Compar-
ing sets of sequences from various sources, differences _and variations
abound; consequently) it is not always possible to say what exactly is a
characteristic trait of a chosen repertoire and by the presence or absence
of which particular items it differs from the others. Because of such am-
biguities the repertoire of sequences sometimes cannot be defined e~­
cept by applying the geographic criterion) i.e. it may be defined simply as
all the chants occurring in certain historic surroundings.
. In this contribution the sequence repertoire from the Eastern part of
the medieval patriarchate of Aquileia1 will be presented and discussed.
Historically speaking this means the sequence repertoire from the remot-
est South-Eastern part of the Holy Roman Empire.
As is well-known, it was Chariemagtle who finally confined the terri-
tory of the ancient patriarchate of Aqwleia, setting its Northern border-
line along the river Drava / Drau in Styria which separated thenceforth -
the Aquileian territories from the diocese of Salzburg. This decision re-
mained in force until the abolition of the patriarchate at the end of the ------
18 th century. In the Middle Ages the South-Eastern regions of the Holy
. . .....

The sequences on ~he territory of present-day Slovenia have so far been discussed in the fol-
lowing srudies: J. Smrekar, "Stare piSane masne bukve .kranjskega farnega arhiva" [Old missal
manuscript from the archives of the parish church of Kranj).; ZgodovmsN zlmn#lt 1, 2 (Lju-
bljana, 1888, 1889); J. Hafle!, "Rekonstrukcija srednjevdkega sekvenciarija v osredn~ Slove-
niji" lA reconstruction of the medieval sequentiary in central \Slovenia], MII:dhJ16Jki zbor-
nik I Alusicological Annuol III (Ljubljana, 1967); M. Smolik, "Fragment sekvenciarija iz knjii-
nice Marka Grbca" lA sequentiary fragment from the library of Marko Grbec], Zbomile ob
jubilf!Ju fozeta SiveD / [Link] presented to foze Sivtc (Ljubljana, 2000).
 Jurij Snoj

Roman Empire, i.e. the southern part of Styria, the southern part of
Carinthia, Carniola, the county of Gorizia, as well as the Venetian region
along the Adriatic coast, belonged thus to the patriarchate of Aquileia.
After the Northern border of the patriarchate had been defined, the area
was further divided into archidiaconates: lower Carinthia, upper Car-
oiola, lower Carniola, upper Friuli, lower Friuli ete. Although the number
of parishes constantly increased during the Middle Ages, this ecclesiasti-
cal organisation remained basically the same until the middle of the 15 th
century.2 A major change occurred only in 1461 with the foundation of
the diocese of Ljubljana, set up by the emperor Frederic III as a political
counterbalance to the patriarch. In view of its political role the diocese
was exempted from the patriarchal domains and subordinated directly to
the pope; yet in the 15 th century it incorporated only a few parishes, gain-
ing a more important position later, especially during the Counter Refor-
mation. 3
Since the area in question belonged to the patriarchate of Aquileia, it
is quite reasonable to assume that the liturgical use of its churches had to
be in conformity with the ritus patriarchinus, as it is called, i.e. the liturgi-
cal use of the churches within the patriarchate. The ritus patriarchinus is
known primarily from the study of a dozen or so manuscripts from both
patriarchal seats, Aquileia and Cividale, and elsewhere. 4 That it was the ri-
tus patriarchinus that was actually in use in churches South of the river
Drava / Drau, is implied indirectly also by the fact that it was explicitly
prescribed for the newly founded diocese of Ljubljana, although the dio-
cese was otherwise excluded from the patriarchate. The presence, at least
officially, of the ritus patriarchinus in the Eastern part of the patriarchate
can therefore be taken for granted.
In order to account for the present-day state of plainchant and se-
quence sources from the Eastern part of the patriarchate, it is necessary
to outline the subsequent history of liturgy within the area in question.

2 Zgot/Qvino S Iowncev [A history of the Slovenian nation I (Ljubljana, 1979), 183-184; J. Mlinaric,
"Cerkev na Slovenskem v srednjem veku" IThe church in Slovenla in the Middle Ages\, ZlfJ-
Mvina urkve fI<1 S lovens/um IThe history of the church in Slovcnia] (Celje, 1991), 61-72.
3 J. Mlinanc,op. cit., 73-74.
4 R. Camilot-O~wald, Die IiINrgischen MNlikhandschrijttn aNI dtm millt/oJttrlichen Patriarchal Aqllikio,
Teilband 1, Monumcota Monodica Medii t\evi, Subsidia If (Kassel etc. : Rareoreiter, 1997).
 THE REPERTOIRE Of SEQUENCES ...

After the Council of Trent the ritus patriarchinus was officially aban-
doned and replaced by the Roman norm. In the diocese of Lj ublj ana,
however, the old liturgical manuscripts and Aquileian prints continued to
be used: this may be seen for example in the printed lectionary of the
diocese of Ljubljana from 1613 which definitely followed Aquileian use.
It was only around the middle of the 17 th century that the old medieval
manuscripts and prints were being replaced by the new post-Tridentine
prints. 5 The introduction of the new liturgical practice led to the delib-
erate destruction of most of the liturgical manuscripts. This is docu-
mented in the visitation protocols of the Bishop Rinaldo Scarlichi from
the second half of the 17th century.6 The reconstruction of liturgical use
in the Eastern part of the patriarchate, including the reconstruction of
its repertoire of sequences, must therefore to. a large extent inevitably de-
pend on casually preserved fragments of destroyed manusc~pts.

The sources
A major source of sequences from this region is the missal o.f the parish
church of Kranj / Krainburg, in upper Carniola, dating from the begin-
ning of the 15th century. 7 The manuscript must have been written before
1412. This can be inferred from the fact that on the feast of Purification
·1412, the parish priest of Kranj, Koloman de Manswerd who was also
the canon in Strassburg in Carinthia, donated three books to the church
of Kranj, one of them being a missal,8 Since the me4ievallibrary of the
church of Krani / Krainburg has been preserved in its entirety, there can
hardly be any doubt as to the identity of Koloman's missal. Yet on the
other hand it is clear that the manuscript did not originate ~s a commis-
sion of the church of Kranj since it was presented as a dohation. The

5 F Usenicnik, "Obrednik oglejske cerkve v Ijubljanski skofiji" [The Aquileian nrual in -..the
diocese of Ljubljana], BogoJ"'''''; vtJ11ti1e IV (Ljubljana, 1924), 12>.-127.
6 A. Lavric, ljNblja"slrA J/eQfija v vi~/oQjtih Ri1lOitIo Scarlichtja 16Jt~16J2 n'he diocese of Lju-
bljana in the visitation records of Rinaldo Scarlichi 1631-1632], Acta Ecclesiastica Sloveniae
12 [Link], 1990),77,117,177,180,288.
7 The Archiepilicopal Archives Ljubljana, Ms 19 (SI-Loa, Ms 19). A\codicological description
of the manuscript is to be found io M. K()t;, Srt~ki rtI~ ~ SIDJII.g; / CfldiaJ tlllafis ",,-
dial mOllll scripti qlli in SkJven;a ,-,pm"IIbtr (Ljubljana, 1931), n. 98.
8 M. Kos,op. cit., 166.
~_6_._ _ _ Jurij Snoj

manuscript itself does not include any remarks as to its origin and thus it
is only its contents that may offer clues to its provenance.
Concerning liturgical use of the manuscript and its possible place of
origin, it should be stressed that the series of post-Pentecost alleluias in
the manuscript coincides exactly with the series in Austrian Augustinian
manuscripts.') Needless to say, the Augustinian series of post-Pentecost
alleluias does not agree with that of the ritus patriarchinus, although they
have certain similarities that point to the geographical proximity of the
patriarchal lands to the South-German regions. lO However, as regards the
alleluias of the Easter period, the missal of Kranj does agree with the d-
tus patriarchinus. 11 The liturgical use of the manuscript is thus an am-
biguous one; one could conjecture that the manuscript originated some-
where in the South, perhaps in one of the several settlements of the
Austrian Augustinians, such as Klosterneuburg, Sankt Florian, Vorau or
Seckau, or even within the patriarchal domain.
In the missal of Kranj there are altogether 59 different sequences;
being written without music, they are partly interspersed among the mass
formularies and partly collected in the commune sanctorum section at
the end of the manuscript. Many saint formularies include the incipit in- .
dication of the appropriate sequence to be found in the commune sanc-
torum section or elsewhere. In view of the fact that the missal cannot be
understood as an unambiguous representative of the ritus patriarchinus,
it is reasonable to assume that it contributed a new layer of sequences to
the already established repertoire.
Unfortunately, the repertoire of sequences as it existed in the East-
ern part of the patriarchate apart from the missal of Kranj, has had to
be extracted from dozens of fragments of graduals, missals and sequen-
tiaries, preserved almost exclusively as bookbinding material. They are
thqs scattered and concealed within a large number of printed and hand-
9 The series can be seen in the following article: H Husmann, "Zur Stellung des Messpropo-
urns der (hterrciduschen ,\ugustinerchorherren", 5 ludien zur Musiklllissenschaji 25 (1962),
263.
10 The post-Pentecost allcluia sc:nes of the ntus patriarchinus arc quoted in R. Camilot-
Oswald, op. cit., LXXVIII.
11 J. Snoj, "AleluJC vclikonocnega casa v Ijubljanskih srcdnjevcSkih rokopisih" IThe Easter pe-
riod allcluias In medieval manuscripts from LJubljanal, MIIZikololki zbornik / Mllsicological An-
111101 XXIJI (Ljubljana, 1987),21-23
 THE REPERTOIRE OF SEQUENCES ...

written volumes kept nowadays in various Slovenian libraries and ar-

chives. The fragments are of different sizes, from one to a dozen or so
folios, and it is hardly possible to assign anyone of them to the period
before the second half of the 13 th century. As for the area of influence
from which they might have originated, it is highly symptomatic that all
the notated examples belong to German notational types: the earlier
fragments are written in German adiastematic neumes and the younger
ones in gothic notation, especially the type using the diamond shaped
punctum rather than the virga as a sign for a single tone.
The sequences preserved in the fragments enlarge the fund provided
by the missal of Kranj by 28 pieces, l;>ringing the total number of the re-
constructed repertoire to 87 items. Comparing the repertoire of the nus-
sal to the repertoire of sequences in the fragments it cannot escape no-
tice that they differ to a large extent. Just as there are. 28.-sequences pre-
served in the fragments that do not appear in the missal, there ate also
18 items known only from the missal; thus there are only 41 pieces com-
mon to both missal and fragmentary sources. This proportion, or rather
disproportion, may raise serious doubts as to the legitimacy of consider-
ing both funds as one repertoire. Yet it should be stressed that the frag-
mentary material does not cover the whole liturgical year. It is therefore
reasonable to assume that in the lost parts of the destroyed manuscripts
there were items that may have considerably diminished the gap between
the missal on the one hand and the fragments on the other.

The repertoire of sequences

Obviously the reconstructed repertoire of 87 sequences, to be seen .n
the appended table - hence it will be referred to as the [Link]
repertoire - consists of manifold layers and items, differing in respect to
both area and period of creation. It is not surpcising that in the oldest
layer there are only East-Frankish sequences, those ascribed to Notker
Balbulus, the West Frankish counterparts being completely absent. There
are altogether 21 of Notker's sequences' in the repertoir-e, which is more
than two thirds of his total OUtpUt. 12 Yet the oldest' layer, being ubiqui-
12 R.L. Crocker, The EarlY Medieval Seqllence (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977),
404-405.
r----- ---- ----

1228
I
Jurij Snoj

tous, cannot be considered as a distinct characteristic of the East-Aquile-

ian repertoire. It is within the remaining 66 sequences that the specific
and representative traits could be sought. The first and the most impor-
tant question that arises in connection with this part of the East-Aquile-
ian repertoire is to what extent it agrees with the repertoire of other
Aquileian sources.
The ritus patriarchinus, or to put it more precisely, the rite that was
in use primarily in both patriarchal seats, Aquileia and Cividale, from the
13 rh century onwards, is well-known thanks to the work of Raffel1a
Camilot-Oswald. Its sequences are preserved for the most part in the se-
quentiary from Aquileia, kept now in Gorizia.13 Yet the sequence reper-
toire of the ritus patriarchinus cannot be regarded as a coherent set of
pieces since it consists of several different layers itself: among others it
comprises the St. Gall sequences, German sequences, the layer of west-
ern yet ubiquitous pieces, Dominican sequences and genuine Aquileian
items. 14 In addition to its compilatory nature the sequence repertoire of
the ritus patriarchinus also cannot be considered as representing a closed
and definite Aquileian tradition: it does not agree even with the reper-·
toire of the early Aquileian prints, e.g. with the repertoire of the printed
Aquileian missal from 1494. This missal with music written in gothic, not
in square notation, was not printed in Italy but in Augsburg. ls The fact
that its sequences do not correspond to the manuscripts of the Aquileian
seats may be perhaps due to the circumstance that it was produced in
South-German surroundings and may have been influenced to a certain
degree by a foreign, non-Aquileian liturgical tradition.
As the repertoire of the Aquileian manuscripts does not agree with
that of the Aquileian printed missals, it is not surprising that the East-
Aquileian repertoire - the one under discussion - differs from both.
Among the total of 87 sequences of the East-Aquileian repertoire there
are no less than 23 pieces that are missing in the Aquileian manuscripts
as well as in the Aquileian printed missal. The disagreement becomes still
more apparent when considering the fact that in the East-Aquileian rep-
ertoire there is only one of the genuine Aquileian sequences - those that

13 Cori:m, Scminario Tcolohnco [Link], cod. I (I-GO, I).

14 R. Carnilot-O~waIJ, op. cit., LXXIX-LXXXIII.
1S a
WC C:opingcr, Supplemmt 10 Hain's &j;erforium bibliographiCllm .ondon, 1895), n. 11 258.
 THE REPERTOIRE OF SEQUENCES .. .

seem to be present exclusively in the sources from the patriarchate of

Aquileia. The piece in question is the Marian sequence In suprema hierar-
chia, for which the Analecta Hymnica quote only one source, an Aquile-
ian gradual from the 15 th century kept now in UcUne. Incidentally, this
piece does not appear in the manuscripts of Camilot-Oswald's study and
it is not present in the printed Aquileian missal either.
Many sequences of the discussed repertoire also appear in sources
East of the patriarchal domains, thus in the 13th -century missal from Za-
greb l6 and in both mass manuscripts from Esztergom, the missal and the
gradual. l ? Yet the gradual from Zagreb, written in German neumes, may
have been copied somewhere in the southern part of the Empire; 18 cor-
respondences between the East-Aquileian repertoire and th~t of the mis-
sal from Zagreb thus attest chiefly to the diffusion of German items to-
wards the South-East. A similar claim can be made in connection with
the Esztergom sources. It should be stressed that as far as is known there
are no sequences that originated in the farthest Eastern regions in the
East-Aquileian repertoire. l ,) However, a possible exception could be the
sequence Sonent hymni Deo digni for the feast of St. Aegidius, the old~st
source of which appears to be the famous Codex Pray, kept now in Bu-
dapest, although the piece does not seem to have been restricted to a
narrow area. 20
The majority of those pieces that do not appear in the fitus patri-
archinus - neither in the manuscripts nor in the printed missal- seem to
have been known and to have circulated within the southern parts of the,
Empire. The sequence Christus Iacobum vocavit for instance is known in
16 Zagreb, Nacionalna i sveu6ilisna biblioteka, MR 70 (HR-Zu, MR 70). For the list of se-
quences and their discussion see H. Breko, "Da:i Missale MR 70 der Zagreber Metropolitan-
bibliothck - Untersuchungen '[Link] EntstehuQgskontext") S ndnjlVtIM glasbo v Slovntiji M njene
evropsh tr.{jJondRice / M,dieval Music in S 10'",,;0 and its EllrrJ/JItnI Conll,diofIJ (Ljubljana, 1998),
133-144.
17 Miss(1u II0/ohim SlrigollimIe, cd. by Jaoka Szcndrci and Richard Rybaric, Musica1ia Danubiana 1
(Budapest, 1982); the list of sequences is 00 pp. 96-96; GradNalt [Link], ed. by Janka
Szendrei, Musicalia Danubiana 12 (Budapest, 1993); the list of sequences is on pp. 208-209.
18 H. Breko, op. at, 140.
19 For the special Bohemian sequences see H. \%ova, uDas Repertorium der Sequenzen in
Bohmcn bis 1400", CanlllS PlonJlS. PtJj>ffl Read (1/ the Follrlh MNtin!" Pies, Hlllltpry, 1990 (Buda-
pest, 1992),467-468.
20 AB 9,90.
,- - - - --
Jurij Snoj

Freising and Sankt Florian;21 Magne Deus Adoncry for the feast of the
Translation of St. Nicholas has been preserved in a Viennese source,22
Veneremur bodie bas/am for the feast De lancea et corona in Salzburg;2J to
the same group of pieces may belong the variant Conceptio Mariae virgims,
known otherwise, also in the ritus patriarchinus, as Nativitas Mariae virgi-
nis. I t is symptomatic that the textual variant "Conception appears also in
many South-German sources. 24 The sequence Stabat iuxta Christi crucem
for the feasts of St. Mary within the paschal time is also ascertained for
Austrian manuscripts, being obviously a 14rh -century creation. 25 This se-
quence appears in East-Aquileian sources in a fragment written in Ger-
man neumes, dating from the second half of the 14th century at the lat-
est; the fragment could be therefore one of the earliest sources for the
.. .
pIece In questlon.
For some sequences it appears as though they would have traveled
from the North to the South, reaching finally the East-Aquileian territo-
ries. The sequence lesu fili summi paln's, which is known from the St. GalJ
sources of the 1rh century, appears in Styria, in Seckau in the 14th cen-
tury,2li to be found finally in a fragment of a missal from the Eastern part
of the patriarchate. A similar case is the sequence Plausu laeto iubifemus for
the feast of St. Erentrud, the first abbess of the Salzburg Nonnberg. The
sources of this piece come from Salzburg, Klosterneuburg, Styria, Gurk
in Carinthia,27 and finally from the Eastern part of the patriarch ate. Cer-
tainly, the itineraries as outlined are conjectures since there are still many
unknown and unexplored sources.
A case that deserves special attention is the sequence Laetabundus de-
lJote le laudet for the feast of St. Catherine. There are four St. Catherine se-
quences with similar incipits in the Analecta Hymnica, all of them being
textual paraphrases of the Marian sequence Laetabundus exsultel fide/is cho-
rus. 2/l Besides having been created in imitation of the same western yet
21 ,\/I 9, 1:4.
22 ,\ I r 10, 278.
23 AI19,24.
24 AI I 54,289-290.
25 ,\Il 8, 56.
26 All 54,336-337.
27 .\ 11 9, 151
28 AH 9, n. 262;:\[ 140, n. 260; ,\1 [ 44, n. 196; ;\11 :'4,11. 54 .
 THE REPERTOIRE OF SEQUENCES ...

largely known item, the St. Catherine sequences also reveal mutual influ-
ences: on comparing their poetic texts it seems that they have been mod-
eled one after the other; they represent thus a chain of closely related
pieces. Because of this it is not surprising that the piece from the East-
Aquileian repertoire does not correspond completely to anyone of the
known texts but represents instead a new textual variant. It may be men-
tioned that the Laetabundus St. Catherine sequences appear over a large
area, in sources that extend from St. Gall in the West to Krakow in the
East; however, paraphrasing the piece seems to have been occurring only
at the close of the Middle Ages, since none of the sequences in question
appears in a source before the first half of the 15th century.29
Finally, in the reconstructed East-Aquileian repertoire there are also
some pieces that may be regarded as rare items for which at present no
account can be given. 30

Conclusions
From the study of sequences in the sources from the Eastern part of the
patriarchate of Aquileia some general conclusions can be drawn:
1. It is symptomatic that the sequence repertoire of the manuscripts
from the Aquileian seats, itself being made up of several different layers,
does not agree with the repertoire of the Aquileian prints. Generally
speaking, the selection of sequences as parts of the mass proper appears
to have been fairly unrestricted and free.
2. Ecclesiastical obedience does not seem to have been the most in-
fluential factor in forming a repertoire of sequences. The presence or
absence of different layers or even single items appears to have been due
to general cultural influences which in turn ran parallel with political ties.
Thus it is understandable that in the case of the East-Aquileian reper-
toire the most significant influence w.a,s that from the North and not
from the West.
3. In her discussion of the ritus patriarchinus, Raffaena Caihilot-
Oswald - somehow modestly:..... stated that the actual study of the liturgy
29 See critical notes to the pieces guoted in the preceding footnote.
30 Unfortunately, F-K Prassl's dissertation on the sequences of the Austrian Augustinians
(Pso//ot ecclesia mater IGrar., 1987]) has not been available by the writing of this article.
r -

1 232 _ _ __ __ Jurij Snoj

and music within the patriarch ate of Aquileia still had to be done. 31 This
was to say that the actual indices of the Aquileian manuscripts do repre-
sent a reliable starting point for any study of the subject, but that the
question still remains as to what extent the liturgy of the patriarchal seats
should be understood as a standard to be observed all across the patriar-
chal domains. The study of East-Aquileian sources clearly shows that as
regards sequences the liturgy within the patriarchate of Aquileia was far
from being consistent.

31 It Camilot-Oswald, or. cit., XXIX.

 THE REPERTOIRE Of SEQUENCES ...

The sequences in the East-Aquileian sources 32

INCIPIT FEAST CONCORD. SOURCE AH
-
1 Ad cekbres rex caelice Michaelis MZ Fa, Fh 53, 190
2 Ad laudes sa/vatoris De confessore PM K 54,88
pont.
3 [Link] pasehalis esu potuque Fer. 3 post Pascha NPMZS K 53,50
4 [Link] triumphali Martyrwn NPMZS K,Fk 53,229
5 Ave Mana gratia plena BrvIV PZS Fs 54,216
6 IAve praeclara mans sulla BMV PMZS K, Fa, Fk 50,241
7 Benedicta semper sancta Dom. Trinitatis PMZS K,Fh 53,p.139
8 Caeli enarrant gloriam In Divisione ap. PMZS 1<, Fa, -Fh, Fr, 50,267
Dei Fs ,

9 Caeli regem attoiamus Annae matris M K 55,p.73

10 Christus Iacobum vocavil Iacobi K 9,233
11 Clare saneforum Apostolorum NPMZS K. Fb, Fk 53,228
12 CiaruJ dies et deeorus Sigismundi M Fk 8,278
13 Concetttu parili In Purificatione NPMZS K, Fa, Fh, Fs 53,99
14 Conceptio Mariae virginis In Conceptione
.
Fh 54, 188
15 CongaJIdeant angekJt'JIm In Assumptione NPMZ K, Fa, Fh 53, 104
.hon·
16 De profundis tenebrat'JIm In Depositione PMZ Fh 55,p.91
Augustini
17 Deus in lua virtute Andreae PMZ K,Fa 53, 1-22
18 Diu irat Pro defunctis P Fs 54, 178

32 The abbreviations: Fa: fragments from the Archiepiscopal Archives Ljubljana (SI-Lna);
Fb: fragments from the Library of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Ljuhl;ana
(SI-Lsa); Fe: fragments from the Cistercian abbey, Sticna; Ph: fragments from the Histori
cal Archives Ljubljana (SI-Lz); FIt: fragments from the Fraoci!tcao monastery, Kamnik
(Sl-KAt); Fn: fragments from the National and University Libtary, Ljubljaoa (SI-Ln,
SI-Lnr); Fr: fragments from the Archives of the Republic of Slovcnia, Ljubljaoa (SI-:Las);
Fs: fragments from the Seminary Library, L,jubljana (SJ-J..sk); K.: missal of Kran; ([Link],
Ms 19); M: Mi~'Sale Aquileiense, Augsburg 1494; N: Notker Balhulus; P: ritus patriarchinus;
S: missal and gradual of Esztergom; Z: missal of Zagreb (HR-Zu, MR 70).
 Jurij Snoj
-----~
11NCIPIT FEAST CONCORD. SOURCE AH
- - - - -- -- - ---
19 DlIedus Deo et hominibus De simplici con fess, M K 54,90
20 DIxit dominus: ex Bassan In Conversione PZ K, Fh, Fs 50,269
Pauli
I
21 IEta ruolamus laud/bus NatlV1tas 2 PMZS K, Fh, Fr 53, 16
,
22 jExcelsl pas/on's vincula In Vinculis Petri K ?
23 Exsultent jtliaf SlOn ,Virginum PMZS K,Fk 50,271
24 Festa Clm'sll Omnlf IIn [Link] NPMZS K 53,29
25 ,Gaude Del genetnx quam B~fY K 53,p,20
I

26 IGaude maler /umtnis B~fY PZS Fk 54,225

27 ICaude Sion quod egreSJus Elisabeth rvfZS K,Fh 55,p,14O
28 !Grates nUllc omlleJ Nativltas 1 PMZS K,Fh 53,10
I
29 iGrates sa/valon ae regt Fer, 4 post Pascha N?-.1ZS K 53,52
30 IGratulelut" orb/s totus /I\hrgaritae K, Fh, Fr 55,p,260
31 IJ-laeo- esl sancta sollemnitas Fer. 6 post Pascha NPZ K,Fh 53,56
32 iHane mncordi(amulalu Stepharu NPMZS K, Fh, Fs 53,215
I

33 IJ-]m' il1 natalilio Georgil Z Fh 55, p, 168

34 !Hodiernae jestum /ua's De [Link] er corona M K 54, 140
?)5 IHodiernae/estum fuels est i\chatii Fh 55,p,47
36 jHodiernae lux dIei celebn.r BI\fV PMZS K, Fa, Fh 54,219
37 IJesu fili SUl1Jml paIns Bl\1V Fr 54,215
38 \1n suprema hierarehia BM\, Fh 37, 82
,:
39 iIndite psal/amus IHenrici imperatoris
I
Fh, Fr 55,p,254
40 iloannef Iesu Chnsto Ioanrus NPMZS K, Fb, Fh, Fs 53, 168
41 lubilemus Deo In'no Kunigundae Z Fs 55,p,241
42 Laetabundus devote le Catherinae Fh ?
I/at/det
43 ILaetabundus exsultet fi- BM\, PMS Fk 54,2
Idehs
44 i Laetabundus ,rit iocundu.r Thomae ep, K ~

45 uuda Jiol1 sa/valorem Corporis Christ] PMZS K, Fb 50,385

46 Laude CIJnSIO debita NlCoial PZ K, Fh 55,p,296
 THE REPERTOIRE OF SEQUENCES ...

-
INCIPIT FEAST CONCORD. SOURCE AH
47 UlldeS Chnsto redempti Dom. 1 post Pascha Z Fh 53,45
48 Lalldes trocis attolamus Inlnventionecru~ PMS Fh 42, 13
49 Laudes Deo concinat orbis Fer. 5 post Pascha NS K 53,53
50 LalldeS sa/voton' voce Dom. Resurrecti- NPMZS Fa, Fh, Fn 53,36
orus
51 Laurenti David magtzi Laurentii NPMZS K, Fa, Fh 53,173
52 wus sit regi gloriae Agnetis p Fh,Fr 5S,p.62
53 Lous tibi Christe palris Innocentum PMZ K, Fh, Fs 53, 157
54 Lous tibi Christe qui cs Mariae Magdalenae PMZS K, Fa, Fh 50.268 .
55 Magne Deus Adonqy Trans, Nicolai K 10,368
56 Mane pnma sabbati Sabb. post Pascha S K 54, 143
57 Mittit ad virginem non BMV PMS K 54, 191
58 Mundi renovatio nova IDom. 1 post Pascha PMS K,Fh 54, 148
59 Natus ante saecula Nativitas 3 NPMZS K,Fh 53, 15
60 () beata beatorum Martyrum PMS K, Fk, Fr, Fs 55.p.20
61 Omnes sancti seraphin Omnium sancto- NPMZS 1<, Fa. Fh . 53, 112
rum
62 Pangamus creatoris atque Fer. 2 post Pascha PMZS K,Fa 53,46
63 Petre summe Christi pa- Petri et Pauli NPMZS K, Fa, Fh 53,210
star
64 Plausu chorus lactabundo Evangelistarum PMZS K, Fh, Fk, Fs 55,p.9
65 Plausu /mto mbikmus Erentrudis Fh 9,201
66 Psa/lat eccksia mater In Dedicatione ec- NPMZ K. Eh, Fk 53,247
clesiae
67 Psa/lite regi nos/ro In Decoll. Ioannis PMZ Fs 50,270
Bapt.
68 Rex Deus Dei Dom. 1 post Pascha Z " Fh 50,p.31 1
69 Saardotem Christi Marti- Martini PMZS K, Fa, Fh 53, 181
num
~6 _ _ _ __ Jurij Snoj

INCIPIT FEAST CONCORD. SOURCE AH

- - - -- - "- - - ----

70 Salve mater salvatons BI\fV PM Fa, Fh, Fs 54,p. 383

71 Salve Tboma Thomae apostoli M Fh 55,354
72 Sandi baptistae Clmsti Ioannis Baptistae NPMZS K, Fa, Fh 53, 163
I

73 ISancli splfittls aJ"Jit nobis Dom. Penteeostes NPMZS K, Fa, Fs 53, 70

!
74 Sanc!iSJimae llirginis voliva Catherinae PM K, Fa 55,p.229
75 Serpens anliquus In Inventione erucis Z K, Fh, Fn 50,278
76 Sonent hJ1mni Dco digni Aegidii Fn 9,110
77 Spe mercedis et wronae De uno martyre PMS K 55, p. 14
78 Slabat iuxta Chnsli BMV Fk 8, 58
C"f"Ucem
79 Slirpe Man"a In Coneeptione NPMZS Fh,Fs 53,95
80 ISummi In·ump/mm regis In Ascensione NPMZS K, Fh 53,67
81 iVeneremur hodie hastam De lancea et corona Fh 9,21
82 Iveni praecelsa domina IIn Visitatione P K 54,193
83 IL/eni sane!e spin"tus Fer. 2 post Pent. PMS K, Fa, Fs 54, 153
84 IVerbum bonum et suave BMV PM K, Fk 54,218
85 verbum Dei Deo natutlt IoaruUs ante portam MZ K 55,p.211
86 1/ 'ietimac paschali Dom. Resurreeti- PMZS K, Fa, Fe, Fh, 54, 7
orus Fr
87 Virgin! Mantu laudes in- BMV PMS K, Fa, Fk 54, 18
tonen!
 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 2371

Gdbor Kiss A CHANGE OF PARADIGM

IN THE HISTORY OF
COMPOSITION - FACTS AND
REFLECTIOWS CONCERNING
LITURGICAL FORMULAS
AND ORDINARY CYCLES

The concept of the Ordinarium Missae in some way represents the symbol
of a compositional paradigm. It is one of the basic concepts of our es-
thetics, which we connect generally with the design of a complex and at
the same time closed musical form, more accurately~ the b@ginning of
cyclic compositional thinking. The dosedness of an esthetic product
means, in this context, that in the creation of its unity, among
. others, in-
"

herent regularities and well definable musical means play a great role.
oWhile, the change of model in" compositional thinking and its connec-
cion with cyclic design is unquestionable, the interpretati"0ns may be very
different concerning how it happened and how it relates to music histori-
cal epochs. On the whole, we can accept the view, that this cange of
paradigm separates the liturgical monody and the development con-
nected with the evolution of artistic polyphony. But if we do so, it calls
for an explanation that we can see instances of an effort to create
"closed" cycles ~ including the use of musical means for it - in the field
of the liturgical monody as well. The different interpretations found in
the literature are due partly to differe~t observations -but also to \be im-
plied confrontation of monody and polyphony. Among them, we find
sometimes polarized formulations, either they approach the que-stion
from plainchant or from polyphony.
According to the most generally accepted interpretation, coined by
Peter Wagner, a combination of ordinary movements into a kind of
cycle, and similarly the use of the label Ordinarium Missae for that, must
 Cabor Kiss -l
--------~

be regarded as a late development. J Although, in this part of his defini-

tion Wagner still refers to a linking of definite ordinary melodies to each
other, i.e. a logical connection between them, he also had an opinion
abou t the (occurring) thematic connections of the pieces of a cycle.
Namely, behind such, otherwise very rare and late instances, we are obvi-
ously faced with the motive of an imitation of the polyphonic masses.
Wagner's view became an axiomatic starting point for musicologists deal-
ing with the question, e.g. Bukofzer, Stablein or partly Haberl (in his gen-
eral \\lork on the Kyriale Romanum), to mention only the most impor-
tant ones. 2 This widely-accepted notion was challenged in 1955 by Leo
Schrade, who claimed that the cyclic Mass must have evolved in the field
of liturgical monody, and far from being an imitation of polyphonic
cycles, it evolved independently from the latter. His sensational-looking
statements were based on the examination of a single source, an Ordo
m/ssaiis secundum consuetudinem romane curie from Toulouse dated from the
first hal f of the 14th century. This is a key-source concerning the matter,
for it contains both plainchant and polyphonic cycles. The fact that the
polyphonic "Mass of Toulouse" is an addition to the manuscript from
60-70 years later, was regarded by Schrade as evidence of the primacy of
the plainsong cycles over the polyphonic ones. Leaving out of considera-
tion for the moment that in the ten cycles only partial melodic associa-
tion can be found, a single example can prove at most a temporal pri-
macy and does not shed light on a question that is not a chronological
one but rather a question of the history of thought. In this respect, the
different opinions of Schrade and Wagner are not simply a consequence
of thelr different knowledge, but of their different relation to the ques-
tion of the change of paradigm. In the view of Schrade the particular
facts are emphasised, while the importance of the change of paradigm is
disregarded. On the other hand, Wagner distances himself from the new
model, which he connects definitely to the field of artistic polyphony,
trivializing the occurrences of cycles in the plainchant repertory. Per-

Peter Wagncr. EinJiihrung in die Gregonaniscben MelodieJ1 Ill. O.,cipzig, 1921), 438.
:2 l'[Link] I:. Bukofzer. Sludies in Medieval and ReJ1a/ssance MIIS1C (New York, 1950), 224; Bruna
Stablein. "f\bse", ",\gnus Dei". MGG 9. col. 147-158, MGG 1, col. 14&-156; F. HaberL
Dm Kyna/I' Romanllm (Rq!cnsburg, 1975).
L________________A_c_H_A_N_G_E_O_F_p__~_RA_D_I_G_M_._...______________~_2~39
haps, we can find a middle path, wich does not compel us to contrast the
two fields with each other.
An understanding of the matter is made even more difficult by ter-
minological inconsistencies and by different ways of putting the ques-
tions. For example, the key-term cycle is understood differendy by differ-
ent authors. It refers sometimes merely to a combination of movements
into a liturgical unity, elswhere it implies the musical connection of them
too. Because of this ambiguity, for the liturgical unification of definite
melodies Stablein applies the term "Formular", i.e. form, formula, which
does not have esthetic implications. Different authors contrast plainchant
and polyphonic music from different points of view. Sometimes the
question is raised concerning simply the origin of the employment of
the term "Mass" for a set of ordinary movements~ More frequently 'the
question of the closed, musically unified cycle is put to the centre. More-
over, Haberl states, that the "zyklische Zusammenstellung ist nicht aus
der Praxis der Polyphonie hervorgegangen" while, he uses the term cycle
obviously in the sense of Stablein's FormqIar.
In order to judge the matter impartially, it seems reasonable to survey
afresh the development of liturgical monody from this point of view. We
have in Pilrticular to deal with the following questions: how the ordinary
melodies were handled in the sources in different epochs and regions;
whether or not the evidence suggests that they were treated differently
from other genres; whether or not the sources suggest that ordinary
melodies were regarded as items belonging together; and what tenden-
cies (if any) can be observed in these ·respects over the centuries. These
are by far not new and unexamined questi9ns in the study of ca~tus
planus, still, a comprehensive reconsideration of them might contribute
to a better understanding of the whole matter. ---
As a starting point I take a somewhat simplified and extreme state- '
.ment by Frere, according to which the many ordinary formulas, used be-
tween the 9th and 12th centuries, are unique solutions without any indica-
tion of standardization, and the selection of the individual components
of the formulas seems to be occasional without the employment of any
organizational principles ..3 This of course does not accord with the real-

3 Waltcr Howard here, "Mass", Groves Dictionary of Mllsic and Mtlsician.r, Vollll, 342-343.
r --
1 240 Gabor Kiss

ity, as is obvious from many later works on ordinary melodies as well as

from ordinary catalogues: although, these melodies were treated with
more freedom than other genres, they were likewise integrated into the
liturgical order, as can be observed from the earliest sources on. So, there
existed an organizational principle for them, but it was liturgical and not
esthetical in nature. In the following I try to survey the different types of
liturgical and codicological arrangment of ordinary melodies regarding
periods, and historical tendencies, letting myself be inspired by Stablein's
approach to a certain extent.
It appears that the earliest method is when the ordinary melodies are
inserted to their own position in the liturgical and festal order similarly to
the proprium items. This practice can be documented already from the
11th century, mainly in Italian, Beneventan and French sources, but by
the late Middle Ages it disappears gradually and gives way to other pro-
cedures. How can we interpret this usage of the genres of "unaltered
text"? According to Richard Crocker's formulation we can regard this
method as the paradox of making of ordinaries proper. 4 The means of
such a concrete assignment of ordinary pieces to a special feast as
"proper" melody is not the melody itself but a trope. The melody may
be assigned to several places or parts of the liturgical order, like a piece
from the commune, the reason for the insertion of it to a definite place
of the codex being the trope text. Although, in this arrangement the or-
dinary melodies of a given mass are not placed side by side, Stablein re-
gards the melodies belonging to a particular feast to indirect formulas. 5
This view is problematic and is obviously a result of applying a later or
at least a different concept to an earlier phase: the sources themselves
give no signs of a differentiation between ordinary and other melodies in
the period under discussion. It is also true in the cases of a variant solu-
tion of the above-detailed method. In this variant only the main feasts
are supplied with "proper" ordinaries, otherwise the sourses give only in-
cipits in the temporale and record the whole melodies in a special section
functioning as a kind of commune. However, neither in this special part,
a sort of troper, do the ordinary melodies receive special treatment, since
they are intermingled with other pieces, proper ones and tropes being
4 Richard Crocker. "Mass", The New Grove} Dictionary oJ Music and MllsicianJ. VoL 11, 774.
5 Bruno Stiblcin, "Messc", MGG 9, col. 153.
 A CHANGE OF PARADIGM ...

also excluded from the main section of the codex. We c~ regard the so-
lution to a next step in this direction, where the main section remains al-
ready untouched entirely and all additional or "movable' element, ordi-
naries, sequences and proper tropes are collected in a separate troper. In
such tropers it occurs that several ordinary melodies - beyond the usual
Kyrie-Gloria pair - are placed immediately side by side, but so excep-
tionally that the concept of the ordinary formula appears to remain still
beyond the horizon.
An essentially different arrangement of the medieval manuscripts is
where the ordinary melodies are entirely separated and placed into the
so-called Kyriale. In such cases the scope of the melodies is indicated by
a rubric, and is sometimes confirmed by a reference to the melodies in
the definite place of the temporale or sanctorale. SimilacFly to the previ-
ously discussed arrangements, the stock of melodie.s is arranged also
here according to the liturgical principle. However, the appearance and
general use of this codicological arrangement might represent a decisive
moment concerning the evolution of an attitude in which ordinary
pieces are treated in a special way. Concerning the special status of the
mass ordinary and causes behind it, there are conflicting interpretation.s
in the literature. In some of them a certain retrospective attitude can be
observed again, in so far as the concept connected with the polyphonic
cycles is projected back to the Middle Ages. One typical manifestation of
it is to attach special significance to the ordinary formulas regarding it as
the essence of the liturgy in accordance with the esthetical importance'
of the polyphonic mass. For example, in the view of [Link] the reason
for the codicological separation of the ordinary melodies must 'be noth-
ing else but their high liturgical rank. Furthermore, he sugges~s, . that alSG
the evolution of the later cycles, at that time already of esthetical charac-
ter, may be traced back somehow to this-circumstance. Accordihg t('j-the
opposite view - e.g. that of Cracker - the separation of the melodies is
rather a consequence of regarding them as inferior to the other parts of
the liturgical material, their being additional and "non-offici~". Conse-
quently, it is ungrounded to connect the estheticaLrelevance of cyclic
compositional thinking and the liturgical importance of the Ordinarium
Missae with each other. Both interpretations are hypothetical and we can
fmd arguments and objections for both of them. However, the fact is
1242-----·------
L ___ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ Cab~r Kiss

that already from the 11 th century on the ordinary movements are placed
more and more frequently to a Kyriale and it is quite possible that beside
the liturgical organizing principle we have to regard this trivial codi-
cological arrangement as a decisive factor as far as the evolution of the
formulas and in the end cycles are concerned.
During the Middle Ages several variations evolved for the arrange-
ment of a Kyriale. One type, as is well known, is one where the pieces
follow each other arranged according to genres. This type can be docu-
mented already from the 11 rh century, beginning with Italian and French
sources, but later it became widely accepted and remained in use up
to the late Middle Ages (it can be documented from central European in-
cluding Hungarian sources as well). Though, neither in these cases are
the movements belonging to one and the same Mass placed side by side,
however, their logical connection can be realized with the help of the ru-
brics. \Y./e have more reason to speak of formulas, even if indirect ones,
when the Kyriale repertory is grouped in Kyrie-Gloria and/or Sanctus-
Agnus pairs in the manuscript. This type of arrangement appears by the
12th century and soon became general. The significance of it lies in the
fact that beside their logical-liturgical connection the ordinary melodies
belonging to one and the same mass are placed de facto side by side (it can
be mentioned, that among others the majority of the Hungarian sources
follow this method). That a thinking in complete cycles is just one step
from this arrangement can be illustrated by a 15 th century source, which
beside the usual Kyrie-Gloria and Sanctus-Agnus pairs gives also a table
of all cycles with incipits on the first folio (see Example 1). A connec-
tion of a Kyrie and a Gloria melody hardly calls for an explanation, since
the latter follows the former immediately in the functional order of the
Mass liturgy. Consequently, it appears quite natural, that their liturgical or
ceremonial connection is expressed also by musical means. One of the
two fashions generally accepted is represented by a concrete quasi-syn-
tactical connection of the end of the Kyrie and the beginning of the
Gloria, resembling the technique of the Psalm differentiae (see Example
2/ a) .(' The other, more abstract solution is the employment of a motto,
resulting in "anaforic" correspondences between the incipits of the two
6 The Identification numbcr~ of the mcloJic~ u~cd in the examples come from: Margarctha
[Link]-Melnickl. Das einslimlmge K)"ie rles lateinisc/Jen Miltelaller.r (Rcgcn:\burg, 1955); Detlev
 A CHANGE OF PARADIGM . ..

melodies (see Example 2/b). A ]jturgical connection of the Sanctus and

Agnus movements is far from so obvious. Some authors (e.g. Schild-
bach 1) refer somewhat superficially to similarities between their liturgical
or theological meaning and their texts and regard these as the basis for a
codicological or musical connection of the two items. Though we have
every reason to be sceptical about such interpretations, it is true enough
that a musical relationship affecting complete ordinary melodies mani-
fests itself with frequency first in this very field. According to the litera-
ture, a motivic connection between Sanctuses and Agnuses can be traced
back at least to the lOth century, and in later sources the procedure ap-
pears so general, that sometimes the Agnus is not notated, but only re-
ferred to, either by a rubric or an insertion of its text under the Sanctus,
indicating that the Agnus must be sung to the same melody.
The practice of compiling complete ordinary formulas can also be
documented already from the It-12th century. In the instances of this
practice we can' speak in fact of closed cycles if not in an esthetical but
liturgical and codicological sense. The procedure can not be connected
edusively with definite geographical regions, it can be found in German,
French and Italian, secular and likewise monastic sources as ·well. Nor
can this method be connected with the habit of using melodic corre-
spondences between the ordinary melodies belonging to the same for-
mwa. According to an examination of many ordinary sources (from
Western and Eastern Europe as well) it appears to us~ that the custom of
connecting the melodies musically to each other and the way of looking
at ordinary melodies as belonging together logically, liturgically or stilis-
ticallyare not mutually inclusive.
Where the frequent musical correspondence of the ordinary melo-
dies is concerned, behind them another compositional attitude is con-
cealed. Namely, the general practice of reusing pre-existing material
unscrupulously, which might be regarded as another compositional para~
digm, very typical of the Middle Ages. It is commonly known, that al-
most one third of the Agnus melodies were used also as Sanctus, and

Bosse, Untmllchllng einstimmiger milteloiterlicher Melodien 'ZUIII "Glorio in «xce/sir 010" (Erlangen,
1954).
7 ~lartin SchiIdbach, Dos einstimmigt AgnHJ Dei find seine hontlschriftliche Oberliifmmg vom 10. his
<;!Jiff 16. JahrbHndert (ErJangen, 1967),52.
1244 Gabor Kiss

frequently Kyrie and Sanctus or Agnus movements were built on the

same melodic material. Among Gloriae the reuse of whole melodic ma-
terials are rare, because of the syllabic and specially structured Gloria
text, however, a motto-like citation of other ordinary melodies occurs
here as well. Though differently from the liturgical formulas, also the ad-
aptations indicate that in medieval thinking ordinary pieces were sepa-
rated from other genres to a certain extent. While it is true, that the
boundaries of the ordinary adaptations are not fixed - sometimes the
use of antiphons, responsories ete. also occurs - however, the over-
whelming majority of the adaptations remains in the sphere of ordinary
movements.
The melodic correspondances as a result of the adaptation practice
can be interpreted as belonging to the question of the history of melody
rather than that of esthetic relastionshjps. Nothing points to it more than
the circumstance that from such adaptations a considerable number of
virtual cycles could be compiled, while their common appearance in real-
ity is much more rare. It occurs, that the pieces built on the same me-
lodic material are not parts of the same formula, or even the same
source. There are examples, where widely accepted Sanctus and Agnus
versions of an individual melody are detached from each other in one
tradition, while are put into the same cycle in another etc. I give a few
example of it, where the melodies belonging to the same mass are repre-
sented by identical shading. I also added short commentaries to the ta-
bles to make it easier to understand them (see Example 3).
I t is a fact that the intention of creating complete liturgical formulas
and at the same time connecting the items by musical means as well go
together relatively late, but then more and more frequently (see again Ex-
ample 1, where the frame indicates such a cycle). Perhaps, it might be of
some interest, that the consideration of a possible esthetic connection of
liturgically connected melodies appears in the field of theoretical reflec-
tions as well, even if, the following formulation has according to the evi-
dences of the sources little to do with real practice, at least concerning
ordinary melodies. Jacobus de Luttich in the 6th chapter of his Speculum
Musicae (that is around the beginrung of the 1320s) speaks of the tonal
unity of the pieces belonging to the same mass (including the Orrunary
Melodies), saying it is nice, when omnes facti cantus in missa correspondenter es-
 A CHANGE OF PARADIGM .. . 2451

sent unius toni. 8 However, in real practice, the generally-used means for an
esthetic unification of liturgical items is the musical-motivic similarity.
In the musicological literature up to the 50s the appearance of com-
plete monophonic cycles connected also motivically was dated to the 15th
century. The key source from this point of view is the monastic manu-
script from Oberaltaich, dating from 1452, which contains a single 'such
cycle. ') Although a somewhat earlier source from Turin has not less than
six such cycles,1O their historical relevance is questionable, since they are
later additions to a non-liturgical manuscript containing mainly poly-
phonic music. This picture was modified by Leo Schrade's discovery, by
which the date of appearance of the first monophonic cycles with partial
use of motivic associations can be shifted back practically a c~ntuty, to
the period when an extensive or partial melodic connection of all, .or a
few of the ordinary movements 'seems to
be a wide-spread phenome-
non. And, if we do not approach the matter with the concept of the
polyphonic Mass Ordinary, we do not have any reason to see a funda-
mental difference between the musical connection of only two, three or
all ordinary melodies. Accepting this, nor we do have reason to regard
the musical integration of the monophonic ordinary pieces as a result of
an imitation of polyphonic masses. The complete monophonic, cycle is a
special, no doubt late manifestation of an attitude developed during the
late Middle Ages, in the formation of which several components, namely
liturgical, codicological circumstancies, generalprocedlJres in the history
of melody and even esthetic considerations might have played a part.
This does not mean that we are ' allowed to judge . the attitudes behind
,

plainchant or polyphonic cycles in the same way. Nor do I challenge the

view that the established tradition of mass compositions forms a part of
that change of paradigm in the history of comp't>sition, which is related
to the development of polyphonic music. But, a shatpdistinction of the
is
two fields is, unjustified. More fruitful to try to discover the fe·atures
of the ordinary repertory which might have formed the conceptual basis
of the polyphonic compositions in the, course of the gradual change of
paradigm.
8 Edmond de Coussemakcr, Scriplom tit MNsica MttfiiAevi 11. (paris, 1864), 33-8a-b.
9 Munich, Staatsbibliothck elm. 9508, f. 298v-299v.
10 Torino Bibliotcca Nazionale Ms. J. 11, 9.
 N
~
0"1

[)
tl),
er
o....
c;
VI
VI

Ex. 1 Cycles from a Kyriale (Graduale Olomucense, 1452, f 1v; Olomouc Zemsky archN CO 195.)
[ A CHANCE OF PARADIGM ...

IF I,f 27(,1' (Mclnicki 217) (H()ssc 11)

• •

in ex - eel - sis De - 0 ...

l. - . ·-r •
......... Ky - ri - e ley-son. Glo - ri . a in ex - eel- sis De - 0...

U.: ([Link] GB) (l3ossc 11)

-=1' -tr-~ ··far! ,r-". r-~

' -&
M
· · -.-)~..-.-.??f=- fir+
........ Ky ri . e e le - i-son. Glo - ri - a in ex - eel -sis De - 0 ...
IIVI, f 2(;9, (Bo ss., 56)

..... Ky ri - e ley-son. y - ma<;. Glo - ri - a in ex-cel-sis De - 0 ...

Ex.2/a Types of musical connection between Kyrie and Gloria

melodies

HOIst 5

Glo - ri - a in ex-cel - sis De - 0 ...

1"11, r2NI' (Mclnicki 137)

Ky - ri - e ley-son. Glo - ri· a in ex - eel· sis De· 0 ...

In;. 275 (~Iclnlcki 111) (I3ossc37)

Ky· ri· e lay-son. Glo - ri - a in ex - eel - sis De - 0 ...

lld, j. 132, (tvlclmcki 96)

Ky ri - e ley·son. Glo - ri - a to ex . eel - sis De - 0 ...

 ccilio~ Klss-- -- -- - - ------------ I
--------~

Ky n e ley - son. Gla· n - a In el: - eel SIS De - 0 Et In ter ra pax ha - /1".1 - ri' - bus

!l.o.

Ky n e leysen Glo· f: - a 1(1 eJ. - eel SI$ De· 0 El In ter ra ~ax no ri-bus

Ex.2/b -l\'pe~
of musical connection ber-veen Kyne and Glona
melodies

KR-46 PR-1714 FU WL CA

~. .... .~ .. .
-

Ky rl e ley son

Glo c a n ex eel SIS De

~ ......
San
--.- .,..
ctus. San CtU5
A
~.

San
--

"'" clus

~ -

{"7: .,...;.
.' I-!
" I

A gnus De I qUi tal lis

Ex.3/a Virtual and actual ordinary cycles

The melodr can be documented from a relatively large number of Central

I ':uropean S()urcc~_ Though all four settings are in use, they are rarely connected
,,-lth each other in onc and the same source (an excepuon is Kr-46). The source
from Prague (pr 171·i) uses all of them but \vith different rubncs. In Ca and Fu
three melodies arc notated, \"1 knows only the Sanctus-Agnus pair,

11 \CC()rdlllg t() lis C()1l111l1J:lt101l it lurns out to be a different piece than Hosse 10
12 Th, mei",i\ h :lklll to 1\lcillickl ii'l printed here, but not l11c1uded 111 \fcll1lck!', cJ.t,ti(lguc
 A Cl lANGI or PARADIGM .. 24')

FU TRA WL CA, KR-1651

.~ -<,..,1" ~"'J
Ky n-e e ley - son

Glo - n-a In ex- eel· $IS Oe-o

San - ctus, San· ctus San ctus

ft=;...;....
....~
~.-
<

A g'lUS De - : qUi tal - iis

Ex.3/b Virtual and actual ordinary c,'cles

In Fu and Tra the Kyrie and the Sanctus-:\gnus are assigned to different occa-
sions, typically of the Esztergom use. \\1, Ca and K1' 1651 use them with the
function widely accepted in Central Europe. Ca and K1'-1651 deserve speClal at-
tention from the point of view of the quesuon of cycles, since they complete
their cycle by a Gloria, the initial motif of which is similar to that of the basic
melody.

HCNGARY POLAND VYSEHRAD

Ky n - e ley . son

~.~~~1I'"iIF---
"
San ctus

A gnus

Ex.3/c Virtual and actual ordinan c,'cles

125 °._ _ _ _ Cabor Kiss J
The Kyrie is an "Einzelmelodie" unknown in Hungarian and Polish sources,
which otherwise contain the Sanctus and Agnus versions of the melody. It is
strange that the only source containing the Kyrie (Vysehrad) does not record
the Agnus melody.

PR-1714 [Link] OLO-IV.t ZWETTL HUN-

2.9 196 GARY

Ky . n· e ley· son.

San ctus, San C1us ...

A - gnus De

Ex.3/d Virtual and actual ordinary cycles

This Sanctus and Agnus Dei are used rarely in the sources. Moreover, accord-
ing to my knowledge the Agnus can be documented from 2 sources only. In the
manuscript from Olmutz the Agnus is not notated, in the source from Zwettl
also the Kyrie is missing, which is otherwise widely used in German, Central
European sources. The Hungarian and Polish traditions adopted the Kyrie, but
ignored the Sanctus and Agnus melodies.
 A CHANGE OF PARADIGM ...

List of the sources used in the article

Klo Graduale from Klosterneuburg, saee. XIII, Klosterneuburg Stifts-
bibliothek 588.

Zwettl 196 Graduale cisterciense, saee. XIII, Zwettl Stiftsbibliothek 196.

Zag-l Graduale Zagrebiense, saee. XIv, Zagreb Knjizniea Hrvatske aka-

demije znanosti i umjetnosti, III.DJ82.
\
Pr-1714 Graduale Pragense, saee. xv, Wrodaw Bibliote~a Uniwersytecka,
B 1714.
.
Vysehrad Cantionale from Vysehrad, saee. XV /2, Prag-Vysehrad Kapitelbibl.
St. Peter und Paul V Cc ?

010-195 Graduale Olomucense, 1452, Olomouc ZemskJ archiv, CO 195.

Fu Graduale Francisci de Futhak, 1463, Istanbul Topkapi Sarayi, 2429.

Ba Graduale Strigoniense (Bak6cz), 1487-1500, Esztergom Foszekes-

egyhazi Konyvtar, Mss. I. 1, 1b.

Olo-IV 1 Graduale praemonstratense 1499, Vedecka knihovna v Olomouei

M IV.1 .

Wl Graduale Wladislai, n. saee. XVII in, Esztergom Fc5szekesegyhazi

K6nyvtar, Mss. I. 3.

Ca Graduale from Kassa, saee. XVI/in, Budapest Orszagos Szeehenyi

Konyvtir, Clmae 172a-b.

Tra Graduale from Transsylvania, 1534, Budapest Orszagos Szeehenyi

Konyvtar, Fol Lat 3815. ?" .~

Kr-46 Graduale Cracoviense, 1543, Wa'o/el Biblioteka Kapitulna, Ms 46.

St.Paul2.9 Graduale of Frater Fridolin Himmelkom, 1539-44, St Paul Stifts-

bibliothek XXV 2.9.

Kr-1651 Graduale Cracoviense, 1651, Cz~stochowa Biblioteka Seminarium

Duchownego, sine sign.
 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 2531

Bryan Gillingham CEREMONIES AND THE

UNCEREMONIOUS AT
TWELFTH-CENTURY CLUNY

Twelfth-century Cluny is a paradox. On the one hand, the religious com-

mitment and zeal which led to its great success are beyond question; on
the other, growing affluence and power seem to have led to behaviour at
the monastery which was not exactly "pious". The question arises, how
could Holy Mother Church nurture artistic material which would not en-
hance Christian practice? In answering this question, we should perhaps
admit that our sense of morality, hard-earned through ·innumerable
church councils, reformations, counter-reformations, inquisitions, puri-
tanisms, religious wars, and hegemonies of all sorts, is considerably more
self-righteous than it was, say, in the twelfth century. Also, as a result of
these phenomena, we misconstrue what religious life, and in particular .
one of its most successful manifestations - monasticism - [Link] really like
in the high middle ages. It is helpful, therefore, to review some general
features of cenobitic life during the peak. years of Cluny. A picture of
life at the monasteries arises from customaries and other records about
Cluny, but also from critiques written by those who had grown disen-
chanted with the hub of European mona'8ticism. In the twelfth century,
perhaps in response to perceived laxity or decadence, the religious vigour
of newly-formed orders such as the Cistercians began to threaten the
well-established Benedictines. 1

For an overview of the mu~ical situation at Cluny, se~ Michel Huglo, "ClurUac Monks", TIN
N tW Gro/lt Dictiolltlry of MIIdc and Mllliot1lls, cd. Stanley Sadic (London: Macmillan, 19§4), .
Vo!. 4, 502-504; for a general account of life at Cluny, see Noreen Hunt, Cm'!] ,,,,,," S."t
HII,gh, 1049-1109 (Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1968). Also see
Manuel Ferreira, ';Music at Cluny: the Tradition of Gregorian Chant for the Proper of the
Mass. Melodic Variants aod Microtoml Nuances" (Dissertation, Prince ton University, 1997)
and Bryan Gillingham, "The Centrality of the Lost Ouruac Mu~ Tradition", Chmtt t1IId its
Pmphtrits (Ottawa: Institute of Mediaeval Music, 1998),241-256. For an excellent summQl]'
of literature on Cluny, see Dominique Iogna-Prat and Christian Sapin, "LeS Etudes Glunisi-
eones dam; tous Jeur ctats", &vmMabilbJ,., n.s. 5 [t. 66] (1994),233-258.
[----
254 Bryan Cillingham
~ ----- - ----

Cluny had earned its prominence and power over centuries under
the directorship of a series of capable abbots. Owing to generous sup-
port of various aristocrats, such as Duke William of Aquitaine (who
granted the monastery a charter in 909), relative independence, and fa-
vOUl'able relations with the papacy, Cluny was able to develop a network
of dependent houses throughout Europe. Estimates of the total number
range from 200 to 2,000 houses, but the most recent is about 1500. 2 The
Cluniac empire at its peak was a huge, well-administered bureaucracy
whose tentacles spread throughout Europe, radiating in all directions
from Burgundy to as far east as Poland.
It might be remembered that in the Middle Ages there was little
separation of church and state. Not only was Cluny's founding the result
of aristocratic patronage, admission to the monastery was to a large ex-
tent based on social status by the twelfth century. At that time, there was
no shortage of applicants for the monastic life. Cluny was populated
predominantly by knights, dukes, counts, viscounts, chatelaines, even at
times royalty, that is, the same sort of people involved in making trouba-
dour and trouvere music. Large monasteries such as Cluny, and others in
Germany such as Benediktbeuern and Tegernsee, expected a gift upon
entrance, usually in the form of land. This enabled the houses to func-
tion as medieval seigneuries, thriving and expanding on revenues from
land holding.-' From necrologies, we have a very good idea of the social
character of the monastery.4
Cluny had an elaborate system of administration, complete with an
extensive roster of servants, which catered to needs both internal and
external to the cloister. It functioned as a hotel, restaurant, wine reposi-
tory, library, publishing house, civil service bureau, concert hall, shrine
and church. Women moved easily in and out of the monastery, conversa-

2 .\ndrc Chagny. Clrmy et son Empire (paris: J ,ibrairie J':mmanuale Vitte, 1938), 102 and Hunt,
[Link]., 124 f(
3 Scc Barbara Roscnwelll, To be the Ndghbor of Sail/t Peter: The Social Meaning of Cluf!Y's Property,
909-1049 (Ithaca: CorneU University Pres!>, 1989) and idem, Rhinoceros Bound: C/uny in the
Tenth Century (Philadelphia: UniverSity of Pennsylvania Press. 1982), passim.
4 Joachim WoUasch, "A C\unlac Nccrology from the Time of Abbot Hugh", CIJlniar Mottostl-
cism in rhl' Central MiMle Ages, cd. Norcen Hunt (London: MacMillan, 1971), 143-190 and
Idem, with \X-'olf·I)lcter I Iclffi, Joachtm MelOe, hans Neiske and Dicrrich Poeck, Synopse der
c/ulliamlJisdJetl Necrologiel/. 2 vob. (Munich: Wilhclm !-'ink, 1982).
L____________C_E_R_E_M_O_N_I_ES__A_N_D_T_H_E_U_N_C_E_R_E_M_O_N_I_O__U_S_.._.___________2~
tion was frequent, there was a high degree of freedom, loose govern-
ance, and all was supported by the collection of revenues from the work-
ers and businesses under its control. It was a major center for the propa-
gation of music and poetry, certainly of a religious nature, hut likely, too,
for secular material. The novices were tested upon·admission as to whether
or not they could read and sing - if capable they were admitted as "sing-
ers (cantors)", if not they were designated convcrsi and had to content
themselves with non-musical duties such as bearing incense or candles. 5
The libraries at Cluny and its daughters, such as St. Martial, Fleury,
St. Martins-Tours, and others, were not 'limited strictly to devotional ma-
terial. They also kept diverse classical writings. Authors represented were
Ovid (including Ars amaton'a), Suetoruus, Vitruvius, Ilvy, Tertullian, Hor-
ace, Seneca, Lucan, Plato, Aristotle, Aesop, Virgil, Ckero, Sallust, Cato,
Juvenal, Horace, Terence, and Porphyry. Cluny's library was one of the
largest in the twelfth century (570 books). In comparison, St. Martial had
about 450 volumes by 1225. The contents were similar, but the holdings
more modest in the daughter houses tban at Cluny.6
By the twelfth century, Cluny was also an abbey appointed in the
greatest opulence (St. Martial a little less so) - friezes, marble columns,
pilasters decorated with elaborate flowers, birds, capricious figures and
monstrous animals; pillars of marble, elaborate gold and ivory decora-
tions, thousands of precious gems cased in gold, chests of jewels, books
decorated and illuminated in magnificent ways. Furthermore, it had the
largest basilica in Europe, measuring 187 x 77 metres, or almost .twice
the size of a football field, until St. Peter's was built in 16th century. In
fact, as Cluny's basilica was so impressive, architects in Rome were mind-
ful that they had to make St. Peter's a little larger in _order to solidify its
preeminent position as the key site in Christendom. 7 "

The indications are that Cluny, synchrono\,ls with its architectural and
decorative opulence, maintained one of the most vigorous and central

5 See Hunt, C/u'!] Under Saint Hugh, 89 and Ulrich of Cluny, "Antiquiores Consuetudines Clu-
niaccnsi~ Monasterii", Patrologio Lotino xxviii, 714.
6 - GiUingham, The Social Bockground of SeCN/ar MedietJ(J/ Latin Song (Ottawa: Institute of Mediae-
val Music, 1998),97-130. .
7 Alain I ~rlande-Brandcnburg, C/JI'!Y Abbey (paris: l~ditions Ouest-France, 1996), 8-10 and
J-Henri Pignot, HisJoin de I'ordre de C/llny (paris: Durand, 1868), I1, 495,518 and 527.
 Bryan Gillingham

musical establishments in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, probably

larger and more active than either St. Martial or Notre Dame. We know
from the customaries that it had the same sort of operational structure
as St. ~1artial. We also know that it was more important and central to
European monasticism than its daughter houses. The tragedy is that vir-
tually none of its musical library survives. In 1562, Cluny was pillaged by
marauding Huguenots who also devasted a number of other monasteries
south of the Loire river. The Huguenots tortured and killed monks and
burnt most of the library at Cluny, only a fraction of which survives.
The greatest devastation was directed to the liturgical books (which would
include the music). We can tell from a handful of inventories made be-
tween the ninth and fourteenth century that there was a substantial loss.
All remaining buildings at Cluny were later destroyed in the French
Revolution.
Aside from the few manuscript fragments which were saved from
the devastation, we do not have much primary material directly from
Cluny from which to reconstruct the musical practice, but there is some. 8
There is circumstantial evidence available that the musical and poetic
skills were highly refined. We can also speculate about Cluniac musical
life by examining the resources of dependent houses. It is not clearly un-
derstood just how the surviving music at dependent houses might be a
reflection of Cluniac preferences, but the likelihood is that Cluny must
have been very influential on its daughters. St. Martial, which had been
taken over in 1062 by Cluny, was a dependent house by the time much of
its important polyphony was written. Bernard Itier (1163-1225), the
chief musician (precentor) and librarian (armarius) at St. Martial, visited
Cluny (1206-1207) and described music being performed there. He, as
did others, referred to the mother house as the "deambulatorium angelo-
rum" ["gallery of the angels"]. He tells us nothing specific of music at
Cluny, but it is worth noting that in several musical sources which Ber-
nard himself compiled, there is a distinct possibility that some of it may
have originated in Cluny.')

8 Sec sources in note 1 above. !\Iso sce Leopold Delisle, It/ve",oirt du mOt/[Link],s de 10 Biblio-
theqllt NaliollOle:fonrlr de Cl"",. (Paris: I-I. Champion, 1884).
9 It is noteworthy that Pons de Melgucil was prior at St. Martial before assuming duties as ab-
bor ar Cluny. See I-I. EJ Cowdrcy, "Abbot Pontius of Cluny", S flldi Grrgonolli XI (1957), 194.
IL___________C_E__R_EM
__O_N_IE_S_A_N_D_T_H_E_U_N_C_ER_E_M_O_N_IO
__U_S"_"_"___________
2Sj

Though the music at Cluny was largely destroyed, we are fortunate in

having several customaries which document the ceremonies, practices
and official positions. One of the best known of these is the Customary
of Ulrich of Cluny (ca. 1083).10 Though it is from the late eleventh cen-
tury, it probably reflects well the basic ceremonies of Cluny at the begin-
ning of the twelfth century. The document is divided into three large
books, further subdivided into 124 different chapters. In Book I there is
detailed information on the major feasts, offices, masses; in Book II, we
are given a detailed account of prescribed behaviour in the monastery; in
Book Ill, there is a thorough list of all the administrative functions at the
monastery. This last extends to descriptions of the dllties of the wine
steward, chamberlain, gardener, abbot, care of the boys, etc. Some .pas-
sages selected from Books II and III will be enough to indicate the care
and attention given to musical practice at Cluny.
For music, one of the revealing sections is a description of the duties '
of the precentor and armarius, the very positions that Bernard Itier held at
St. Martial. Ulrich tells us that the precentor and armarius were one and
the same and lists a wide range of duties which were his responsibility.
A primary d~ty was to care for the library. From there he had to decide
on a regular basis who would sing and what they would sing. He deter-
mined what was sung in church, refectory and in the Office: 11

Quod voluerit ut cantetur, cantatur; quod voluerit ut legatur, legitur et

in ecclesia, et in refectorio, et ad collationem; et ad hujusmodi omnes
debent semper ei esse obedientes.". Ad canuca Evangelii, vel ad ma-
tutinas laudes, vel ad vesperas anLiphonli1l1 imponit, excepto quod
dom. Abbas ad duodecimam lectionem est imposituras. Solus ille non
reprehenditut, si quam antiphonam vel resp. nominaverit absque libro,
indicens alicui fratri ut cantet. Omnes quoque versus offerendae impo-
nit; quemlibet cantum, quantumlibet ~ubmissa voce cantetur, nemo
tamen alius audet ad caltiorem vocem levare.". In Natali Domini, in
Pascha et Pentecoste, ad officium majoris missae et tenendum chorum
sunt notati de melioribus cantoribus, quantum armario vi~tur; qui
tamen non praesumunt per se accedere, nisi ipse manu. sua cappas det,
10 Ulrich of Cluny, "Anti9uiores Consuetudines Cluniaceolili; Monasterii", PatrDlIJja Latilll1
xxviii, cols. 633-778.
11 "Consuetudines Cluniaccnsis", PotrohJgio Latino cxlix, cols" 748-51 .
[258_ _ _ __ Bryan Gillingham
---'----=-------- -- -- -
J
quae in capite formae semper de melioribus a principali sacrista prae-
parantur .. .

His duties extended to the major feasts of the year, the personnel
charged with observances, and even the clothing that was to be worn. He
was expected to indicate to the priest which tone to use for the Glol1'a in
excelsis deo and to provide similar help to the Deacon for the lIe missa est.12
In the course of this discussion, Ulrich also lets us know how proses
(sequences) were sung at Cluny:

Prosa cancant quatuor, duo in una parte, et duo in altera, id est sinistra
el laeva; additur et ipse quinrus, maxime his duobus qui sunt ad dex-
teram, qui semper primum versum adoriuntur, ut, si forte discordaver-
int, ipse in promptu sit ad suffragandum . .. 11
[Four sing the prose, two on one part, and two on the other, that is on
the left side, or left; and a fifth is added, more often to those two who
are on the right, who always grace the first verse, 50 that, if they are
out of tune, he can prompt those who need support ... ]

However, not all of the decision making was left to the precentor
(armarius). The subdeacon took his part in the considerations as well:

Subdiaconus, qui lecturus est Epistolam, cum sacerdote proeessurus

ad altare, portat textum Evanaglii, et ponit in medio altaris; pulvillum
non portat, nisi quando dies est solemnis. Inchoans leetionem, vel ea
finita, ad utramque vicem facit ante et retro ibidem ubi lecturus est. Si-
militer sunt facruri qui cantant responsorium, vel qui alleluia, vel trac-
turn seu eanticum; quae cum in privatis diebus non nisi cummuniter
cantaotur a conveotu, si quod festum ampliu5 in septimana evenerit,
cantanda sunt iterum ab ipsis a quibus et prius in Dominica sunt can-
tanda. Quod si omnes in cappis vel in albis, armarius innuit quibuscun-
que voluerit pro eis cantandis; quod et facit ad prosam, si quando est
cantanda, et ad hanc ante et retro nec in fine nee in principio est
gerendum. 1~

12 "SaccrJori ljuoquc intimat gun tono inClpiat Glona in excf/sis Deo, ct, :-;j opu:, fucrit, diacono
IleMissoesl." IbId., col. 751
13 PI. cxlix. coL 751.
14 P].cxlix , c(~. 725.
 CEREMONIES AND THE UNCEREMONIOUS ...

Again there is confirmation that the armarius played an important

role in preparing the way for other church functionaries. Such organiza-
tion and thoughtful delegation of duties, likely developed over a long pe-
riod of time, is symptomatic of care in music making (and many other
facets of monastic life there) to a point where impressive ritual was the
norm. There is no doubt that the monastery functioned in a highly struc-
tured and ceremonious way in its handling of music. Whether this devo-
tion to the arts continued during troubled times is not clear.
We may lack specific information on the music itself, but there are
abundant indicators that the context for music making at Cluny was in-
creasingly less than devout in the twelfth century than it had been earlier.
The rise of the Cistercian order at the e~d of the 11 th century was ill
large measure a reaction to the way in which the Benedictine rule was
observed at Cluny. The Cistercians and their great champion Bernard of
Clairvaux, if we are to believe their propaganda, found the old Benedic-
tines overly lax in their lifestyle and strove for a more austere and hum-
ble observance. This led to feuding between the orders, and a vicious
condemnation of the old by the new. Various records of this troubled
time at Cluny have survived and enable us to reconstruct .a picture of un-
ceremonious behaviour carried on at the monastery in the early twelfth
century.
Under the abbacy of Pons (pontius) of Melgueil (1109-1122), and in
the early years of Peter the Venerable, Chiny was clearly experiencing the
very difficulties which led to criticism by St. Bernard. There were abuses
of various sorts, including excesses in food, drink and general manner of
life which Peter later instructed Matthew, prior of Saint-Martin-des-
Champs to rectify after 1122.15 There is a report that Pons once "ob-
tained from his aunt Judith, countess of Auve~rgne, the sum of a hun-
dred gold shillings for the purchase of superior wine"'- to replace the '-
, common vintage served in Mass. 16 Pons also travelled extensively during
15 for an cxceUent investigation of the activities of Pons, see H.E.] Cowdl'ey. "Abbot Pontius
of Cluny", Sturlj GregOr7dn1 XI (1957), 179-277. For a diticussion of the abuses during his
reign. sec 182-83, 186 and 189. The rolc of Pontius maY-' have been given more negative
criticism than it de~ervcs owing to the impressions given later by Peter the Venerable.
16 Cowdrcy, "Abbot Pontius of Cluny", 189-90. Cowdrcy also describes (1'8-99) how Pons
was "vcry constructive in mediating between tne Holy Roman Emperor and Papacy. He also
proved himself as a skilled diplomat in Spanish affairs (see 2m).
, - --
'260
L- _ _ __
Bryan Gillingham

his abbacy: from 1109 to 1126, he visited approximately 40 different cit-

ies in Europe and the Holy land, including various cities in Germany and
Spain, as well as Paris, Rome, Limoges, Ventadour, Toulouse, Strassburg,
Rheims, Speyer and :LvIetz, to name just a few.17 Pons, after being forced
out in disgrace as abbot, in retaliation, led insurrectionist monks and lay
people to seize, loot and sack his own monastery. One implication of
these events is that the large number of adult converts attracted to Cluny
did not really have the aptitude required for the sincere monastic life. 18
During the abbacy of Pons it became a widespread practice to profess
monks without the approvaJ of the abbot, sometimes within a month of
their entry.I'} This in turn led to a crisis of government in the whole Clu-
niac network. 2il These and other problems prompted eminent figures
such as Hugh of Fouilloi, Alexander Neckham and Peter the Chanter to
write critiques which echoed Bernard's ideas. 21 However, the strongest
message critical of Cluniac practice, and the one which sparked other
criticism and reform, seems to have been delivered by Bernard of Clair-
vaux himself.
The Apologia ad Guille/mum abbatem, written in 1125 when Bernard
was abbot of Clairvaux,22 is probably the most important document23
yielding insight into the problems of monastic life in the twelfth century,
and by extension, earlier and later. Originally written in the form of a let-
ter to abbot William of St. Thierry, the Apologia soon became a widely
disseminated polemic. It has been suggested that Bernard was exaggerat-

17 Sec the table, which li~ts only the certain visits of Pontius, in Cowdrey. "Abbot Pontius of
Clunv", 273-277.
18 Cl [ [Link]. Medieval Monasticism (London and New York: Longmao, 1984),95.
19 Idung of [Link], Dialoglls dllortlm monachorum, translated as Cisteraans and Clllniacs (0 dia-
logue "etwem two monkJ) (Kalamawo: Cistercian Publications. 1977). 51.
20 C()wdrcy, The Cllmian and the Gregorian Reform (Oxford: Clarcndon Press, 1970).254.
21 John W Haldwin. ,'lastm Pnnces and Merchants: The Social Views of Peur the Chanter & His Cir- .
cle (Pflnccton, NJ· Princeton University Press, 1970), I, 67-69.
22 ,\driaan HreJero, Clllny et Ci/eallx all dOllzieme siee/e (Amsterdam: APA - HolJand University
Prc~s, 1985), 35 .
23 Jean [Link] cites eleven tfacts which were produced in the period of a century concerning
the controversy betwecn C1uniacs and Ciste[cians, of which Hernard's is the most important.
See Tbe Works of Bernard of ClairvdUX: Treatises I (Spencer. Ma.o;s.: Cistercian Publications,
1970), 4 and ;\ Wilmart, "Unc riposte dc I'ancicn mooachisme au manifestc de S. Bernard",
Revile Benedictim 46 (1934),296-305.
 CEREMONIES AND THE UNCEREMONIOUS ...
L -_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
2~

ing. However, the measured, sincere, modest nature of the man that
comes through the Apologia and his other writings indicates that the con-
verse may be true - the treatise could just as well be an understatement
of the true nature of monastic life in the Cluniac observance. There is
little which explicitly touches upon the practice of music making in the
treatise. Yet, if it can be established that a secularized moral climate was
characteristic of the Cluniac observance, then it will readily be seen that,
in addition to the basic corpus of chant, worldly Latin song and elabo-
rate polyphony would not be out of place, and indeed, rather minor
blemishes when compared to other frivolities.
Bernard, in one of the versions of the Apologia which he later al-
tered, admits (perhaps at the risk of being an ungrateful guest) to having
been an eye witness to questionable practices at Cluny: "It is embarrass-
ing to speak of such tlllngs that, had I not seen them with my own eyes,
I would scarcely have credited."24 Bernard's account falls into two broad
sections. The first is very modest, deprecating himself and his own order
for daring to breach humility, while the second moves boldly into satire
of the Cluruac order.25 The first portion, amply warning of the odious-
ness of judgmental behaviour, is a plea for tolerance. Bernard admits
that "there are many paths that can be taken, for the dwelling places to
which we journey are many".26 However, the second indulges in the very
type of critical writing condemned in the first. As such, the second por-
tion is by far the more revealing component. In his satire, Bernard high-
lights Cluniac observances, dietary preferences (including drinking hab-
its), haberdashery, decorative excesses, and general vanity. .
In the second portion of the Apologia, Bernard discusses Cluniac eat-
ing and drinking habits. Bernard's impression of meal time at [Link] as
follows:
.~

Nobody asks for the heavenly bread, and no one distributes it. There
is nothing about the Bible or the salvation of souls. Jokes and laughter

24 The Works of Bernard of C/oif'l)(JJlX: Trtdtises 1, 24.

25 The rhetorical method used by Bemard is referred to as the technique of "veiled illusion" in
the Diologlls dNorllm monachonml by ldung of Prufcning. CisltrciollS and C/N,,;acs (Kalamazoo,
Mich.: Cistercian Publications, 1977), 33-34.
26 The Works of &rnard of C/oirvaJlX: Trel1tim J, 44.
'262
L _ __ ___ _ ~_ Bryan Cillingham
=
and chatter are all we hear. At table, while the mouth is filled with food
the ears are nourished with gossip so absorbing that all moderation in
eaung IS forgottenY

He is vehement and even sarcastically humorous concerning the

gluttony which he thinks characteristic of the Cluniac order. This discus-
sion of egg cookery was notorious in its own day:

:l\1eanwhile course after course is brought in ... The cooks prepare eve-
rythmg with such skill and cunning that the four or five courses al-
ready consumed are no hindrance to what is to follow ... Once the pal-
ate is attracted to piquant flavours, ordinary things begin to pall ...
Hunger, of course has long since subsided; but there is always room
for pleasure. To take a single example: who could describe all the ways
in which eggs are tampered with and tortured, or the care that goes
into turning them one way and then turning them back? They might
be cooked soft, hard, or scrambled. They might by fried or roasted,
and occasionally they are stuffed. Sometimes they are served with
other foods and sometimes on their own ... A good deal of care is
given to the appearance of a dish, so that the sense of sight is as much
delighted by it as the palate ... The eyes delight in colors, the palate in
tastes, but the poor stomach can't see colours, and isn't tickled by
tas ees. 2R

In confirming Bernard's cnUClsm, the abbot Peter the Venerable

moves even further in his condemnation of Cluniac gustatory habits (an
admission of guilt):

They are sick of beans and cheese and eggs and even fish, all they
want are the flesh-pots of Egypt. The table of holy monks is covered
wlth pork, roasted or boiled, fat heifers, rabbits, hares and the best
goose of the gaggle, chicken and every conceivable farmyard bird or
beast. .. The estates of Cluny are not enough to provide for our lavish
banquets, so that it looks as though we shall have to sell off some of
the land and its appurtenances to satisfy the monks' appetites. They

27 The Works of Bernard qf C/airvallx: Treatises I, 55.

28 The If/arks of BmlOrd of C/uirlJallx: Treatim J, 56.
 CEREMONIES AND THE UNCEREMONIOUS .. .

spend their whole time idling and feasting and preparing themselves
for never-ending torments.:!')

In the Apologia, Bernard describes the practice of perfectly healthy

monks checking into the infirmary in order to avail themselves of meat
dishes served there to strengthen patients, yet not officially sanctioned in
the main refectory.
The preoccupation with fine qui sine was matched by sophisticated
wine tasting:

The fact is that three or four times during a meal, you might see a cup
brought in, half-full, so that the different wines can be sampled, more
by aroma than by tas te. It is not swallowed, but only caressed, since a
seasoned palate can quickly distinguish one wine from another, and se-
lect the stronger. It is even alleged to be the custom in some monaster- ·
ies to give the community honeyed or spiced wine on the major
feasts. .. As far as I can see all this is so designed to make drink as
plentiful and pleasurable as possible. 10

In other writings, Bernard deplores the expensive and extravag~nt

clothing purportedly worn by the Cluniacs. He notes the proclivities ·for
stylishness, expense, and opulent worldliness in chose of fabrics and
furs, and rails against the elaborate fastidious shopping trips undertaken
to find the best cloth available. 31 Finery and excess manifested them-
selves in other sorts of indulgent behaviour, such as travel and the deco-
rative arts:

... I have seen an abbot with sixty horse and more in his retinue. If
you saw him ride by you would think, he were the Lord of the Manor,
or a provincial governor, instead of a -~onastic [Link] and shepherd of
souls. Orders are given for tablecloths and cups and dishes and candle-
sticks to be loaded up.

29 The Works of Bernarr/ of CltJirVtlJlx: Treatises T, l8.- The passage, from lett£r 161, is taken from
G. Constable, The Letters of Peter the Venerable I (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,
1967),389.
30 The Works of Bernard of C/oirvallx: 'TrealistS T, 56-57.
31 The Works of Btrnord of C/oirvaux: Tnatisu I. 61.
I- ~----

Bryan Gillingham
~~--

Packs are stuffed full, not so much with bedding as with decorative
coverlets. \ 20

. .. churches are decked out, not merely with a jewelled crown, but with
a huge Jewelled wheel, where circles of lamps compete in radiance
with precious stones. Instead of candle-sticks we see tree-like struc-
tures, made of much metal and with exquisite workmanship, where
candles and gems sparkle equally.H

\X'hat excuse can there be for these ridiculous monstrosIties in the

cloisters where the monks do their reading, extraordinary things at
once beautiful and ugly? Here we find filthy monkeys and fierce lions,
fearful centaurs, harpies, and striped tigers, soldiers at war, and hunters
blowing their horns. Here is one head with many bodies, there is one
body with many heads. Over there is a beast with a serpent for its tail,
a fish with an animal's head, and a creature that is horse in front and
goat behmd, and a second reading from the beast with horns and the
rear of a horse. All round there is such an amazing variety of shapes
that one could easily prefer to take one's walls instead of from a
book. H

In a letter to his nephew Robert, Bernard summarizes a number of 0

the same criticisms that he refined in the Apologia:

Does salvation, then, consist more in elegant clothes and in sumptu-

ous food than in frugal fare and modest dress? If soft and warm furs,
if finely woven and expensive cloth, if long sleeves and a full hood, if
fur bedspreads and soft woolen shirts make a saint, why am I wasting
time here and not following you? ... Wine and white bread, honeyed
wine, and rich foods cater to the body, not to the soul. The body but
not the soul is fattened from frying pans. Many fathers in Egypt
served God over long stretches without [even] fish. Pepper, ginger,

32 Tb, tr/orkJ
O
~r Bernarti of Clairvaux: Trealim T, 62-63.
33 Tbe Works Dj Bernarn of CldirtJaux Treatim ], 65.
34 The Work.r of Bernarn of CldirvaJlx: Treatises 1,66.
 CEREMONIES AND THE UNCEREMONIOUS ...

cumin, sage and a thousand other such spices delight the palate but
they inflame the passions. 3s

Given the truth of such indulgence in sensual and aesthetic pleas-

ures, light-hearted song with Latin or even French lyrics provided for en-
tertainment in the monastery would seem entirely appropriate.
Peter the Venerable, abbot of Cluny from about 1122 until 1147,
clearly inherited a monastic empire which had departed from the integ-
rity and zeal for which the Cluniacs were originally noted. In a sense, he
may be considered an exponent of a "counter-reformation" initiated
within the Cluniac order, though his initiatives included such tolerant
pursuits as the study of Islam and the translation of the Koran. 36 When
he took over at Cluny Peter observed that ''Yokels, children, old men
and idiots have been taken in such numbers that they ~-re now near to
forming a majority". But these applicants, nevertheless, were expected .to
make a gift of land or money upon admission. His efforts at reform
were documented in letters and numerous statutes (ca. 1146) which add
to our knowledge of Cluniac difficulties. He seemed willing to accept the

35 This is quoted in Jdung's Dialoglle. Sec Idung, Diologllt, 119-127 (passim), distussed below.
The original of the above passage, quoted in PahtolbtJa LAtilla clxxxii, cols. ·73 and 77, reads
as follows:
... et novi cvengelii praedicator commendat crapulam, parcimoniam damnat~ volun-
tariam paupcrtatem, rni~criam dicit~ ietunia, vigilias, siJentium, maouumque laborem,
vocat insaniam: c contrario otiositatern, contcmplationem muncupat~ cdacitatern, 10-
quacitatcm, curiositatem, cunctam denique intemperantiam nominat discretionem ...
Talibus tandem allegationibus male credulus PUCf circumventus seducitur, seductorem
~quitu(. Cluniacum ducitur; tondetur, raditur, lavatur; exuitur rusticanis, vetustis, sor-
did is; induitur pretiosis, novis ae nitidis; et ita in conventum suscipitur ... Salus ergo
magis in cultu vestium, et ciborum est- opulentia, quam in sobrio victu vestituque .
moderato? Si pelliciae lenes ct calidae, si panni liubtiles et prctiolll, si longae maniac et
amplum caputium, si opertorium silvestrc et Ill~lle stamineum, sanctum faaunt; quid
moror et ego quod te non scquor? Sed haec inflimantium "ilUnt fomenta, non U4l'la
pugnantium. Ecce cnirn qui mollibus vcstiuntur, in domibus regum sunt. VinUrtl et
simila. mulsum et pinguia corpori militant, non spiritui. Frixuris non anima sagtnatur, ) ,
sed caro. Multi in Aegypto fratres, multo tempore Dea sine piscibus servierunt. Piper,
gingibcr, cuminum, salvia. et mille hujusmodi species salsamentorum palatum quidem
delectant, sed libidinem accendunt. Et tu mihi in 'his t>ccuntatem pones? tu cum hujus-
modi tutam duces adolescentiam?
36 James Kritzeck. "Peter the Venerable and the Toledan Collection", P,lrNs Vm".abilis
1156-1956,177.
 - - - - - - -- -
Bryan Gillingham

truth of Bernard's cri6cisms of departure from the Rule at Cluny, but

continued to maintain many of the established traditions "in clothing,
singing, and periods of fasting"Y The very necessity of statutes on re-
form suggests that the social fabric of monastic life needed a corrective,
but Peter's attempts at reform were not always accepted, and, at times re-
sisted vigorously by his own flock: 3!1

XI. Statutum est, ut ab omni mellis ac specierum cum vino confecti-

one, quod vulgari nomine pigmentum vocatur, Cena Domini tantum
excepta, qua die mel absque speciebus vino mistum antiquitas permi-
sit, omnes Cluniacensis ordinis fratres abscineant. ..
Ut is the rule that all brethren of the Cluniac order abstain from all de-
coctions made from honey and spices Wlth wine that goes by the
popular name of pigmentum, the Lord's supper only excepted, at which
day "the ancients" permitted honey without spices mixed in the wine.]

XXIV Statutum est, ut inftrmis ipsis, vel quibusLibet in inftrmaria co-

medentibus, nullus ut fieri solebat, famulorum laicorum serviat, sed
monachi tantummodo, aut conversi barbati.
Causa hujus instituu fuit, honesuor conversorum, quam saeculanum
famulorum cum monachis cohabitacio, et ne materiam furandi ea que
de mensa in inftrmaria comedencium spupererant, servientes fratribus
conversi haberent sicut priores famuLi, guecumque palam vel furtim
fratribus subripere poterant, uxori, filiis, ac gualicumque familiole sue
in burgo constitute deferre solebant ...
[It is the rule that the sick or whoever is eating in the infirmary, that
no lay servant, as used to happen, should serve the people who are in-
firm, but only conveni and barbati. The reason for this rule is that it is
more respectable for the conversi than for secular serfs to live with
monks and that the conversi serving the monks would not steal the left-
overs from the table of those eacing in the infirmary as the previous
famuli were accustomed to carry off for their wife, children and other
family living in the town whatever they could steal openly and secretly
from the monks.]

37 .\.1 r. Bredero, "Thc C()ntroversy Between Peter the Vencrable and St. Bernard", 69.
38 Thc cxcerrt~ arc cireu by number from Dom G Charvin, SIatll/.', chapitm gcncrollx et visitn de
/'ordre de 011,:), (Pan~: Hoccard, 1965), I. .\1:;0 sce Giks Constable, "Statuta Petri [Link]",
Clllnil1( j'llIdm (l.!)ndoll: \'ariorum Repnnts, '1980), IV, 21
r--- CEREMONIES AND THE UNCEREMONIOUS ... "}67l
I

XXVII. Statutum est, ut non vasis illis vinariis que justitie vocantur,
sicut olim facere cogebanrur, sed propriis ciphis [scyphis] unusquisque
bibat eo tempore quo post Nonam ad potum frattes pergere sol~nt ...
[I t is the rule that wine vessels which are called Justitiae should not be
used as we used to have to in the old days but that everyone should
drink from a proper sryphis at that time after None when the brethren
used to come together for a drink.]

XLVII. Statutum est, ne sanctimorualibus aut conversis mulieribus

juxta domos monachorum infra duas leugas ad minus habitatio. aliqua-
tenus concedatur.
[It is the rule that neither nuns nor converted women be allowed to
live within at least two leagues from the house of the monks.] "

Another tract documenting Cluniac life is the Dialogue between a Clu-

niac and Cistercian fDialogus duorum monachorum/9 which dates from about
1155 when the controversy was beginning to cool somewhat. -to Its author,
Idung of Priifening, was apparently (though originally a Cluniac) a monk
from a Cistercian order in Germany. In attempting to justify his depru:~
ture from his former Cluniac house, he reveals some,of the same prob-
lems that Bernard exposed with regard to the older order, particularly
matters that depended on custom rather than principles. A few of the sa-
tirical comments, particularly those of the Cistercian in the dialogue,
again reveal elements which point to Cluniacs as maintainers of a sur-
prisingly secular milieu (ca. 1155) in which lyric poetry and song wo~d
have thrived:

[CISTERClAN]: ... It does not surprise me that when yoq' were in-
sulting me you made use of the words of poets, because to you and to
others of your Order, poetic imagery is so pleasing that you make a .
study of it, you pore over it and you even teach it dunng the ~es
~hich St. Benedict intended and decreed sho~d be set aside for spiri-
tual reading and for manual labor.

39 For a translation, sce Idung of Prufening, Cis/mio"s and Chllliacs. The original text may be ,
found in R.B.C. Huygens, "Le moine Idung et ses deux ouvrages", Shim MItWvaJi, 3rt! series,
XII I. 1 (1972), 233-258 and Pa/rologia Lati"a clxxxii, cols. 73ff.
40 Jt dates certainly from between 11 S3 and 1174.
 Bryan Gillingham

CLUNIAC: As a general rule we read secular books so that through

reading them we can acquire a better understanding of Holy Scripture,
because, in our Order, as you yourself know, spiritual reading and
prayer follow upon each other. We pass from reading to prayer and re-
turn from prayer to reading. As yours is an active Order because you
have chosen to do manual labor with Martha, so ours is a contempla-
tive because we chose holy leisure with Mary. Because, as Christ bears
witness, Mar), chose the better part, there is no doubt in my mind but
that our Order is more worthy than yours.~1

*
CISTERCIAN: Your Order, because it, unlike our Order, did not cut
off at the roots the delights of the five senses, receives more because
it wants more - not because it needs, but merely because it wants,
more.
CLUNIAC: What are these [delights]?
CISTERCIAN: Beautiful paintings, beautiful bas-reliefs, carved [in
ivory usually] and each embossed with gold, beautiful and costly
cloaks, beautiful hanging tapestries painted in different colors, beauti-
ful and costly [stained glass] windows, blue-colored sheet glass, copes
and chasubles with golden orphreys, chalices of gold and precious .
stones, books illuminated with gold leaf. Necessity and utility do not
require all these things, only the lust of the eyes does.~2

[CISTERCIAN]: ... The monks of your Order consider it quite legiti-

mate for book scribes, monks who write within the monastery, who
absent themselves from the regular Hours, that is, from the work of
God, to join in a conversation if they want to, contravening their own
law, that is, the Rule, on two counts: by conversing and by writing
while the work of God is being performed in choir.

41 J clung of Jlrufcnmg, Cislerciolls ond Clllniacs, 27-28.

42 Iclung. Dialogue, 43 . J'-or a further list of finery, eschewed by the Cistcrcians but apparently
accepted by the C1uniacs. sce 52-54 of the Dialogue. Idung also quotes Rernard frequently
In the trcati~c. repeating a number of the same criticisms of which the Saint had already

~roken .
 CEREMONIES AND THE UNCEREMONIO_U_S_"._ _ _ _ _ 2691

CLUNIAC: Scribes do not transgress the Rule by not attending the

Divine 0 f£lce because they are obeying the abboes command 43

The dialogue indicates that various activities and opportunities for

creating secular lyrics existed in the Cluniac regime. Poetry was impor-
tant enough to be considered a replacement for the manual labour de-
creed in the Benedictine Rule. At Cluny, the re;tding of secular books
was considered a worthwhile activity in order to better grasp the scrip-
tures. The Cluniac admitted that his order was a "contemplative" one
rather than an "active" one. The Cistercian tells us that the Cluniacs cre-
ated beautiful paintings, carvings, bas-reliefs, gold embossing, elegant
cloaks, golden orphreys, multi-coloured tapestries, stained glas~, chalices
of gold and precious stones, and books illuminated with gold leaf. In our
own time, the arts are not supported in nearly as sump~ous a manner as
described in the Dialogue.
And in this passage, striking and rare comment on Cluniac musical
practices is offered:

CISTERCIAN: Necessity and utility do not, but itching ears do, require
many large bells of different tones and of such pondctous weight that
two monks can barely ring one. Some monks - as they themsdves have
told me - have worked so strenuously at pulling the ropes that the great
weight caused them injury. 1bis is the use to which is put the great ex-
pense and the great effort of manufacturing bells.
Those high-pitched and gelded voices to which you have · given the
name 'graciles' [gracefully thin] and which are usually sharpened by a .'
drink made from liquorice and choice electuaries - what are they but
delights to the ear forbidden by the precepts of the Rule?
CLUNIAC: Where does the Rule forbid them?
CISTERCIAN: Where it orders that: we read a~d chant'with hwpility
and dignity'. St. Ambrose in his book De officiis mj"istrtJrII11J [PL 16:58-
9.] also forbids them in the following words: 'Let the voice be full with
manliness and not pitched like a woman's.' Contrary to the respected
canonical decrees, you make use of such voices in new and frolicsome
songs on your new and unauthorized feast days..w '

43 Idung, DiD/oglle, 102.

44 ldung, Dia/oglle, 44.
 Bryan Gillingham
- - - -

This would seem to suggest the use of castrati considerably before

the time [i.e., the sixteenth century) when the practice of gelding singers
is presumed to have begun. It suggests how we could now approach the
singing of songs from the period since there is an aesthetic ideal present
in the quotation. The 'frolicsome songs' referred to may well be those
with less than sacred content.
Today we perhaps view a monastery as a closed community of pro-
fessed Christians called by God to a rigorous spiritual life encompassing
the very best sentiments of the philosophy of St. Benedict. It is clear
that through much of its existence in the Middle Ages, this conception
was true of Cluny. Nonetheless, the worldly vision \Yhich emerges from
twelfth-century Cluniac monasticism contrasts to these high expecta-
tjons. We discover an open community, relating daily with visiting secular
servants, women, courtiers, and power-wielding aristocrats of varying
kinds. The Cluniacs had a tendency, like the aristocracy of which its
members were a part, to eschew peasant customs and finely rationalize
their secular penchants. A command from the abbot could apparently.
release monks from the strictures of the Rule, allowing them to please
themselves as to their daily activities which often seemed to incline to-
wards literary pursuits. These, of course, are just the features that one
might expect to find in a social context favourable to broad-ranging mu-
sical style, monophonic and polyphonic, sacred and secular. A central re-
pository with widespread influence, with mechanisms for commuruca-
cion and dorujnance would fairly describe Cluniac practice. This network
likely was intimately involved, more than any other institutions that come
to mind, in the dissemination of music and its ceremorues throughout
Europe.
 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 2711

Owain Edwards MUSICAL SYMBOLISM IN

1WO MEDIEVAL LITURGICAL
CELEBRATIONS

This paper takes up the conference theme of the past in the present.

It is seldom possible to open a newspaper without fmding in at least

a couple of articles that something is said to be symbolic. In scholarly lit-
erature, on the other hand, symbolism is less frequently mentioned.
Apart from in publications on art history, literature and psychology, which
are exceptional, reference to the use of symbols has generally been un- .
fashionable. Perhaps interpreting symbols is thought to be speculative,
because what a symbol is supposed to convey is not necessarily provable.
While the word symbolic has become a vogue word that in many cases
might more accurately be replaced by its related synonym significant, it is
nevertheless well worth observing. Journalists write about what appeals
to the public, and many deliberately use the language of the people.
They are often a step or two ahead of academics in drawing attention to
what become matters of general interest, and recent years have seen a
notable increase in the number of publications of a popular nature on
medieval life and on the occult. There are clear indications that symbol-
ism is on its way back into public consciousness. Some academics might
prefer to shut their eyes to it, but . there is no denying the presence of
symbolism around us. It is particularly obvious in Christian art b~eQUse
all aspects of the medieval Roman Church were infused with symbolism,
which was of course why efforts wer~ made to suppress symbolism after .
the Reformation.
This paper is based on a very simple hypothesis. The literature, the
paintings, sculptures and interior decoration of churches, architecture~
texts and the actions prescribed for the clergy in the liturgies of the me-
dieval Western Church are riddled with symbolism. When ~ymbolism
was deliberately used in these manifestations of religion, it stands to rea-
~ 7_2_______________________.__0_wai_n_E_d__w_a_r_ds___________________________~
__

son that it must also expect to be found in the chants sung, because mu-
sic was an essential part of the medieval liturgy.
Since symbolism in church music has been the object of numerous
studies, particularly in the work of composers from J.S. Bach onwards,
what this postulation lacks in originality the treatment will compensate
for in novelty. The main purpose of the present endeavour is to present
a few examples and to point to a connection between liturgical composi-
tion and POLITICS.
Although it 1S a very interesting topic of investigation, word painting
in Gregorian chant will not be discussed here. Word painting certainly
appears to be deliberate on very rare occasions but, as a rule, it does not
and I did not find it relevant to tie this in with symbolism in considera-
tion of the particular liturgical material chosen.
To illustrate how certain pieces of music became symbolic of some-
thing, examples are taken from chants selected for the medieval cele-
bration of two saints. Music for a large number of other liturgical events
might have served the purpose just as well, but the choice fell on services
for a Welsh saint and a Norwegian saint because these have noteworthy
features in common. The feasts are those of St. Olav of Nidaros and
St. David of Menevia. Both these men may well, in fact, have been goo.d
Christians who had admirable qualities. That they were accorded cult
status as important saints was nevertheless entirely the result of political
manoeuvring. Political motivation often lay behind attempts to establish
a saint's cult, but it is seldom possible to trace it as clearly as in the pres-
ent cases. Some explanation will therefore be offered on this point with
regard to these particular saints because it is helpful when such details
can be unravelled. It is hoped that reference to the literature may be of
assistance to readers wishing to gain access to source material about
these two rather less-known saints. I
Papers that I have given previously at meetlOgs of the Cantus Planus work group include
material on these saints. These arc, "The medieval Liturgy of St. David's in South Wale!;",
Can/us Planus (Budapest. 1990), 157-164; "Chant transference in rhymed offices", CantNs
Planus (Budapest, 1992), 503-519 and "Searching foc the music of the use of Nidaros",
Can/us Planus (Budapest, 1998), 213-·227. Other aspects of symbolism are taken up in my ar-
ticles, "Symbolism in the legend of St. David". in Chant a"tI its PeripherieJ, ESJt?)'s in honour ~f
Tmnce Bailry, cd. Rryan G illingham and Paul Merkley (Ottawa, Canada, 1998), 14~ 158 and
"Betraktninger om Icgcndene til Olav den hcllige og David den helligc av Menevia, s~rlig
L MUSICAL SYMBOLISM IN TWO MEDIEVAL LITURGICAL CELEBRATIONS 273J

Suggestions will be made as to how people taking part in commemo-

rative services for these saints can have had particular reminiscences of
things that enhanced the occasion for them. The reader will, moreover,
repeatedly be in a position to observe, as encapsulated in the theme of
this conference that "the past is in the present." There is little doubt that
much of our perception of the present seems to be experienced in the
past continuous tense.
In using the word symbol here, it is thought of as a key for unlock-
ing associations that can crowd into mind. A symbol stands for some-
thing else. It reveals an essential part that can act as a memory-trigger for
a boundless stream of consciousness, which makes it possible to per-
ceive relationships between quite giverse things. The English substantive
symbol comes from a Greek word meaning a mark, token or ticket, also a
contribution, share or portion. 2 To take an example showing one of its
original meanings, let us assume that two people .attending the present
conference, having enjoyed many invigorating discussions and eaten
good meals together, wish to keep a memento of it. They take a coin
and somehow cut it in half, each keeping a half. They call these pieces of
coin tokens of their companionship. The pieces are not identical but
they fit together to form a whole. Recollections of the events shared will
·not be identical, but they will have much in common and if the friends
ever meet again each might be able to help the other bring to mind
sharper memories. For the people coocerned the bits of coin are a very
personal symbol that will remind them, and only them, of a particular
event. In many circumstances on the other hand, we make use of sym-
bols that are generally recognized for what they are in the western S9Ci-
ety in which we live, although obviously some people are better in-
formed about their significance than others.
Many people wear a gold ring, ior instance, as a sign that they are
married. The ring shares the symbolism of the' circle as eternit}\.. continu-
ity, divinity and life. It also represents power~ and it is a binding symbol~ '
In bestowing rings, each of a couple transfers authority to the other and

mcd hcnblikk pa bruk av symboler", in O!mJskgtndln og tint /ati1U1u IJisJonuleFmtiltg j 1tOO-MUtls

Norgl, cd. lnger Ekrcm, Lars Boje Mortensen and KarenSkovgaard.l'ctcrsen ~0benhaVn,
2000), 225-249. ~

2 The S horler Oxford English DictiotiOry, cd. CT Onions (ltd edition: Oxford, 1962), 2108.
~ 74 Owain Edwards

the wedding ring binds them to a new state of union, completeness and
fulfilment. The gold of the ring symbolises the quality of sacredness, in-
corruptibility and durability.:;
Symbolism in Christian art is often derived from the Bible, which be-
cause of its antiquity and oriental origin has a figurative turn of phrase.
:tY1uch of the symbolism of the Bible was incorporated in the liturgies of
the Western Church in the choice of texts lifted from it and used with
little or no change. A vast literature of secondary material accumulated
during the fifteen centuries before the Reformation. Theological trea-
tises, homilies, legends of the saints, rhyming offices, tropes, hymns and
other forms of chant were influenced by the literary styles of the Bible.
Authors of religious literature in the Middle Ages made use of allegory,
personifications, figures, analogies, metaphors, parables, pictures and
signs as a means of revealing and, possibly also at the same time conceal-
ing, aspects of religious experience. 4 Theologians, like Origenes, Isidore
of Seville and many others undertook to explain symbolism.
A prerequisite for communicating through symbols is that both par-
ties in the process have to know what the conventions are. This means
that the intended significance of a symbol will only be communicated to
the initiated. Through a word, or gesture or object, things may be im-
plied which immediately enrich the situation encounter. A souvenir, like
the piece of a coin, can trigger off a stream of associations. Symbols can
be combined with the memory of particular events or with mythical im-
ages. They may acquire a range of different, even contrasting, meanings
so that they end up meaning different things to different people, geo-
graphically and culturally.
The early church fathers invested the different liturgies with a wealth
of characteristics that became important for those who knew what they
stood for. Details became significant; a single particular might serve as a
hieroglyph representing the whole ritual, providing a means of access to

3 Je Cooper, A" illllstrated encyclopaedia of traditional rymboLs (London , 1978), 74, 138-139.
4 The New En~ycloptl'dia B,itonnico (Chicago, 1973) tV[acropredia, Vol. 17, 901. rn an exhaustive
discussion of symbolism and (he divergent functions of symbols, Umberto Eco refers to
"their vagueness. their 0rcnne~s, their fruitful ineffectiveness to express a 'final' meaning, so
that with symbols and by symbols onc indicates what is always bryond ooc's reach" . Stmiotics
and the philosopry 0] langllage 0 ,ondon, 1984), 130.
 MUSICAL SYMBOLISM IN TWO MEDIEVAL LITURGICAL CELEBRATIONS 2751

a richer experience of the mysteries involved. In the wake of the Refor-

mation, the Protestant reformers attempted to weaken the effect of sym-
bolism: sensory elements that spoke directly to the heart were to be
eliminated. The reformers discontinued the use of incense, colourful
processions. and decoration of the church with paintings, statues and
stained glass windows. They advocated simpler styles of architecture for
places of worship, avoided the use of impressive church furniture and
fine vestments, and simplified elaborate rituals. By suppressing symbols,
which were a means of arousing an emotional response in those who
knew what they meant, Martin Luther, Johan Calvin, Huldreich Zwingli
and other reformers showed that they were determined to prevent the
continuation of esoteric communication. The word was "to be the me-
dium, and the intellect the point of contact. Turning their backs on the
evident success that the Roman Church had enjoyed with multimedia in
the past, the Protestants put their faith in words~
As is well known, however. the reformers also went to work on the
music of the liturgy, radically simplifying it. In some religious denomina-
tions, they discouraged people from singing in harmony while in other
sects they destroyed organs and forbade the use of musical instruments .
altogether. Its music was a powerful symbol of the medieval Roman
Church, one from which Protestant Churches felt a need to distance
themselves and, when the time was right, to reintroduce in a new form.
The reformed Churches adopted the 'vernacular in their services and
encouraged literacy, which gave the layman access to the Bible and theo-
logical literature to a degree hitherto unknown. While this might be seen
as a positive development, a change that some people can have thought
regrettable also took place. When the traditional sacred language was re-
placed by the mother tongue, as Roman ,catholics ~so were to exp~ri­
ence in the 1960s following the implementation of the second Vatican
Council's ruling, it was a measure introduced at the expense of the numi-
nous, the mysterious quality of the ancient services.
The degree of familiarity t~at people 4ad with what was symbolised
played an important part in their appreciation of the object. As an illus-
tration of this, the sound of bell ringing may be taken. Heavy bells were
ex'pensive musical instruments that the owners of few private buildings
needed. Large estates or farms might have been exceptions, if a bell was
,- - ---- - - - --
j276 Owain Edwards
,-- - - -

used to signal the workers to come in for food, but for most medieval
laymen, ringing of bells will have made them think of church. Bell ring-
ing preceded the commencement of mass and the canonical hours of
prayer, while the slow tolling of a bell was an unmistakable characteristic
of funerals. Such tolling might even be experienced as a warning. A bell
is a symbol of consecration, which is why a bell is rung during mass at
the moment of transubstantiation. A bell may be considered a charm
against powers of destruction, and its shape has been compared to the
vault of heaven. S
Symbolism can be identified in detail in literature, in painting and ar-
chitecture. It is reasonable to maintain, on the other hand, that symbol-
ism in music is not possible apart from in the most general sense. Few
scholars would appear to go all the way with Derek Cooke's thesis,6 when
he argues for inherent qualities of, for example, the use of major and mi-
nor keys, particular intervals, rhythms and other details of musical com-
position. Symbols communicate to the initiated, but it is questionable
whether people even from the same society at the same time ever will be
able to agree about meaning in music. We know from experience, never-
theless, that music has the power to awaken memories - a rhythm, a me-
lodic interval, a word of the text can be enough to afford associations.
Music is, moreover, an essential constituent of personality and is instru-
mental in the growth of a community because we develop identity in re-
lation to circumstances. We relate with others by means of our musical
preferences. 7 Music contributes to forming our sense of personal and
national identity, accompanying us from the cradle to the grave.!! It is an
essential means of communication, particularly in a religious context.
For people during the Middle Ages who had heard priests or monks
chanting, the sound of church music will have had symbolic associations
with the services performed in church, since this music was different
from other forms of music they heard in their every-day lives. Although

5 Cooper. 20.
6 Dcryk Cookc, The langNage of music (Oxford, 1959).
7 1~vcn Ruud, Musikk og idmliltl (0:;)0, 1997).
8 Davld ,\\driJgc, MNsic Therop). Rtsearch and Practice in Muiicint. From Dill of Iht Si/met (London,
1(96), and Trygvc Aasgaard, Den sisle tl're - begravtlsm i et mllsikalsle. pmpektiv (master's degree
dissertation, Oslo University, 1993).
 MUSICAL SYMBOLISM IN TWO MEDIEVAL LITURGICAL CELEBRATIONS 2771

we know far too little about early medieval folk music to be at all cate-
gorical about it, the contrast in the nature and style of music would pre-
sumably have been especially noticeable during periods of missionary ac-
tivity, when people were being converted to Christianity. Any kind of
chanting in church will have conjured up the same associations, irrespec-
tive of whether the chant was a reading formula, a simple hymn or a
florid Alleluia. At this least-specialised level of acquaintance with the
music of the Church,'> Marshall McLuhan's expression that the medium is
the message might be applicable. to The message was (Church', and what-
ever that might mean to the individual.
Christians accustomed to the liturgy might, on the other hand, be ex-
pected to have had more precise- reference points. They will have learned
from experience that mass began with an introit, readings were followed
by responsories, that the Te deum came at the end of matutinum and that
the magnificat and the benedictus signalled the end of vespers and lauds re-
spectively. A cleric with a duty to attend church daily will probably have
recalled the words of the introit of the mass of the day, so that rep1em-
bering the opening phrase of the chant could trigger off associations
with the particular day celebrated. At such an instant, the past enriched
the present. The practice of referring to Sundays by the text -of the in-
troit will obviously not have been widespread amongst laymen as it was
in the ranks of the religious, but all will have used the main religiou~
feasts as a means of keeping themselves orientated in time. In temporal
matters, incidentally, it is more relevant to relate to events that are close
rather than distant in time. The position of a feast day relative to other
feasts in the annual cycle of red-letter days in the church calendar' was
consequently what people remembered, not the year in which a saint
died, which is why this information may now be lacking.
Work on a particular project e~n sometimes lead in an unexpected
direction - and it did in the present case. When a synopsis was submitted
9 Mcyer puts such association down to contiguity: "some aspect of the mU::lical materials and '\
their organization becomes linked, by dint of repetition, to a referential image ... The organ,
for example, is associated for Western listeners with the church and through this with piety
and religious beliefs and attitudes." El1totio~ and ""oning in .",,,sic, Ninth impression (Chicago,
1970),259.
10 Marshall McLuhan, Untkrslanding IImlio: the extensions of 111011 (New Yodc, 19M), the opening
chapter, "The medium is the message". 7-21.
 Owai n Edwards

of the paper that it was my jntention to give at this conference, I be-

lieved I had a presentable subject. I had set out to investigate the nature
of the musical symbolism in services celebrating St. Olav and St. David.
There were few connections between the churches in these countries
then, but I found that the cultivation of these saints was similar, and that
the services for their feast days drew on a common source of inspira-
tion. Realising this, I saw that perhaps the most intriguing aspect of this
was not that musical symbolism existed, but rather TIIAT IT \VAS DELIBER-
.\'IVI.Y USED ,\S \ POLITIC,], INSTRLJMI~NT. An examination of the political rea-

sons for the liturgical compositions that resulted therefore became im-
perative. To show the results of such an inquiry, attention will be drawn
to what people hoped to gain by advancing claims for the sanctity of
these two saints.
Both enjoyed varying degrees of local renown in the Middle Ages
and in post-Reformation times both became national patron saints. That
they did so is interesting, considering that Norway and Wales are Protes-
tant nations, which means that doctrinally the churches in both countries
abolished the liturgical celebration of saints. Having a figurehead in the
form of a national patron saint that appealed to patriotic feeling, how-
ever, was a socially cohesive factor that sustained people's sense of be-
longing. Such an object of collective recognition became one of a num-
ber of national symbols, along with the monarch, Parliament or the
nation's most prestigious football stadium, which lack entirely the inter-
cessory powers of a medieval saint.
St. Olav was patron saint of Nidaros, the city now called Trondheim.
Olav Haraldsson reigned as kjng of Norway from 1015 to 1028, when he
was driven into exile to N ovgorod. Two years later, he returned from
Russia through Sweden, building up an army of supporters on his way.
His forces were, however, hopelessly outnumbered and he was killed at
the Battle of Stiklestad, near Nidaros, on 29 th July 1030. He fought against
his fellow countrymen, powerful farmers who had refused his appeal to
convert to Christianity. Canute the Great of Denmark and England sup-
ported them.
 MUSICAL SYMBOLISM IN TWO MEDIEVAL LITURGICAL CELEBRATIONS 279]

King Olav had the direct approach consistent with the behaviour of
an erstwhile Viking chief.l1 His subjects could be persuaded to convert to
Christianity by his preaching, or opt to be baptised for fea~ of his sword.
Christianity replaced a culture based on shame and honour with one of
sin and redemption. Perhaps he should have given them longer to under-
stand the difference. At all events, he was probably rightly accused of
brutality. Some of his feats were still remembered two hundred years
later and are described in the collection of sagas known as Heimskringia J

written by Snorre Sturlason (1178-1241).12 These sagas perpetuate an

Icelandic nobleman's view of former times, and they make no bones
about the close connection that existed between the raw power of the
Vikings and the spread of Christianity.
Leaders of the Church knew there was a strong possibility that after
the king's death the people would return to their former religion unless
they acted quickly. Bishop Grimkell would appear to have been the poli-
tician behind the move to make it known th~t Olav had died a martyr's
death and was now a saint to whom many 'miracles were attributable.
Those who put their trust in him could expect to be cured of serious ill-
ness and physical deformity. It was reputed that many marvels were per-'
formed through his intervention. The church's efforts were rewarded
and five years later Olav's eleven-year-old bastard son, Magnus, became
king and the Church had secured a strong position through a political al-
liance with the royal family. This king, Magnus the Good, also ruled
Denmark between 1042 and 1047, which went some way towards aveng-
ing his father's death. An office of St. Olav 13 using material 'from the
Common of a Martyr was compiled in England c. 1050 within about

11 See Gunilla Ivcrscn, "Transforming a Viking into a saint", in The Divine Offia in the LAtin
MiMle Ages, cd, Margot E. Fasslcf and Rebccca A Baltzer (Oxford, 2(00), 401-429. '-
12 The first complete English version of these sagas was by Samuel Laing, published under the
title, The Heimskringla; or, Chroniclt of the Kings of No",,~, 3 vols. (London, 1844). Translations
in many other languages are available.
13 Eyolf 0strem, The Office of Saint Olav. A stutfy in chtJ"llransmissioll ~ppsala, 2001), 28-37,
281-284. W[·!. [<rere, The !Jojnc collector, 'ulittd and coIll/JIt't,djro1llIhe f>ttpm oj E.S. DelVic/e i!Y
WHo Frere O~ondon, 1915-1921), Vol. 1, col. 210--214, [Link] text from British Library,
Ms. Barley 2961 ,
1---- - --
'280
!
Owain Edwards

twenty years of Olav's death, and three collects from a mass of St. Olav
also date from 1050-60. \4
St. Olav's cult became popuJar during the period when people in
Scandinavia were being converted to Christianity; consequently, many of
the churches built were dedicated to him. In Britain churches were dedi-
cated to St. Olav not only as might be expected in areas previously set-
tled by the Vikings, like the Hebrides, Orkneys and Shetland, but also in
the south and west. There were also Olav-churches in Greenland and
Iceland, France, Belgium, Spain and even at Constantinople, over two
hundred in all. tS The saint's shrine in Nidaros became the foremost cen-
tre of pilgrimage in Scandinavia, largely due to the endeavours of 0y-
stein Erlendsson, the second archbishop of Nidaros (1161-88).16 This
energetic churchman was an astute politician, which was just as well be-
cause by then, a hundred and fifty years after the death of St. Olav, friendly
relations between Church and king were a thing of the past.
Archbishop 0ystein was embroiled in a conflict with King Sverre
Slgurdsson, who sought to limit the wealth and influence of the Church.
The archbishop countered the king's repressive actions by promoting
St. Olav's reputation as rex perpetuus norvegiae. His endeavours cannot but
have been influenced by what happened in England only ten years be-
fore he had to seek refuge there in 1180.

14 rn "The red book of Derby", Ms. Cambridge C. C. C. 422, printed in The Leojric Missal as
used in the Ca/hedralof Exeter riming the episcopate of ifs first bishop A. D. 1050-1072 togtther with
some aCCOIIJlt oJ The Red Book oJ Der0' . '" cd F I':. Warren (Oxford, 1883),274.
1S .\ complete account of the Olav-churchcs has yet to be wr1ncn. This total is reached by
addinf( up the dedications detailed in F Mctcalfc, Passio et MimCllla Beali Ola"i edited from a
twelfth-eentll"-Y llIanuscript in the librOlJ of Corp"s Chrisli College, Oxford (Oxford, 1881), 33-35
IThe manuscript is Corpus Christi ColJegc, Oxford Ms. 2091; Tore Nybcrg, "Olavskulten i
Danmark under mcJcltidcn", In Helgonet i NirlaroJ, Olallsk,,/t och kristnanrle i norrlen, cd. Lars
Rumar (Stockholm, 1997), 80; ()Iafur ;\sgeir:;son, "Olav den hclligc pa Island", In Rumar,
90; J),rki Knuutila, "Sankt Olav i hnJands kyrkliga konst under mcdclriden", in Rumac, 113;
L. Dierriclw)fl. Sammtnlignenrle Fortegnelser oiler Norges J(jrke0Jgninger (Kcistiania, 1888), passim;
F H. Wallcm, "Dc islandskc Kickes llJstyr i Middclaldercn", Foreningen lil Norske Fortidsmindes-
1lI00rkers Bevanllg. AarJbmlningjor 1909, 65. Aargang (Kristiania, 1910). 15; The Oxford Diclion-
aI)' of S ainls, cd D.I J. l-'armcr (London, 1978), 301
16 Frik Gunnes, Erkebisknp 0.),slelll. slolsmonn og kirkl!Jgger (Oslo, 1996); rnger Ekcem, Nytt !JS
oVt'r Histona Nonvegte: /1101 en IIJSlIiJlg 1 deballtn om rletIJ alder? (Bergen, 1998). 74 ff.
 MUSICAL SYMBOLISM IN TWO MEDIEVAL LITURGICAL CELEBRATIONS ~

As a metropolitan archbishop at loggerheads with his king, 0ystein

must have taken a healthy interest in the story of the murder of Arch-
bishop Thomas of Canterbury during his three-year sojourn in England.
The king's public penance, the archbishop's the canonisation, the rapid
spread of the cult of St. Thomas and talkof the endless streams of gift-
bearing pilgrims to Canterbury must have been like manna to his ambi-
tion. Gossip doubtless spread quickly in clerical circles, but there was an-
other reason why 0ystein will have known the details. He was a guest for
seven months at the Benedictine abbey at Bury St. Edmunds, which is
less than fifty miles from the great Benedictine abbey at Peterborough.
There will have been close contact between the two abbeys belonging to
the same order. The abbot of Peterborough from 1177 to 1193 was non
other than the Benedict who in 117317 Wrote the most wide-spread Of-
fice of St. Thomas of Canterbury, composed the chants and a collection
of his miracles.
Archbishop 0ystein promoted the cult of St. Olav in various ways.
He had a hand in collecting and writing some of the fifty miracles attrib-
uted to Olav, which are about fundamentally serious matters. 18 He was .
probably responsible for selecting material for the distinctiv~ use of Ni-
daros,19 and is the person most likely to have assembled material for the
fes,tiv:e mass and proper office of St. Olav for the annual feast day ' on .
July 29 th and the translation, August Sth.2I) He .made a point of emphasis-
ing the importance of attending the celebrations at Nidaros, by describ-
ing in the miracles how people were cured when they had made a pil-
grimage to celebrate St. Olav's day at the cathedral in which his shrine was
situated. Visitors came by the hundred and left donations that fmanced
17 Grounds for establishing this date of the office are given in the present author's, Matins
/olllis and vespmfor St. David} i£?y. Tht IIItditViJloffia of tiH W,Lrh j>lllroll Saillt in Natiofl(ll Library
of Wales MS 20J41E (Cambridge, 1990), 160-161.
18 Sce Mctcalfc; A. Malin, lllr Obtrliejmmg der lattimschtl1 OltlVtlsieglntk, AnnaJes Acadcmire Scien-
tiarum Fennica: R XI no. 7 (Helsinki, 1920); G. Storm, Monll1lltntiJ Hislorica [Link]: LalituJee
klldeskrifter til No,!!s Historie j MiMlloltiertn (Kristiania, 1880); Edwards, 2000, 225-249.
19 Anliphonorilltll nitirosie"sis tcduUr, cd. Lilli Gjcrl0w (Oslo, 1979); Ortlo ttidrositntis mltM, ed.
Lilli Gjerl0w (Oslo, 1968).
20 Gjer10w (1979), 182-186; Gcorg Rciss, Mllsiiutt /lid tltll midtleJa/tftrlit! OkJl).u!,rluls, i Normn
(Kristiania, 1912); Iversen (sec above, note 11); and '-for the moSt ,omprehensive discussion
of the sources with an analysi:; of melodic varianttl, scc · 0strem (sce above, note 13),
294--385.
[-282
l___ _ _ _
Owain Edwards

an audacious building programme, presumably intended to leave the king

in no doubt as to the wealth, permanence and might of the Church.
The proper Office of St. Olav is the only office of a Norwegian
saint for which both text and music have survived:21 Olav was not can-
onised in the Middle Ages although letters in correspondence with the
Vatican refer to him as a saint. He was eventually canonised in 1888.
The proper items of the mass of St. o1av are: Introitus, Gaudeamus
omnes in domino, Graduale, Posuisti domine super caput eius coronam, Offerto-
rium, Posuisti domine in capite eius coronam, and Communio, Magna est gioria
elus. The approprjation of the opening mass chant, the Introitus Gaudea-
mUJ omnes m domino could have been coincidental, because there are nu-
merous instances where local high-grade feasts adopt this chant and text.
Apart from its familiar use in Marian feasts, All Saints, St. Anne, St. Mary
Magdalene and St. Agatha, it appears in the feasts of St. Winifred, St. Ed-
mund archbishop of Canterbury, the feast of St. Osmund of Salisbury 22
and many more.
As all the proper items in the mass of St. Olav are the same as in the
mass of St. Thomas of Canterbury, the symbolism will have been obvi-
ous to clerics. Perhaps it even gave them encouragement and comfort at
times of physical harassment. The Introitus, Gaudeamus omnes in domino
begins with an opening gesture familiar from many chants, not least the
antiphon Franciscus w'r catholicus in Julian of Speyer's Office of St. Fran-
cis,2-' and Jubilate Deo, the Offertory for the second Sunday after Epiph-
any.24 With this phrase so steeped in connotations with other solemn oc-
casions, a cleric might with good reason sing in his heart "Praise God!"
that in the English conflict between Church and Crown, the Church won!

21 The only other Norwcglan proper office for which material is known to have survlVed is not
for a saint. I t provides liturgical material for September 12'h celebrating the date on which a
relic of the I Ioly Blood was brought to Nidaros in 1165. An account of this (in Norwegian)
may be found in (;lsda Attinger, OJji.f1f!t De susceptione sanguinis - norske gudstjenester fra
midtiehlrimn? (master's degree dlsscrtatlOn, Oslo University, 1993).
22 ~ilas ~vf r fanis, Saint David ifl 'he lilurg)' (Cardiff, 1940), 25, 37.
23 [Link]·) Dobszay observed in "Chant and analysIs", in Ams Uberales. Karlheinz Schlager zum
60. Geburtstag, cd. Marcel Dobberstein (I'utzing, 1998), 115, that just such a formula might
play a symbolIC role as a homage to the hemage of chant.
24 Vide, Professor Thcuuor Karp's paper in the present collection of papers.
,--_ _
M_U_SI_CAL SYMBOLISM IN TWO MEDIEVAL LITURGICAL CELEBRATIONS 283]

Colleagues familiar with this episode in ecclesiastical history must

excuse my elaborating on this point for the benefit of those who are not.
The significance of a symbol depends on the receiver's degree of famili-
arity with the "object". It changes according to how much is perceived.
For many people today as in medieval times, the church building itself
was a symbol of Christianity. Christians learned that the Church set out
to take care of man's soul, and in time of dire necessity, a church build-
ing could even provide physical sanctuary for a person. Within the sacred
space of the church enactment of the most holy rituals of the mass was
carried out at the altar, which thus by association became endowed with
particular symbolic significance. For regular church-going Christians who
appreciated this fact, the murder of the English archbishop of Canter-
bury, Thomas Becket on 29 th December 1170 made an enormous impact
because he was struck down at the altar in the sanctuary of his cathedral
church at Canterbury. Had the primate of the English Church, let us say,
been poisoned while, travelling abroad, it is doubtful wl:tether the crime
would have aroused the furore that ensued. He was murdered at the altar.
After an unusually short time, less than 26 months later, he was can-
onised by Pope Alexander Ill, on 21 st February 1173. 25 Details of the
conflict which had flared up between him and his close friend King
Henry II, and the fact that the king subsequently submitted undergo- to
ing public penance, was hot news. The liturgical observance of St. Tho-
mas of Canterbury's feast was probably ready by the first official celebra-
tion of his martyrdom on 29 th December 1173.26 This initiated a spate of
compositions about his sanctity and heroism, in particular as the cham-
pion of the clerical privilege. 27 Efforts were made by clerics both then
25 Annc J. Duggan, "The cult of St. Thomas Beckett in the thirteenth century", in St. Thomas
Cantihtpe Bishop of Hereford, Ess'!)!s ;n his honour, ed. Meryl Jancey (Hereford, 1982),21-44,
and Thomas Becket, Artes AA colloque inftrntlliotllJI tk SMieres, cd. Raymond Foreville (paris, 1975),
passim.
26 ,Reasons for this dating of the Office of St. Thomas of Canterbury are given in Edwards
1990, 160-161.
27 Numerous viltF and collections of miracles were written either before or shortly after his
canonisation. The earliest of the Latin lives are by William of Canterbury, ' William Fitzste-
phen. Edward Grim, John of Salisbury, Benedict. of Peterborough, Alan of rewkesbury and
[-Ierbert Bosham, sec Materials for the history of Thomas Becklt, Archbishop oj' Caliterbmy, ed. lC
Robertson and ].B. Shcppard, Rolls Series 67, in 7 vols. (London, 1875-1885), pasn",.,
P Thompson, "An anonymous verse Life of Thomas Becket", Mi/lellatnniJmlS Jahrbuch,
r - ---
1, 284 Owain Edwards

and In the following centuries to preserve the immunity they enjoyed

from secular Jaw. 28 St. Thomas's efforts to protect the privilege of the
clergy may be seen particularly in the fifth antiphon of matins, Exuiat vir
optimus sacer et insignis: Ne cedat Ecclesia dignitas indignis. 2?
All English schoolboys can remember two dates from their study of
history, both being when the English were beaten. The dates are 55 B.C.,
when JuLius Caesar headed the Roman invasion of Britajn, and 1066
A.D. when the Normans came, led by William the Conqueror. What
schoolboys usually do not remember about the latter, is that less than
three weeks earlier in 1066, on September 25 t h, King Harold II Godwin-
son defeated a large Norwegian army at Stamford Bridge, near York.
This was in an attempt to break the hold of the Danish and Norwegian
Vikings who had colonised about half of England and established the
so-called Danelaw in those regions. Having beaten this large army, King
Harold heard that the Normans had landed on the south coast at Peven-
sey. He force-marched his troops in record time the two hundred and
fifty miles, using the old Roman York-to-London road. It was almost in-
evitable, being already depleted after the battle and now exhausted by the
march, that they should be beaten at the Battle of Hastings, on Saturday
October 14rh.
This brings us over to the celebration of St. David. Very quickly, the
Normans, who were descendants of Vikings who had colonised North-
ern France, were being rewarded with lands throughout England. Soon
they began taking over Wales, and they naturally went into the more eas-
ily-accessible lowland parts in the south of the country first. Hand in
hand with the Conquest followed the inroads of Latin monasticism into

Vo! 20 (1985), 147-154. The same period saw the composition of accounts written in
A nglo-N or man and Icelandic, scc G jerlew, 1978, 149.
28 That there was a strong objection to this may be seen in the introduction to the ~tatute of
1489. This bcgtns by stating that, "divers persons lettered hath been the more bold to com-
mIt murder. rape, robbery, theft, and all other mischievous deeds because they have been as
continually admitted to the benefIce of clergy as oft as they did offend in any of the prem-
ise~" (4 Hen. vii, c. 3, cited in C. H. Firth, "Benefit of Clergy in the time of Edward IV", Ht
English Histoncal &view, 32/126 (1917), 183-184.
29 Brevianum ad llsum insignis ecdesiae Samm, ed. F Procter and C. Wordsworth (Cambridge,
1879-86), Vo!. 1, cdi.
 MUSICAL SYMBOLISM IN TWO MEDIEVAL LITURGICAL CELEBRATIONS 2851

Wales. 30 Communities of foreign monks grew up in the shadow of Nor-

man fortresses. The Benedictine monks were the first to arrive in Wales.
Other orders followed them soon afterwards, building cells and eventu-
ally priories on land donated to them by the Norman barons and knights
who had recently taken possession of thos·e regions. Since they de-
pended entirely on the initiative and patronage of the Norman landow.n-
ers, they were closely knit with the feudal fabric of the ruling classes in
society.3! The spread of rnonasticism in Wales drew sustenance from the
conventional belief that a gift to a church or a monastery was a valuable
act of piety that was a means of atoning for sin and ensuring that pray-
ers would be offered for spiritual welfare in the world to come.32
The promotion of the medieval cult of St. David for politic~ rea-
sons may be traced through a number of stages. First came the legend,
Vita beati Davidis archiepiscopi et confessons, which WaS written 1;>etween five
and six hundred years after St. Oavid's death by Rhigyfarch (1056/7-
1099). Rhigyfarch was the son of Bishop Sulien of Menevia. 33 The city re-
ferred to in Latin as Menevia, from the Welsh Mynyw, is called St. David's
today. The vim was obviously intended to be a political instrument. It
was written because Herewald, bishop of the neighbouring Welsh dio-
~ese of Llandaff (105~1104)) had a son, Lifris, abbot of the famous
Celtic monastery of Llancarfan founded by St. Cadoc in the Vale of Gla-
morgan in the early sixth century. 34 Lifris wrote a life of St. Cadoc in or-
der to impress the Normans who had only recently settled in south
Wales and therefore were ignorant of 'local history, of the venerability,
piety and benevolent influence of St. Cadoc. The monastic orders bene-
fited particularly from bequests mad~ by the Normans in Wales and'
it may be taken that it was in the hope of economic advantage that the
abbot started his public relations campaign for his patron saint. So,
in about 1085, Rhigyfarch wrote an even more imposing legend of
...
St. David, making out that David had always been the most important
'Welsh saint, and that the bishop of Menevia was by tradition archbishop

30 Glanmor Williams, The W,Lrh Chllfrhjro", Cotlljmst to Rlfirmat»iI (Cardiff, 1976). 18 ff.
'~

31 F.G. Cowley, The Monastic Ortftr in Soulh Walls, 1066-1349 (Carotff, 1977)., 11.
32 A scriptural basis for almsgiving is given in, Matthew 6; 3-4 and Tobit iv, 9-10.
33 Sulien had two periods as bishop, from 1073/4-1078 and from 1080 to 1085.
34 S. Baring-Could and J. Fisher, The Lves of the British Saints (London, 1907-1913), Vol. ii, 14.
 _____-_-
__------ -----O-w
--a-
in-E-d-w
-a-r-
d-s--------------~-------~

of Wales. This last point was aimed at Lanfranc, archbishop of Canter-

bury, who was attempting to impose authority over the Welsh bishops. In
order to emphasise the antiquity and independence of the Welsh
Church, Rhigyfarch claims that St. David was consecrated archbishop by
the patriarch of Jerusalem not the archbishop of Canterbury.35
The next stage occurred about a century later, by which time Welsh
bishops all had to swear an oath of allegiance to the archbishop of Can-
terbury. Giraldus de Barri, alias Cambrensis, was keen to be elected
bishop of St. David's. He embroidered the legend at length in about
1176,'6 but although he gained the nomination of his fellow canons both
then and in 1198 when a vacancy occurred again, he was not appointed.
His political intention was to confirm the ancient rights of the see. This
succeeded in appealing to his Welsh felJow canons but antagonised the
archbishop of Canterbury and the king, who thwarted his ambition.
Another stage in the progress of the cult of St. David was the com-
position of a mass and a proper office for the celebration of the feast.
I t is unknown, however, whether these were made at the same time.
They may have been put together before Giraldus rewrote the legend but
is more likely to have been after it, at least as far as the office is con-
cerned. The feast will already have been celebrated throughout the dio-
cese but since no early material has survived, it is not known how.
From 1398, the feast was included in the Sarum calendar, with the
result that its observation was made obligatory throughout most of Eng-
land, Wales, Scotland and Ireland where Sarum use was followedY The
degree of ceremonial intended was increased in 1415 when it was de-

35 VersIons of thc legend are available In the standard lives of [he saints (for instance,
I;~j[mcr) all of which are derived from Rhigyfarch's Vita beali DmJjdiJ. Texts are available
Ir1 . \. W Wade-I': van~, Lfe q[ St. David (London, 1923); Vitae sanetorum Bntanniae et genealogiae,
ed. ,\.W Wadc-I':vans (Cardiff, 1944); 1) Simon 1':V3ns (cd.), The WeLrh Life of St. David (Car-
diff, 1988), xi-xix; and, RhigyfarcM Life of St. David: The Basic Mid Twe!fth-Century Latin Text
1J,7th Inlroduction, Cntical ApparaluJ and Translation, cd. and tram; J.W James (Cardiff, 1967).
36 The twelfth-ccntury wurces contain some six thousand three hundred words while the ver-
sion by Gtraldu~ wa~ onc thousand SIX hundred words longer; sce James, xxv.
37 I\rchblshor Roger 'X-nlden decreed that St. David's Day in 1" March was to be celebrated,
an" IX leetiof/tbus, 1'1 celens omnibus ad ~(ficium sanctorum; sec Concilia magnae Bn/annicae et Hiberniae,
cd. J)avld \X1ilkins (London, 1737), Vol. iii, 234. This meant that churches had to celebrate
matins of threc nocturns, not onc as on ordinary days, in order to include nine proper read-
Ings
 MUSICAL SYMBOLISM IN TWO MEDIEVAL LITURGICAL CELEBRATIONS 2871

creed that it was to be performed, cum regime chori, emphasising that the
matins of St. David should be a sung service with the choir present
where such existed, and not just said. 38 This enhancement may have been
politically motivated as well, being a conciliatory gesnJre this time by
the English to the Welsh after their crushing defeat in the Glyn Dwr re-
bellion.
An indication of the geographical extent of St. David's cuitus may be
seen in the distribution of churches dedicated to him, there being forty-
two in the diocese of St. David's and twenty-two in south-west Eng-
land, northern France and Ireland. 39 The saint's shrine in the cathedral of
St. David's, although one of many centre's of pilgrimage in Wales, was
probably the leading and most lucrative 'one in the country~ ' if the scale
of the cathedral and archbishop's palace are anything to go by. The proper
Office of St. David is the only office of a Welsh saint for which both
text and music' have survived. Although letters in correspondence with
the Vatican refer to him as a saint, David was never officially canonised.
Information about how St. David's day was celebrated on March 1Sf
has to be based on late medieval sources. 40 The selection proper of
chants for the mass is not stable nor is the number of sources great. In
those sources where the Introitus, Gaudeamus omnes in domino occurs, the
influence of the mass of St. Thomas of Canterbury is not to be ruled
out. It may be contended that the choice of this chant was deliberate, for
political reasons, in an attempt to assert the independet:lce of , the Welsh
Church - in this case, from that of the English Church under its leader
the archbishop of Canterbury.
Support for this assumption may be seen in the fact that the majority
of the chants in the Office of St. David were also borrowed from Bene-
dict of Peterborough's Office of St. Thomas of Canterbury. Certain dates
"-
have been suggested when the composition of the Office of St. David
would have been particularly timely,41 The most likely of these was

38 Wilkins, Vol. iii, 376, This decree was issued by the archbishop of Canterbury, Henry Chich-
ete, who had been bishop of St. David's 1408-1414 before being "promoted" to Canter-
bury,
39 Baring-Gould and Fisher, Vo!. ii, 317-322.
40 Sources for the mass arc considered in Harris and of the office in Edwards, 1990.
41 Edwards, 1990, 163 ff.
~88 Owai n Edwards

shortly after the conquest of Wales, followed by the first visitation of the
four Welsh dioceses by John Pecham, archbishop of Canterbury and by
Edward I's royal progress through the country in 1284.
The words of the office describe episodes from the legend of
St, David, but the general symbolic message is one of defiance, through
using familiar chants from the Office of St. Thomas of Canterbury.42
The eighth responsory of matins affords connotations of the famous
combat described in II Samuel, 17, of when the biblical David who was
then still a young shepherd, took on Goliath and slew him with a well-
aimed stone to the temple.

R. Jugi Chn'stipassionis estuans memon'a

rursus factus es agonis POft/us uictoria.
Tandem doft's ample donis ditaris in gloria.
V. SuCt'umbente gyganteo spiritu blasphemie
fibi palma decus deo salus cedit patrie.
Tandem dolis ample, donis ditan's in glon'a.

The actual reference here to the gigantic spirit of blasphemy is to

St. David's alleged victory over the Pelagian heresy, but in general terms
it affords connotations of the little man against the giant, the little Welsh
nation verses the much larger and stronger English. If the office was
written at this time there might also be grounds for feeling an undercur-
rent of personal animosity flaring up between the hot-tempered arch-
bishop of Canterbury, John Pecham, and the aristocratic Thomas Bek,
bishop of St. David's. When Bek at first refused to receive a visitation by
the archbishop of Canterbury, he was summarily threatened with excom-
munication. A possible allusion to Pecham occurs in the verse of the
sixth responsory in the line, In sex operibus misen'cordie tollens pauperibus onus
miserie. The archbishop had only three years previously in 1281 issued a
series of canons at the Council of the province of Canterbury. One of
these refers to the works of mercy ~pecified in Matthew 25, 35-36: sex
sunt opera misen'cordie que ex Mathei evangelico patefiunt, que sunt: then he enu-
42 Twenty-four of thirty-one different chant~ provided for the office are modelled on chants
from the Office of St. Thomas of Canterbury, There is consc<Juently a persistent on-going
reference to the struggle between the Church and the king for power,
[ MUSICAL SYMBOLISM IN TWO MEDIEVAL LITURGICAL CELEBRATIONS 289 1

merates them. These canons must have been well known in the thir-
teenth century, because they still exist in sixty manuscripts. 43
References to the biblical psalmist, the historical King David, have
connotations in verses using the saint's name in items of the mass, like
Inveni David servuum meum and Memento domine David which were an obvi-
ous choice. Associations with David are many: king, leader, musician,
psalmist, fighter, and in this context the saint becomes "king" of the
Welsh Church. Annual commemoration of the Welsh saint with chants
borrowed from services which had overt political associations with St. Tho-
mas of Canterbury may be interpreted as a gesture of defiance, because
the Welsh bishops had since 1115 been subordinate to the archbishop of
Canterbury. It is reasonable to submit that for clerics, because only they
could understand the Latin of the services, St. David's Day services were
symbolic of Welsh aspirations for independ~nce.
According to Sarurn custom the psalms at vespers of saints were
normally, though not exclusively, sung under a single antiphon.,44 and the
chant of this antiphon in first vespers of the Office of St. David, 0 desi-
derabilis vu/tu forma presulum is from the Office of St. Nicholas, its model
J

being the gospel antiphon, 0 pastor eterne. When the clergy sang matins,
they had constant reminders of the Office of St. Thomas up to the et:ld
of the ninth responsory when there is a return to the Office of St. Nicho-
las, in a prosa sung to the memorable tune of S ospitati dedit egros. Partici-
pants at matins might be reminded by this tune of how St. Nicholas gave
sustenance to the sick, while at the same time hearing about St. David's
ascetic way of life, and of how he performed miracles. .'
By way of conclusion, it may be stated that in many cases when new
liturgical provision was made for the celebration of a saint's feast day, -
new texts were written and adapted to alr~dy existi~g chants. The musi-
cally alert will have been reminded of the original words and probably
also of the situation in which the music had formerly been sung. The en-
vironment in which the mental association was made will subsequently
have become enriched by repetition. This might arguably encumber the

43. COllncils & SYllods with other OOClmllnts "Jab"!. 10 th, [Link] Cblirch A D. 1205-1313, 00. F.M.
Powicke and CR. Chcney (Oxford, 1964), 904.
44 Proctcr and Wordsworth, VaJ. 3, 1: SNj>tr Psa/mos ,hire sola A"tiphD1IIl ...
~-- -- -­

!290 Owain Edwards

' - - --- -- _.-

new text with steered associations on which the listener was obliged to
ponder.
In this brief contribution to a comprehensive subject, my intention
has not been to generalize on the nature of symbolism in music. This
would have been presumptuous on my part, not being a philosopher. It
has been to identify some of the connotations 45 that can have supple-
mented the liturgical experience for participants at annual celebrations of
St. Olav and St. David in the Mjddle Ages.
Just as a tree alters the locality in which it grows, by making the place
richer because it is growing there, the symbolic message enriches the lit-
urgy for the receptive participant. The extent to which we can enjoy the
benefit of the symbolism comes down to what we can comprehend and
how much we can draw upon the mental associations intended. We read
at the end of the Book of Job that when God stops talking, Job says,46
"1 know that thou canst do all things and that no purpose is beyond thee.
But I have spoken of great things which I have not understood, things
too wonderful for me to know. I knew of thee then only by report, but
now I see thee with my own eyes." Job has heard many explanations, but
it is this flash of knOJJJing, this vision, that satisfies him. Jesus did not ap-
peal to people's reason but to their imagination. He told them about
situations they were familiar with that could easily to be imagined. It is
just such a challenging use of imagination through drawing upon conno-
tations with words and music, that is the driving force of the language of
symbolism.

45, [Link] B. Me),cr, Emotion al/d meanillg in lJIusic (Chicago, 1956) 256 tT. "N otc on imagc pro-
cc,;scs. connotatlOns. and moods." For the most recent comprehensIve bibliography, sce the
li:;t compiled by Jan Brachmann and Detlcf Cie,;e for the article, "Zcichcn" by Christian
Kadcn m Die Musik ill Geschichte Ullrl Gegel11l1ort, cd. Ludwlg Finschcr (Kasscl, 1998), Vol. 9,
2150-2220.
46 Job, 42, 2-5, scc The New ElIglirh Bible (Oxford and Cambndge, 1970).
 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 291

Nils Holger DANIEUS LUDUS

Petersen AND THE LATIN MUSIC
DRAMATIC TRADITIONS
OF THE MIDDLE AGES

I. Introduction
Throughout the history of Christianity there have been uneasy and vari~
able relations between what has normally been regarded as theatre or
drama, on the one hand, and worship or liturgy on the other. Very briefly
stated, the problem has to do with a conflict between representation or
mimesis on the theatrical side and the claim of absolute historical truth
from the side of the church. In his first letter to the Corinthians, St. Paul
wrote about the risks of faith in no uncertain terms:
"If Christ has not been raised, your faith is futile", he wrote, "and you
are still in your sins".1 About 150 years later, Tertullian of Carthage (c.
160-220) wrote his De spec/am/is (c. 200) against the theatre of his time,
arguing in a very general way, however, as he claims that:

"The Author of Truth hates whatever is untr~e; in his sight everything

fabricated is corrupt. In the same way he will not approve of an as-
sumed voice, sex, or age, or anyone who displays love, anger, sighs,
and tears: for he condemns every kind of falsehood."2

Even St. Augustine (354-430) wondered~why he had liked the thea-

tre so much in his youth. In book 3 of his Confessions (t. 397), he related
how he met the theatre in Carthage, when he arrived to study rhetoric in
1 Corinthians 15.17. Quoted from the New Revised Standard Version Bjble (1989).
2 "Non amat falsum auctor vcritatis: adulterium est apud illum omne quod fing1Nr. Proinde
uocem sex us, actates mentientcm, amores, iras, gemirus: lacrimas ass~uerantem non proba·
bit, omnem enim hypocrisin damnat." Tcrtullian, D6 .rpteJtlCNlis (XXIII) edited by E. Dekkers
m Corpvs Christianorvm Series Latina I, TerMliani opmr, Pars I (rurnholt, 1~54), 225-253
(this quotation 247). The translation is quoted from William Tydeman, The Thealn in the Mid-
dle Ages (Cambridge, 1978), 25 (giving a more extended excerpt in English).
 Nils Holger Petersen

371 at the age of 17. He did, however, write with much more feeling for
the aesthetic and with many more nuances than Tertullian:

"Now why", he asks, "does a man like to be made sad by viewing dole-
ful and tragic scenes, which he himself could not by any means en-
dure?"

Augustine saw it as a kind of compassion - but in his account he

asks whether there can in fact be compassion with the merely repre-
sented, with "fictitious and unreaJ sufferings" (rebus fic!zs et scenicis). Just as
when he (in book 10 of the Confessions) wrote about the appreciation of
musjc, he felt the need to warn against impure feelings. 3
Attitudes more or less like these can be traced throughout the Mid-
dle Ages among ecclesiastical authorities, especially towards jugglers and
mimers. In view of this, it might appear difficult to explain how the Mid-
dle Ages saw a substantial amount of devotional theatre appear in mo-
nastic houses, in cathedrals and other places (in spite of occasional criti-
cal voices).
The beginnings of a tradition of what modern scholars have termed
the "Lturgical drama" have fascinated and confused scholars of the 19 th
and 20 th centuries to a high degree. In this paper I shall mainly deal with
one out of the many hundreds of medieval so-called dramatic texts, the
Dame/is iudus (as it is called in the opening lines of the text). I will here be
dealing with a musico-literary text written at the latest in the beginning
of the 13 th century and most often dated to the mid-12th century,4 in
other words at a time when such practices had been known for well over
200 years in central Europe.

3 "(,!Uld c:;t, quod ibi homo uult dolere cum spcctat luctuosa et tragica, quae tamen pati ipse
nollct?" St. ,\ugustine, Conjmionllm libri XIII, edited by Lvcas Verheijen (after Martinus
SkutelJa) in Corrv~ Christianorvm Serie~ Latina XXVII, (rurnholt, t 981), Book 3, Section
2, 27-28. The tran~lation is quoted from AIIgIIstint: Confessions and Enchiritlion, cd and transla-
tor r\lbcrt C Outler, The Library of Christian Classics VII (London, 1955),62.
4 The Doniells IlIdus is uniquely preserved in British Library, MS Egerton 2615 (f. 95r-108r),
a manuscript also containing the Office for the Circumcision from the Cathedral of Beau-
VaJS and a collection of OfF;ana and motcts. Sce Wulf Adt, Ein FesloifiziJl1ll des MiueloltffJ ails

Bcollvais, 2 Vols (ErlitionJbond and DarJltllllngsbanrf), (Cologne, 1970) Arlt dates the manu-
scnpt In the 1220's or 1230's, ~cc DarsJelbmgsbond, 29.
 DANIELlS LUDUS AND THE LATIN MUSIC. .. 293lI

The Danielis ludus has been edited and discussed by scholars from a
number of different angles:~ Before I add my particular points, I must
make a few simple observations on the general traditions of the so-called
dramatic practices of the Middle Ages, since these are important for my
reading of the Danielis ludus.
The question of how to define drama in relation to the medieval lit-
urgy haunted scholarship for a long time until it learned to avoid the
question. The earliest preserved ceremonies concerning the "visit to the
sepulchre" with the quem queritis dialogue were most likely not at all
thought of by contemporary observers in a way similar to what in mod-
ern times would be understood by the notion of a dramatic perform-
ance. The songs of these practices were copied among the chants of the
Office or the Mass in liturgical manuscripts, for instance among the

5 A modern edition of the Latin text with an English translation and an introduction is found
in: Nine medieval Lati" plqys, ed. Peter Dronke (Cambridge, 1994), 120-145 with an introduc-
tion', 110-119. Unfortunately, the music is not there treated at all, as is the case with Young's
classic edition and commentary: The Drc1ma of the Medit1JOlChllrch I-I1, cd. Kart Young (Lon-
don, 1933), Il, 290-301. Another edition is found in Hilorii Allrelimtensis vtrSJlS It IMm pistolae;
LNdus Daniel;s BeloNc1censis, cd. by Walther Bullit and M.L. Bulst-Thiele (Leiden, 1989),
99-113. The volume con tains a discust>ion of the music of this Play by Mathias BielitJ:, uBe-
merkungen zur Musik des Daniel-Spiels von Beauvais" (120-179) and - in an appendix -
Matthias Bielitz' slightly corrected version of Coussemaker's old edition of the Play (music
and words): Drames IitNrgiqNes tIN mf!Yen tke, ed. Edmond de Coussemaker (paris, 1861); 49-82.
in
The Play (without its music) is further found Medi8val Drama, cd. David Bevington (Bos-
ton, 1975), 137-163 (with a short introduction). Performance editions exist in several ver- ----
sions: The Ploy of DanieL A Mediaeval Ulllrgital Drama,~. by Willia:m L. Smoldon and David
Wulstan (London, 1976) - a revision of Srnoldon!s edition frorn 1960; M,di,,,,,1 Chtlrth MuSt't-
Dramas. A Repertory of Compute P~s, ed. Fletcher Collihs (Chatlotteliville, 1976), 399-458,
and recently Marcel. J. Zijlstra's edition -(followed by an English translation of the Play)
in The P"D' of Daniel Critical ESSt~s, cd. Dunbar H. Ogden (Kalamazoo, Michigan, 1996),
87-126. This volume also contains a facsimile of the D01lj,lis btt/us., plates 1-27. A newedi-
tion of the Danielis htdus is forthcoming next year, edited by David Wulstan and published
by the Plainsong and Mediaeval Music Society. I thank Nicolas Bell for bringing this to my
attention.
Discussions of this Play arc very common in general accounts of medieval Latin drama.
The two following articles form a point of departure fm this paper: Margot Fassler, "The
Feast of Fools and Danil/is /1Idm: Popular Trarution in a Medieval Cathedral Play" in: Plain-
song in the age oj po!Jpho'!J, ed. Thomas Forrest KeUy (Cambridge, 1992), 65-99. Richard K.
Emmerson: "Divine Judgment and l..ocalldeology in the Beau~s LitdMs DOIIil/ii', in Ogden
(cd.), 33-61.
~-- ...- - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - ---- -- - - -- -- - - -----,
1294 Nils Holger Petersen

tropes for the introit of the Easter Day Mass. In all early documentation,
these texts (including rubrics, which sometimes describe the actions of
the clerical "performers" in greater or - more often - lesser details) do
not distinguish themselves significantly from their surroundings in a way
that would make it appropriate to read them as signs of a new art form.
Only the fact that modern - i.e. 19 1h and 20 th century - scholars have
read them as the beginning of a tradition, which during its course
brought large dramas such as the Danielis ludus and for instance vernacu-
lar cycle dramas, has influenced the understanding of these early texts in
this direction. (, Such a viewpoint was almost made canonical through
Karl Young's magisterial work from the beginning of the 20th century.
His categorizations and definitions implied that the early description of a
so-called "visit to the sepulchre" preserved in the Regular-is Concordia, the
agreement apparently decided upon at the Winchester synod in the 970's,
should be understood as a record of an "authentic Easter play".7 Cer-
tainly, certain statements in this text seem to corroborate the mimetic as-
pect of the ceremony. This is for instance the case with the following ex-
cerpt:

" these things (i.e. the movements of the brethren to what is called
"the place of the sepulchre", where the famous clialogue between the
Angel and the visiting women is carried out) are done in imitation of
the angel seated on the tomb and of the women coming with per-
fumes to anoint the body of Jesus".R

6 I:or a thorough recent discussion of the "liturgical drama" scholarship from a methodologJ-
cal rOlnt of VIew, sce Michal Kobialka, Tbis l.r .N!y BorJ),. RepresenlatioJlol Practices in 'he EarlY
Middle Agu (1\on ,\.rbor, 1999), esp. "Introduction", 1-33.
7 ~ee Young, I. 79-81 (esp. 80), 110, 218,231, and 249-250. Karl Young defines drama
through the concept of "impersonation" (79-81) and dismisses most liturgJcal ceremonies,
Including what he conSidered as the trope version of the quem qucritis dialogue, as oot genu-
Inely dramatIC (scc 110 and 218). I le claimed that the quem queritis only developed into an
"authentic I':astcr play" in what he considered its "new pOSition" in the Canonical Office (in
this case Matins), and he refers to this "authentic I':astcr play" as the "Visitatio sepulchri".
I le discusses versions of t1us "play" from many texts, not the least (and certamly the earli-
est) beIng the onc from the Reglllol1S concorrlia mentioned above (249- 251 and 581-583).
8 d.\!-,'llntuf cnim haec ad imitationcm angcli sedentis 10 mooumento, atgue mulierum cum
aromaribus ucntentlum ut ungercnt corpus I hcsu". Quoted from the editiun and English
translation of the [Link] concorrlia: Reglllam Concordia / The i'vlonastic Agreement, cd. Thomas
~ym(Jns (London, 1953). SO.
L DANIELlS LUDUS AND THE LATIN MUSIC. ..

It is, however, only the observer who wants to see drama here who
needs to see it. Nothing prevents a reading of this text - and many other
similar ones - as a devotional practice, whose representation of the his-
torical women at the grave was not intended in a "theatrical" mimetic
way. Nothing contradicts a reading of the short so-called visitatio sepulchri
ceremony from the Regulan's Concordia as a devotion leading the congre-
gation (represented by the'brethren who carry outthe ceremony) to con-
template and jubilate the meaning of the resurrection. This would be
similar to how Clifford Flanigan many years ago interpreted the troped
introit to the Easter High Mass at St. Martial with its introductory quem
quen·tis dialogue (probably the oldest e~tant of such texts), a text consid-
ered to be pre-theatrical by Young)Y
Drama as a concept was not an issue in the devotional context
around 1000. For historical understandings of the quem queritis dialogues
and similar texts it seems more appropriate to discuss them in the light
of the devotional practices of the 10th and 11 rh centuries. But not even
the concept of liturgy is easy to delimit at the time. The word liturgy was
not used or defined in the West until much later. to Whether or not a gen-
erally accepted concept of an "official liturgy" can be defined or delim-
ited,during the Middle Ages (for instance between Charlemagne and the
Tridentine Council) is not at all clear. The traditional idea of denoting
certain ceremonies or songs which can be found in the so-called liturgi-
cal books for the Office or the Mass as extra-liturgi_cal or para-liturgical
has probably to a high degree been influenced by the views of the Tri-
dentine reformers and their abolition of [Link] The problem may be
9 [Link] Flanigan, "The Liturgical Context of the QlItl1J QII6ritis Trope". ComparotiVl Drat!la
8 (1974),45-62, esp, 57-60, ef. Young, 1,210--213, Concerning the &gM/oris COII&Drdia cere-
mony sec also C. CLifford Flanigan, "Medieval L~~rgy and the Arts, Visitatio Sepulchci as
Paradigm", in: Liturgy and the Arts in the Middle Agts. Studies ill HOllour of C. Clifford Flmligan,
cd, by L~va Louise Lillic and Nils HoIger Petcrsen (Copanhagcn, 1996), 9-35, esp. 15-17.
Further Kobialka, 35-99, my own "Les tcxtes polyval~nts du Quem quaeritis a Winchester
au X· siecle", Revue de Mllsicologit 86 (2000), 105-118, and my forthcomjng discussion of the
representational liturgy of the Regularis Concordia in: ThI Wh#1e MantIA of Chllrchts. Architec-
ture, Lturgy dlld Art around the Milltniu11J, cd. by Nigcl lIiscock (lurnholt, in print), 107-117.
10 Sce for instance A.G. Marnmort, L'Eg/ise e1/ pritre. I"trodNdioll a10 IJtlirg}' (3rd edition: Paris,
1965),3,
11 See for instance Martimort, 134; Young, I, 178-182; William L. Smoldon, The Mlisic of tht
Merlieval Church Dramas (London, 1980), 50. The term para-liturgical is found among other
 Nils Holger Petersen
- - - - --

solved by using the contents of liturgical books of a particular time and

place as a guide-line for delimiting "the liturgy" of that practice. One
must then include for instance a wine drinking ceremony after the Easter
Vespers Procession celebration as a part of a 10th -century liturgy as this
1S recorded (among other places) in the Roman Germanic Pontifical of
the 10lh century.12
All such cautions against anachronistic generalizations do not neces-
sarily mean that it may not be important to read the early quem quen"tis
ceremonies and (for instance) the mentioned Regulan's Concordia cere-
mony in the context of drama history. If we remain strictly within the
10 th (and 11 lh)-century devotional context it becomes rather obscure how
or why one can find texts in the 12th century, which no one would deny
may reasonably be read as records of dramatic performances, more or
less connected to church ceremonies. If, on the other hand, we one-sid-
edly view the early devotional ceremonies as forerunners of later dra-
matic texts, we may stretch the contemporary context unduly. My sug-
gestion would be to do both. We are - in the end - not talking about
facts, but about interpretations, and the two mentioned viewpoints are
called for by different historical quests. In the proper perspective, neither
interpretation contradicts the other; they simply belong to different dis-
courses. n
These general remarks form a necessary introduction to the follow-
ing reading of the Danielis I",dus because I want to read it as a part of a
tradition of "such texts", i.e. as a part of a historically gradually defined

places in the C;erman tran~lation of Martimort'~ above cited work: A.-G. Martimort, Hand-
buch der Li/llrgmvissenschoft 1-11 (Freiburg, 1963),9, and in certain more recent (uaditional) ac-
counts of "lituq,r1cal drama": sec Sandro Stlcca, "Italian Theatcr of the Middle Ages: from
the quem qllaentis to the louM', Fornm italicllm 14 (1980), 275-310, esp. 279; also John Stevens,
WOfllr and Mllsic In the MiMle Ages. Song. Naml/ive, Dance and Drama, 1050-1350 (Cambridge,
1986),80. The word 'extra-liturgical' is found in Young, I, 182. A notion of "official Roman
chant" which lic~ underneath alJ such distinctions is found in Smoldon, 50. For a critical
comment on the use of the term 'paraliturgical', see Flanigan (1996), 15-16.
12 See C:yrille Vogcl et Reinhard Elzc, cd:;, Le Pontijicol Romano-germaniqlle dll dixiime neck I-Ill
(Citta del Vaticano, 1963-72),11,117. I will deal with this passage (and other similar ones) in
a forthcoming publication which is presently under prcpasation.
13 ef. Flanigan (1996), 29-30. Sce al:;o my "Serlil angelus ad stpulchmllf'. Reading the Words and
Music of a ProcessIonal I ~[Link] Chant", in: Can/lis PIo,IUS. Paptrs fuad of the 8'/' Muting, Viseg-
rod, Hllngary, 1998. cd. Laszlo Dobszay (Budapest, 2001).
1-- DANIELlS LUDUS AND THE LATIN MUSIC. ..

genre which may then be termed "liturgical drama" .14 Margot Fassler has
presented a very convincing reading of the Play in a particular liturgico-
clerical context. The obvious relevance of this context is suggested by
the fact that the Play of Daniel is preserved in only one manuscript,
Egerton MS 2615 in the British Library, which also contains the Beauvais
Office of the Circumcision (or New Year's Office), popularly called the
Feast of Fools. Fassler reads the Play with regard to the concerns of the
ecclesiastical authorities about the excesses of that particular feast-day
and in the light of its reformed Office. This seems to have been re-
flected in the Beauvais Circumcision Office and also (to a slighdy lesser
degree) in the corresponding Office from the Cathedral of Sens. l5
Peter Dronke, in the introduction to his edition and translation of
the Danielis ludus, gives a sketch of ·a reading pointing out first and fore-
most the biblical and soteriological typologies that can be found in the
verbal text of the Play.t6 A theological exegesis of the verbal text has also
been carried out by Richard K. Emmerson, who takes his point of depar-
ture in the fourfold exegesis, i.e. in a multi-layered reading of the "mean-
ings" of the text. 17 He particularly draws attention to the tropological or
"moral" interpretation, contextualizing the Play through a presentation of a
local (Beauvais) application of the general ecclesiastical ideology con-
cerned with the controversies between royal and episcopal authority ..(or
power), or more generally between the opposition between the worldly
and the spiritual. Emmerson's account refers to contemporary documen-
tation about the struggles of the Beauvais chapter and. some bishop-
counts against what the local politico'-religious ' ideology would consider
as royal abuse (complicated by the fact that the bishops had been vassals
14 This has of course been the convention in scholarship for many years: ef. C. Clifford Flani-
gan, "The Liturgical Drama and Its Tradition: A Review of Scholarship 1965-1975" (Part
1-11) &.r,orch Opporlll1fitiu ill RlIIIli..uon&t Drtlllla XVIII (1975), 81-t02 a11d XIX (lm),
109-136. The term has been used regularly i.'1 chapter headings concerning this tradition,
sec the above cited publication by Flanigan and for instance Stevens, 324-337, Uld Susan
Rankin's contribution in The N,., Oxford HiStory of Mll-Jic 11, cd. by Richard Crocker' and
David Hiley (Oxford, 1990), 31 ()"':'356. Conversely, sce Kobialka, 30. \
15 ror the Beauvais OfficClIllec Wulf Arlt's edition and commentary (cf n. 4). The Sens Office
is cdited and commented upon in Henri Villetard, OJft&tM Pitm tit C'rlHii(Ojft&t tit 10 Circoll-
cinon) Improprmltnt appeli 'Office MS FoIIJ" (Paris, 1907). See aiso,Fassler, 72..:80.
16 Sce n. 5, above.
17 Emmcrson (sec n. 5, above), 43.
1298
L. _ _
Nils Holger Petersen

of the King since 1015). Although the bishop owed obedience and serv-
ice to the King, he ultimately did so only as long as it did not oppose his
greater duty towards God. In Beauvais, Emmerson contends, the Play
would have brought to mind historical incidents between the bishop and
the crown. Emmerson sees the growing royal French power reflected in
(he descriptions of the Babylonic court of Darius in the Danielis ludus
and refers to Bernard of Clairvaux for a contemporary use of the term
"Babylonic" in a critical reference to Paris.1s
Emmerson argues convincingly that this is a relevant and plausible
reading, although the dramatic high point of the second part of the
drama, the condemnation to the lions' den and the miraculous survival
of Daniel, does not seem to have a clear point of reference within the
proposed contextualization. Emmerson, of course, as also the other
readers of the Danie/is ludus referred to, never claims that his reading
should be exclusive. On the contrary, he refers repeatedly to theoretical
frameworks involving modern reader response understandings.\9
A reading is to a high degree determined by the questions brought to
bear on the text. And here finally, I would like to add my supplementing
readings of parts of the drama. A reading may be understood to belong
to its text in a certain way (and vice-versa). In the context of Biblical in-
terpretation, Paul Ricceur and Andre LaCoque have used the word "fore-
ground" to denote a gradual adding to a text in terms of reader re-
sponses?) A text, at least within a well-defined community of readers,
will come to include the understandings it has brought about, and which
(to a greater or lesser extent) can no longer be cut off from it.

11. Danielis ludus and the "liturgical drama" genre

The question which I bring to the musico-dramatic text of the Danielis
ludus concerns the way in which this text responds to the dramatic tradi-
tion into which it seems to have inscribed itself. A twelfth-century so-
called officium peregrinortlm (a "liturgical drama" based on the Gospel nar-

18 I·:mmtrson. 44-52.
1C) hnmcrsol1, 52-53, n:fcrrinp; tu the anthropolowcally-inspired work of C. Clifford Flanigan.
20 .\ndrc l,aCocquc and Paul Ricrcur, ThinkinL~ Biblical (Chicago: Chicago UP, 1998), Preface,
XI1I-XIV.
[ DANIELlS LUDUS AND THE LATIN MUSIC. ..

rative about the epiphany of the resurrected Christ at Emmaus, Luke

24.13-35) has been preserved from the Cathedral of Beauvais. Also, a
visitalio sepulchri of the thirteenth century · from Be auvais, although not
from the Cathedral itself, points to the presence of a "liturgical drama"
tradition in Beauvais. 21 Commentators have noted that the Danielis INdus
shows a more advanced dramatic construct than is found in many earlier
of the so-called "liturgical drama" texts. 22 Th.e Play of Daniel exhibits an
enormous control of roles and dramatic action. It is mainly based on the
chapters 5 and 6 of the Book of Daniel, i.e. the narrative of the writing
on the wall and the downfall of King Belshazzar and the narrative of
Daniel in the lions' den. It also incorporates an episode from the Apoc-
ryphal adclitions to the Book of Daniel (14.32-38) where the prophet
Habakkuk visits Daniel during a six day long stay in a lions' den.
Scholarship (as referred to above) has treated the relationship be-
tween the Danie/is It/dus and the Biblical text, as well as the occasional use
of the vernacular (French) in the otherwise Latin play and the fact that
important songs in the Play appear to be detached from the narrative
plot. During the entry of King Belshazzar and his retinue at the begin-
ning of the Play, the conductus, astra tenenti, cunctipotenti, anticipates the
plot of the Play. When Daniel is summoned to King Darius in the sec-
ond part, his conductus, congaudentes cekbremus, strongly emphasizes the
celebration of the nativity thus making the season when th~ play was
performed clear. Among other things .this shows that the drama had
other purposes than just to. tell an Old Testament story. It hecomes even
more clear towards the conclusion that th~ celebration of nativity consti-
tutes an important aspect of the Play. Here Daniel - after having sur-
vived the lions' den and been found alive the next morning by King Dar~
ius who then decrees the faith of Daniel henceforth to be the only true
faith in his kingdom - prophesies the arrival of Christ. A moment later

. .
21 Both these ceremonies arc transcribed and edited in Susan K. Rankin, The Mmic of thI, Medie-
val Ulurgical Drama in France and in England I-Il Q..ondon, 1~89), n, 149-154, and ~6-37.
Bdth verbal texts arc edited and commented upon in Young,. I, 466-470 and 580, as also in ~
Walther Lipphardt, cd, Lateinische OSlttjeiern und Osterspilil I-IX (B~rlin, 1975-90), V,
1611-1615 (no. 808), VI, 385, and VIII, 783-784, resp. 1,110 (no. 92), VI, 387, and VII, 77.
22 For instance Young, 1I, 290 and 301-304, Smoldert and Wulstan (eds) ~ Introduction i,
Rankin (1990).349-352, Fassler, 66, Dwnke (cd.), 147.
[3{fa Nils Holger Petersen

this arrjval is announced by an angel singing the nativity hymn Nuntium

le
vobis fero upon which the Deum is intoned and the Play ends.23
Along the way aJlusions to plainchants are made - verbally and mu-
sically. These stand out more or less clearly from what in modern edi-
tions have often been interpreted as metrical songs - such a differentia-
tion depending to some extent, of course, on the validity of rhythmical
in terpretations. 24
In the early visitalio sepulchri or quem queritis texts, the narrative which
such a text unfolds takes off at some point during the Easter Office, i.e.
from what is generally conceived as a more traditional celebration of the
resurrection. After having unfolded. this narrative, the text turns back to
what I have in other places characterized as a celebrational mode, to
which the text may in fact have returned one or more times during its
course. It seems that one of the functions of the narrative becomes to
provide a strengthened basis for the celebration, reminding the congre-
gation of its Biblical, historical, and mythological grounds. 25

23 Ogdcn (ed.), plate 27 (facsimile of MS Egcrton 2615, f. 108r)~ sce also the edition. of Bielitz
In the appendix of Bulst and Bulst-Thielc, no. 61 (sce n. 4 above) The same hymn is found

10 the same manuscript, f. 37r + v, at Matins for the Circumcision Office of Beauvais: see

Arlt, Editionsband. 81 and 235 (see n. 4 above); also in the hymn section of the 12th -century
gradual-troper Paris, Bib!. nat. de France n.a. lat. 1235, from the Cathedral of Nevers, for
the feast of epiphany: see Bruno Stablein (ed.), Monumenta Monodica Medii Aevi I, Hymnen
(Kassel, 1956),83.
24 Concerning the problematic of rhythmical interpretations, see Rembert Weakland, "The
Rhythmic Modes and Medieval Latin Drama", Journal of the American Mu~icological Soci-
ety XIV (1961), 131-146, and Biclitz, 120-128 (in Bulst and Bulst-Thiele). See also Michel
Huglo. "Analyse codicologigue des drames liturgigues de Fleury", in Calomes ~/ cahim. Mi-
a
Iongn de codicologie et de paliographie offirts Uon Gilissen, ed . by Jacques Lemaire and Emile Van
BaJbcrghc (Brusscl~, 1985), 61-78, 68. The performance edition of Smoldon and Wulstan
favour~ rhythmical interpretations of aU the songs (ef. also Smoldon, 1980, 22&-245),
whereas Marcel J. Zijlstra in his edition (see n. 5 above) makes distinctions according to the
(alleged) proximity of a song to a liturgical chant. Scc also Fasslcr, 86, n. 78. Concerning
guotatlons from or associatlons to plainchants, sce Smoldon and Wulstan, "Introduction", ii,
Bielitz, 171-173, and Fassler, 88-89 and 95.
25 This is an important point in my unpublished, Danish language ph.d. dissertation, Dtt midde-
IoUtrligt latinske mllsikdramas genre og /ilurgiske oprintkhe (Department of Church History, Uni-
versity of Copenhagen, 1994). In bricfer form, such an understanding is also referred to in
some of my published papers: HA Newly Discovered Fragment of a Visitatio Sepukhri in
Stockholm", Compa,.ative Drama 30 (1996), 32-40, sce 37-38~ teA Mutual Lamenting: Mother
and Son in Filius Gr/rams' in Noma, mogislra mu"rIi. Iltntrorio CIIltura~ merlitvoliJ. Milongrs offtrls
 DANIELlS LUDUS AND THE LATIN MUSIC. ..

In the quem queritis text in the Regularis Concordj~ it is described how

the prior turns back to the traditional celebrational end of Matins by in-
toning the Ye Deum after the end of the visitalio sepukhri action. The text
even emphasizes his joy because of Christ's victory over Death:

"When the antiphon is finished the prior, rejoicing in the triumph of

our King in that He had conquered death and was risen, shall give out
the hymn Te Deum laudamus, and thereupon all the bells shatl peal".2 6

All so-called Latin medieval music dramas of which I know can be

read in such a light. I further propose that a particular characteristic of
the "liturgical drama" as an emerging genre may be seen in the playful-
ness with which such a narrative may be seen to unfold in ~istorical, lin-
ear, time when contrasted with celebrational praise in what could be
called a ritually detached time. The latter may be construed as eternal
time from an ideal theological point of view or as a punctual interrup::.
tion of historical time. This depends on llow one decides to relate the
"ideal" interpretation of a "celebrational" time to the obviously "cantus
firmus" -like historical time which, through the basic conditions of hu-
man life, always runs parallel to any other time representationP Seeing
this "playing" with different time representations as a device that could

011Pere LE. Bf!Jk a"occasion tit JOII 75' tIIIniversairt, ed. Jacqueline Hamesse (Louvain-la-Neuve.
1998), 687-701, esp. 696-698. and "QNmt qlltltrilis ;n stpllkbro? The Visit to the Sepulchre
and Easter Processions in Piacenza 65" in I1Libro MI Matstro. Codiu 65 tkU'arthivio CapiIO/on
di Piocenza (sec. XlI). Am d41 confM!,no MaT:(.o 1997, cd. l>ierre Raane (piacenza. 1-~ 109-122,
see esp. 116, and Petersen (2000). 11 S-118 (sce n. 4 above). See also my "Music Dramatic
Extroversion and Contemplative Intt~spection: Hildeganl of Bingen's Oroo Vittutum" in
Ritua/, Pttjormanct, CuItNn: Papm I!J C. Clifforrl FlatUgall, His SINMttts,tllld CoJl#f!!lI's, ed. Robed'
Clark (Auckland, New Zealand, forthcoming). The work of Hardison (see n. 27 below)' 'and
Flanigan constitutes the fundamental inspiration behind this idea.
26 "Finita antiphooa prior, congaudens pro triumpbo regis nostri quod deuicta motte sune-
xit. incipiat hymnum Tt Delllil IautlamllS", quo incepto una pulsantur omnia signa". Symons
(ed.),50. '
27 Concerning the time-representation of the liturgy, See o.B. Hardison, Christitm Rite and
Christian Drtl1110 ;" the Midd/t Ages (Baltimore, 1965), 82-84, and, fundamentally .opposed to
Hardison's understanding in arguing that the time representation of the Mass liturgy is
punctual, B.-D. Serger, r.., Drt1I1It liJ",.[Link] tit PdqlttS tIM ~ all XIII' riltU. U . ,1 Thialrt.
(Paris, 1976), 217-222 (and cf. 243). Sec also the discussion of time representation in my
"t\ Mutual Lamenting" (see, n. 25 above), 696-697.
 Ni!s Ho!ger Petersen

(gradually) develop into a technique which in modern everyday language

now could be called dramatic, a "drama" clearly would seem closer at
hand whenever the short quem quen'tis dialogues between the angel and
the women, concluding not only in the Biblical announcement of the
Resurrection, but also in the praise sung by the women (in various songs
from the Easter Office), are seen to be "extended" by another "scene",
where the angel calls back the women to see the empty grave. Such an
"extension" is found among a few other places in the Regularis version,
whereas such a "dramaturgical technique" does not seem to have be-
come widespread before the 12th century.2R In such a dialectic form, cer-
tain lines will belong to the celebrational praise, others to the narrative,
but others again may possibly be understood in both ways.29
What I would like to point out concerning the Danielis ludus is that in
this musico-dramatic text such a "technique" seems to have been refined
and brought to use pervasively. In this short paper I will exemplify this
through the discussion of one "scene", but it is possible to extend such
an analysis to the whole text of the PI ay. 311 The observations in the fol-

28 Concerning the Regulons ceremony (textual cdirion and translation in Symons [cd.J, 49-50),
scc Rankin, "[Link] Drama", 317-319. A similar ceremony is found in the quem qllentiJ
ceremonies of the Winchester trorers, dated to the 11'h centuries, but probably reflecting
a late 10'11 century usage (sce (he discu%ion in my HLes textes polyvalents", ll. 9 above, with
many further references). In the 12'11 century, the "dramas" of the Fleury Playbook (includ-
ing its large ViJitotio uplllchri play) as weU as the DanienJ /udJis are clear examples of an ex-
tended use of such a "technique". Concerning the Fleury Playbook, see The FIeHry Pkrybook:
Em!)'s and Studies. cd. by Thomas P Campbell and Clifford Davidson (Kalamazoo, Michigan,
1985), containIng a facsimile edition of the 10 plays from the so-called playbook. In this vol-
ume, see especially C. Chfford Flanigan, "The Fleury Playbook, the Traditions of Medieval
[Link] Drama, and Modern Scholarship", 1-25, where - among other things - it is pointed
out that in this partlcuJar manuscript the compiler seems to have had some basic idea of a
dramatic genre (sce 14-15).
29 In the Daniells luduJ several such examples can be found: sce the discussion below. 1n the
[Link] version of the quem quentis the praising announcement of the Rcsurrectionby
the women 1:; a case in point. It may well be understood as the response of the women
to the message of the angel, I.e. a~ a part of the constrllcted narrative, but since it is specifi-
cally pointed out In the text that the women are to sing this song (Allelmo. [Link] Domi-
nus) In the direction of the choir (Symons led.], 49), it may equally well be understood as
a part of the de~cribed "celebrational" modc. (f'he situation in the Winchester tropers is
similar: sce Rankin, "J .iturl-,tlcaJ Drama", 318, example 92).
30 Sce my above mentioned phd. dissertation (n. 25),269-290.
[ DANIElIS LUDUS AND THE LATIN MUSIC. ..

lowing discussion summarize my reading of the drama as a conscious

playing with techniques developed through two centuries of an emerging
tradition which scholarship in modern times has read as a tradition of
"drama".
In its second part, the Play of Daniel follows the Biblical story of
how King Darius was fooled by envious advisors to sentence Daniel to
death in the lions' den as he continued to worship his God, the true God
in the eyes of the Play and in the Biblical perspective, of course, in spite
of a new decree which only permitted the adoration of the King. 31 To-
wards the end of this section', King Darius reluctandy sentences Daniel
to the lions, after which Daniel responds to the sentence with a lament
which may be heard as an invitation to identify with his suffering. 32

Alas, alas, alas! Through what mischance of fate

has this death-sentence come about?
Alas, alas, alas! The monstrous crime!
Why will this savage crowd give me to be torn

by the savage beasts?

Is it thus, King, that you seek to destroy me?
Alas, what kind of death do you compel me
to die? Relent your rage! 3~

The King, who in the words of the manuscript rubrics is "powerless

to set him free" 34 (i.e. he is caught in a diplomatic trap), in his powerless-
31 In terms of the verbal text of the Play, I refer here and in the followillg to the 'e dition '(and
tramlation) of Peter Dronkc (sec above, n. 5); concerning music (in combination with tile
verbal teKt) I refer to the edition of Btetitz (see n. 5) by numbers of items, and to' the fac-
simile in Ogdcn (cd.), The PIqy 0] Danie/For the mentioned "scene", see'-'Dronke (ed.),
137-139 (line 211-237). '
32 Compare Fassler, 94, who sees the lamenting Daniel as a type of Christ in Gethsernane on
the evening of Maundy Thursday. For the relevant Biblical version (which does not contain
such a lament of Daniel), see Danihel 6,6-17 of the Biblill Iacra W<1(1,t1N!gatamwrslO1ltlll.
33 "Heu, heu, hcu! Quo casu sortis/ venit hee dampnatio mortis? / I-teu, heu, heu! - scelus in-
fandum! - / cur me dabit ad lacerandum / / hee fera turba feris?/ Sic me, Rex,perdere que-
ris?/ Hcu, qua morte mon/ me cogis? Parce furonl" Dronke (cd.), 139-140 Q. 238-245) in-
cluding the English translation; for the music see Bielitz, no. 47, facsimile, f. 106r + v. (Og-
don lcd .l, plates 23-24).
34 "non valens cum liberare" Dronkc (cd.), 138 (after \. 245).
\304 Nils Holger Petersen
---------------------- ----~-------------------------------~

ness makes what turns out to be a prophetic statement, which it is even

possible to read as expressed against his own beliefs: "The God whom
you worship so loyalJy will set you free miraculously."35 Obviously, at
least, these words would have resonated meanings to the medieval audi-
ence (and similarly to any Biblical "audience") which could not be sup-
posed to be understood from within the narrative.
Daniel is now thrown into the pit, where an angel protects him from
the lions. As he enters, he sings:

I am not guilty ill this case:

have mercy on me, God - eleyson!

God, send a protector here

who can curb the lions' strength - eleyson! 3(,

As commentators have noted, not only the verbal text but also the
music associates to plainchant, in contrast to the more personal lament
just mentioned:

, • .,.~?~~ . :i~~:: ~. "~ ~~ .~: ~.'~.:. ~p~A';F)~~~,:;)::~~j~~:;::~:~ ~~{:;·· ,: i:: : ~ J::~·:~'· :D:~:,"~>
.H~-'I.l~ r(.-~ ~Ul\. cu....... rt.,.-I(." l'\o\.i-H.. - r<....;i;-(;~4 -"i~-!.(.,

,
J. .;. . ::-~~~~~" · ,::=~~~ ~· -if~j~~::"
Example 37

35 "Deus quem colis tarn fideliter I te liberavit mirabiliter." Dronke (ed.), 138 (11. 246-247).
This IS a clo~e paraphrase of the Kings statement in Dn 6,16 CDeus tuum quem colis sem-
per ipse libcravit te").
36 "Huius reI non sum reu~: I miscrere mei, deus - elryson!/ Mitte, deus, hue patronuml qui re-
frenet vim leonum - elryJon!" Dronke (ed.), 138-141 (incl. the English translation).
37 R1e1itz (ed.), no. 49, facsimile (in Ogdon led .]), f. l06v (plate 24). Concerning the plainchant
connotations of this song, sce fassler, 95, Smoldon and Wulstan, Introduction, ii. and Biel-
itz, "Bemerkungen", 170.
L- - - - - - - - - DANIELlS LUDUS AND THE LATIN MUSIC. ..

This is important, as the words which Daniel sings are strange in one
particular way. His claim to innocence is not only, strictly speaking, in-
correct - since he has in fact violated the law which King Darius has
signed in the Play (and in the Biblical account) - but it also contradicts a
main point of the plot, the fact that Daniel as a truly pious person will _
not give up his worship of the true God regardless of the pressure of
royal power (cf. Emmerson's reading). This is a point emphasized in the ' ,
Biblical account, which describes how Daniel deliberately - after hearing
about the new edict of the King - goes home to pray in his usual way to
his God, mentioning that he has open windows in the direction of Jeru-
salem. 38 From a narrative point 6f view, one would have expected a
rather different statement in the Play at this point.
This apparent inconsistency has been noticed by Walther Bulst, who
uses it in the context of his comparison between the Danielis [Link]
the only other preserved Latin play of Daniel, the roughly contemporary
Historia de Daniel representanda (preserved without music in a manuscript
of the 12th century, Bibliotheque nationale de France, lat. 11331) written
by Hilarius, the student of Abelard. 39 Walther Bulst saw the "faulty"
claim of Daniel in the Beauvais Cathedral play as a sign of a lesser -de-
gree of "dramatic" maturity in the play written by the students from the
cathedral school. 40 He described it as "theatrical", and at the same time
he interpreted the above described mixture of _cdebra~onal, anticipatory
and Biblical narrative parts as belonging to a less secularized point· o~
drama history than the Historia by Hilarius, where such a mixture is much
less pronounced. A literary interdependence between the two plays has
been claimed by some scholars: apart from short passages which are, ery
close, the narrative materials and the way they have been arranged agree

38 "quod cum Danihel conperisset id est constitutam legem ingressus est doinum suam et ,fe-
nestris apcrtis in cenaculo suo contra Hierusalem tribus temporibus in die flectebat genua
sua et adorabat confitcbaturque coram Deo suo sicut et ante facere consuerat" Dn 6, 10.
39 The hiJloria is edited in Bulst and Bulst-Thielc (eds), 48-59. Concerning the manuscript, see
Vorwort, VII, and 68. The comment on the hliiits ,.,; IIII".JJIIII mu it; feund on p. 14.
40 BuIst and BuIst-Thicle (eds), 13-214. The attribution to the students of the Beauvais cathe-
dral school is commonplace, and is balied on the text of the prologue: "Ad hO.t.l0remtui,
Chaste, Daniclis ludus iste / in Be1vaco est inventus, I et invenit hune iuventus." (In your
honour, Christ, this play of Daniel / wall Gomposed in Beauvais .... it was the young who
composed it.) Dronke (cd.), 120-121.
 Nils Holger Petersen

to a point which has led some to the assumption that one is more or less
based upon the other. Walther Bulst believes, through arguments along
the lines just mentioned, that the Danielis iudus is the older of the two,
which was later secularized and made more "historical" by Hilarius. Mar-
got Fassler has questioned the assumption of any direct literary relation-
ship bet,-veen the wo plays. In her understanding they are "independent
attempts to accomplish the same end", pointing towards the existence of
a "play of Daniel tradition" for the Feast of Fools. In contrast, Peter
Dronke asserts a direct relationship, but believes Hilarius' play to be the
earlier.4t
Contrary to Walther Bulst, I would prefer, in accordance with the
characterization of the liturgical dramatic tradition which I have tried to
establish, to understand Daniel's claim of innocence as he enters the !.i-
ons' den as a point where the pure narrative has come to a halt. It has
been interrupted by a song in a celebrational and here praying mood.
Daniel is no longer the hero of the Biblical narrative, but a saintly figure,
who is the center of a devotional celebration. As such, he is clearly not
guilty in crime (seen in some abstract absolute ideological interpretation).
He must rather be seen as a figure above Sin, able to state rightly 'and
representatively for the assembled congregation that the worship of the
true God is not a crime or a sin (cf. Emmerson's interpretation as re-
ferred to above). At the same time, the mode of the narrative has
brought the congregation to a point where it seems appropriate to pray;
the I<;yrie efryson is evoked and only in the second stanza of the statement
do we move back to the narrative with the more appropriate prayer - at
least in relation to the narrative - for help in the concrete circumstances
in the lions' pit.
Omitting for the present the notable episode with Habakkuk which
~1argot Fassler has read as resonating with connotations of commun-
ion 42 , I will turn to the King's return in the morning where his anxiety
about Daniel is brushed away by Daniel's use of what has been a verbal
and musical refrain throughout the Play, the exclamation "Rex in eter-

41 Bu\st and Bulst-Thielc (cds), 12-1 S, his conclUSIOn about the order on p. 13. See Dronke,
cd, 119, for a comment and the opposite conclusion (citing Young, n. 304). And sce Fass\e[,
86-8 7 (cf Dronkc Icd.l , 119, n. 2 n:fcrrin~ to an analysis by WiIhelm Mcycr from 1901) .
42 Fa,,":\cr, 95.
L - -_ _ _ _ _ __ DANtELlS LUDUS AND THE LATIN MUSIC._.._ _ _ _ _ _ J@
num vivel"43 This time, however, the line underscores the ambiguity of
what I understand here as the liturgical drama technique in a marked
way. On the surface it is simply another respectful greeting belonging to
the courtly ritual, as heard so many times by several of the roles in the
Play, among them also Daniel himself.44 On the next level it is a clear
manifestation of Daniel's being alive, and thus also a somewhat dubious
reverence to the King who, albeit reluctantly, did after all condemn him
to death. Thirdly, the words may be read as reverberating with a jubilant
tone, which then must refer to another King, a resurrected King - and in
the end a typological use of Daniel's "resurrection" out of the lions' pit,
which points to the resurrection of the crucified Christ, is not far-
fetched, and lends the short phrase a celebrational tone which I do not
believe would have been lost on a medieval clerical audience. 45
All this brings about the King's final command on worship ' in all
countries, the condemnation of the "truly guilty", with the royal advisors
including their confession of guilt (or rather sin). These lines also involve
different combinations of a representational and a celebration mode,
leading finally to the return in the Play to the nativity celebration and the
Ye Deum.
Through this brief discussion I hope to have demonstrated in what
way the students (or a student) of the Cathedral school of Beauvais, who
wrote or conceived the Play, inscribed it into ~he devotional traditipns of
the Latin so-called music dramas at the same time as dearly taking much
interest in establishing an effective dramatic presentation in the con-
text (probably) of the popular devotional celebrations of the so-caned
Feast of Fools.46
43 a.
See Oronke (ed.), 120 O· 21), 124 49 and J. 63), 128 O. 97), 132 0·170),136 O· 207), before .
the mentioned place 140 O. 264) on the morning after' Daniel has been thrown ..,into the pit.
For the music, sec Bielitz (cd.), nos. 2,7; 11, 22, 30, 35 and 55 in the position discussed here.'.
44 Dronke (cd.), 128 O. 97), and 136 O. 207); Bielitz (cd.), nos. 22 [Link] 35.
45 For medieval exegesis of the figure of Daniel, and especially of Daniel as a' type of Christ
(for Rupert of Deutz in the 12th century) see Emmcrson, 35-39, esp. 37 and 56 (n. 21). In
this context note also the parallel between' the gospels of St. Matthew and St. Mark on one
hand and the book of Daniel on the other concerning the' stone at Christ's grave and the li-
ons' den; in the Vulgate version: Mt. 27,60 and 66 and Mc 15,46 compared to Do 6, 17.
Compare also Margot Fasslcr's interpretation of Daniel'8 lament, sec above, n. 32.
46 I want to express my gratitude to Curator Dr Nicolas Bell (British Library) for his generous
help with language corrections and other comments.
 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 3091

Theodore Karp ON THE TRANSMISSION OF

THE MASS PROPER AFTER 1590

The period following 1590 witnessed astonishing activity in adjusting the

past to the present, in accomodating a medieval tradition to changed
tastes. At the same time there was also a determined effort by a small mi-
nority to hold fast to what remained of the early tradition. Together
there was a rich mix that is barely known to modern scholars. I hope to
offer a few glimpses of this scene, illustrating my remarks by means of
twO offertories. This genre provides a middle ground between t~e sim-
plest of the proper chants, which offered only small scope to editors of
the 17 th c., and the still more florid genres, which tempt one to focus on
the curtailment of lengthy melismas rather than on the sum total of the
processes involved.
The first example, Jubilate Deo universa terra, for the Second Sunday af-
ter Epiphany, has a text pieced together from Psalm 65, verses 1~ 2, and
16. (See p. 317.) Among our earliest textual sources, the Compiegne and
Corbie Graduals already feature a repetition of the opening verse that is
not part of either of Jerome's translations. This is absent from Rheinau,
while Mont-Blandin and Senlis give only incipits. Our three textual sources
employ the word unit/ern, rather than omnis. (In addition, the Compiegne
and Mont Blandin Graduals give texts for two verses, drawn respectively
from lines 13-15 of Psalm 65, divided in an unusual manner.) T-De tex-
tual repeat, a well-known feature of a small group of offertories~ is set to
a different melody with a huge melisrila on the third syllable,: Among
post-Tridentine Graduals the textual repetition is normally dropped. The:
top two staves present readings of two prints issued during the decade \

preceding the earliest of the so-called "reform" Graduals. It is startling

to see that the Liechtenstein print- of 1580, given on staff a, returns
to the Scriptural text, although not exhibiting 6the-r reform characteris-
tics. We may recall, however, that the extraneous repetition was excised
during the l\{iddle Ages by ooth the Cisterdan and Dominican Orders.
Yet the Liechtenstein reading is unrelated to either of form of revision..
[~~______ ___________________T_h_eo_d_o_r_e_K_a~rp________________________~

Three years later, the Wurzburg Gradual still retains the medieval struc-
ture and basic melody, as shown on staff h.
The Gardano print of 1591, given in staff c, also deletes the non-
Scriptural repetition, but does so in the context of a broader series of
changes. The setting of the first syllable of nomini (p. 11) encapsulates the
medieval profile more succinctly, and the following brief rnelisma on
the first syllable of eius is cut sharply. The same is true for the setting
of the first syJlable of animae. In other respects, however, the editorial
hand rests Lghtly.
Given the prominence of the two editors, Andrea Gabrieli and Ora-
zio Vecchi, one might think that this print was destined for a long Lfe,
with various successors. However, the rival firm of Giunta brought out a
competing Gradual in five years time, shown in staff d. The importance
of this press in the field of liturgical chant was such that the Gardano
print was soon supplanted. One can find only rare indications of its later
influence, as in the normative Parisian reading of the gradual, Ex 5ion
specie.r, in the seventeenth century. At the present time we know of no
other comparable examples. The 1596 Giunta Gradual, was far more
successful than its earlier competitor; this press issued another edition
ten years later, and again in another five years. The same basic readings
began to appear in Graduals issued by Ciera, beginning in 1610, shown
in staff e. They went on to constitute the basis for a variable, though
readily recognizable Venetian tradition that carried on through the end of
the eighteenth century. On the whole, the Giunta readings are terser than
any of the others flourishing during the Baroque period.
Staff f gives the reading of the Gradual issued by the Medicean Press
in 1614/15. Although previous reform Graduals had already begun to
institute changes in the relationship between music and text, favoring
prosodic values, these changes are carried out more systematica]Jy in the
version of the Medici Gradual. See, for example, the setting of the word
Deo, or the phrase, psa/mum dicite nomini eius. While the opening of the
chant was an instantly recognizable first -mode formula, not even this
was sufficient for Anerio and Soriano; they felt that an initial emphasis
on the final had to be stronger and thus reversed the position of the first
two tones. However, in the setting of the words, nomini eius, the Medi-
ci reading departs from all others in opting for a lower tessitura, with a
 ON THE TRANSMISSION OF THE MASS PROPER .. ,

cadence on e rather than the customary one on a. In the setting of the

word Dominus, this version departs from most others in terminating on f,
rather than the normative d final. Thus the concern for the strength of
the modal final is uneven. A comparison of this version with the others
presented shows that the Medici Gradual apparently exercised very little
influence elsewhere. There are, as we shall see, exceptions to this gener-
alization, but among the chants that I have studied, these are rare.
In contradistinction to the variability of the Venetian tradition, that
of Paris remained reasonably firm, with only occasional minor variants.
This originated in a Bordeaux print by Millange in 1599, edited by Guil-
laume Born, and is then documented in Toul in a 1627 print by Belgrand.
This was reissued in 1633 and again in 1656. Other printers- join in at
early date; we find an edition by an unknown publisber in 1635, and two
others issued by the Societatis Typographicae Ubrorum Officii Ecclesiastici in
1640 and 1657. The tradition continues late in the century in a print of
1697 by Christophe Ballard and thereafter in another that was issued
in 1734 by the same firm.
One will note that the Gardano, Medici, and Belgrand versions bring
the first phrase to a cadence on a, as in the medieval readings of this
melody. Other sources, including those by Giunta and Cieras, on the
other hand, combine the opening profile with the cadence on f that had
been characteristic of the repeated phrase in the medieval readings. The
most unusual of the readings for the opening of Jubilate Deo is that cited
by Guillaume Gabriel Nivers in his Dissertation sur le Chant Gregon'en, pub-
lished in 1683. The first five tones are those given in staff rn, frqm a
German Benedictine MS. To these are adjoined a version of the melisma
associated with the repeated text phrase. This melisma is not associated
elsewhere among several dozen SQurces
. consulted with the very opening ,

of Jubilate Deo. To add to this mystery, Nivers presents the first six tones
of our chant in a 17th -c. version, 'corrected after the Roman'. This, ho~­
ever, does not correspond to the Medici reading, but to the Premonstrat-
ensian reading given in staff 1. Was_there indeed another, modernized Ro-
man version of Jubilate? Does it survive anywh~re?
The readings of the Graduale Romanum issued by Cramoisy and Clo-
peiau in 1662, shown in staff h, demonstrate that the primary Parisian
tradition did not hold universal sway in that city. While the reading of
 Theodore Karp

fubi/ate Deo is clearly related to the form established earlier by Be1grand,

the departures are evident. It was apparently founded on a different edi-
torial enterprise. Another Gradual that also stands somewhat apart from
the mainstream Parisian tradition was issued by la Caille in 1668.
Gregorian practice in Paris was far more varied than indicated by
these few prints. One must also take into account the versions of various
orders. In 1696, the Cistercians issued a Gradual in Paris. The reading of
Jt/bi/ate Deo is shown on staff k. The readings of this source need to be
understood not only in comparison with those of a similar time period,
but also in comparison with medieval Cistercian versions. The reading
for the gradual, Universi, shows that it was a reworking of the medieval
Cistercian revision of this chant, which substituted the opening formul-a
characteristic ofJubi/ate Deo for the one normally associated with Universi.
The original substitution was made in order to remain within the mode 1
framework for the gradual, rather than descending into the region char-
acteristic of mode 2. Nevertheless, the medieval model was itself recast
in keeping with more modern tastes. Similarly, the omission of the tex-
tual repetition is not a new feature. As mentioned previously, it reflects
medieval Cistercian practice. Although the print is late, I would judge
that the revisions it incorporates were made some 50-80 years earlier.
While the edition was produced in Paris, it is reasonable to posit that it
represents the practice of mos~ if not all, Cistercian houses throughout
Europe.
There are distinctive reworkings of chant from other Orders, brought
out elsewhere in France, but likely known in Paris, as well. The reading
of Jubilate Deo employed by the Premonstratensians is given in staff 1.
This is taken from a 1718 print brought out in Verdun. Again it seems
likely that the revisions found in this source date to an earlier time. Al-
though this particular reading remains reasonably close to others of the
same and preceding century, the Premonstratensian versions often enough.
recompose individual phrases, as we shaH later see. There were undoubt-
edly individual practices of various other Orders, not only in France. but
in Italy and other countries. Father James Boyce has already discussed
the Carmeute tradition. Unfortunately, I have not had access to a com-
plete array of sources.
 ON THE TRANSMISSION OF THE MASS PROPER .. ,

By 1599) we have a reform Gradual from the Low Countries issued

by the Plantin press in Antwerp.. A different Gradual was issued in Tour-
nai in 1616 by the widow of Nicholas Laurentius, shown in staff i, fol-
lowed in 1620 by another issued in Antwerp by Peter and Johann Belle-
ros and in 1623 by a third issued by Mommaert in Brussels. Generally
speaking, the readings of the two are closely similar, although there are
enough exceptions to indicate that different enterprises are involved.
During the interim there appeared in 1618 a Gradual brought out in 1n-
golstadt by Elizabeth Angermaier, shown in staff j. This was duplicated
a dozen years later by Caspar Sutoris, using the same printer, Wilhelm
Ederus. These two editions are based direcdy on the earlier Plan tin
Gradual of 1599. The first truly German publication now known is
a 1671 Gradual published in Mainz. Additional reform Graduals appear
in the L6w Countries in 1633 (from Leuven), in 1691 (from Utrecht),
and in 1694 a Graduaie romanum ... novissima correctior, is issued by Jbhann
Stichter in Amsterdam. All three derive direcdy £t:om the Plantin Gradual
of 1599. On the whole, there seems to be a general similarity between
editions of northern origin in distinction to those of Italian origin. .
As mentioned earlier, not everyone was occupied with the issuance
of reform Graduals. Staff m provides a reading of fNbilate Deo taken from
one of a pair of Benedictine MSS of 1623/24, now in the Universitats-
bibliothek Wiirzburg. As you can readily see, the repetition .of the first
text phrase is faithfully retained. The reading is quite dose to that of the
1583 Wiirzburg print given in staff b. This, in turn, reflects accurately an
earlier Wiirzburg tradition, preserved in a 1496 print by Georg Rey: er.
We do not yet have the means of determining how stable the Benedic-
tine tradition was during the 17th and l8 th centuries. ".
Staff n provides an account of the Carthusian tradition, documented
in a print of 1679, issued in Lyon. This too retains the repetition of the
opening phrase, and this too can be related to an earlier version of Car- .
thusian chant published in a Gradual of t 578. Not shown is the Domini-
can reading of Jubilate. The one issued in 1854 is virtually identical ·with
medieval versions in MSS of this order.
My second example is drawn from Dextera Domini, for the Third
Sunday following Epiphany. (See p. 324.) The text for the antiphon is
based on lines 16-17 of Psalm 117 in the version of the HexapIa. (In
 ----- ----------- ------------ --------~

1314 _ _ ~:heodore Karp ~

Gur earliest documents one finds two additional verses that draw respec-
tively on line 5 together with part of 6 and on line 13 together with the
last part of 14; in each instance, the earliest chant editors use a text that
differs from the Hexapla.) Verse 16 contains a threefold reference to the
Right Hand of the Lord, while the following verse provides a conclu-
Slon. From the time of the sources of the AntzphonaJe Missarum Sex/up/ex,
the third statement, being a duplicate of the first was simply eliminated.
As before, the readings of staves a and b are drawn from prints by
Liechtenstein in Venice and a thus far unidentified editor in [Link].
1 could have used a Giunta print of comparable date with no basic change.
Recent Solesmes editions differ from the Liechtenstein reading mainly in
two respects. They are written a fifth higher and they have numerous
strophici that are omitted in the reading from 1580. A quilisma is re-
placed in the early print by a normal note. The Gardano reading of 1591,
given in staff c, begins nearly identically. But the textual excision that was
present in the earliest verifiable forms of Dextera Domini is now repaired.
The remainder then presents only minor variants from the earlier melody
states. In the Giunta reading, given on staff d, we find again the restora-
tion of the excised portion of verse 16, set this time to a repeat of the
opening phrase. Since there was no earlier precedent for the music for
this phrase, editors were free to do as they wished.
For the moment we will skip to staff f, which contains the reading of
the well-known Medicean Gradual. You will note that this departs fur-
ther from the medieval form of the chant, particularly in the second
phrase, which is reshaped considerably. Somewhat surprisingly, however,
it does not restore the excised phrase, as one might have expected. Nei-
ther did the post-Tridentine "reforms" come about at one time, nor were
they uniform in all areas.
Dextera Domini is used also for Thursday of Holy Week. Under most
circumstances the later use is indicated merely as a cue. In the Medicean
Gradual, however, the chant is written out in full. One might expect that
the second reading would be either identical to the first or contain a few
very minor variants. Instead, we find a major departure in the recasting
of one of the later phrases, shown on the bottom staff of the last page.
This raises serious questions concerning the relative fluidity of readings
found not only in this source, but in others as well.
 ON THE TRANSMISSION OF THE MASS PROPER ...

In general, the Gradual issued by Francesco Baba in 1653, shown in

staff e, belongs to the Venecian tradition but there are moments of ex-
ception. I ts reading of Dextera Domini is a strange hybrid. The first phrase
is clearly derived from the Medici reading and from no other. The sec-
ond, on the other hand, remains reasonably close to its Venetian fore-
bears. Like the Medici reading, the excised phrase is not res toted. The
fourth phrase again follows Venetian practice. The final word, Domini,
employs the melodic setting of the Medici reading, while the 1653 print
provides for a final Alleluia present in at least three earlier Venetian
prints by Giunta and Cieras. The example is noteworthy for the demon-
stration of the variability of Venetian practice and the extraordinary dis-
cretion open to individual editors. There are other examples of hybrid
readings involving late Venetian sources, as, for example, in the [Link]-
sion of t?e gradual, Viderunt omnes. As far as one can tell at this moment,
these examples are few. Under normal circumstances, the Medici Grad-
ual, like the 1591 print by Gardano, le-aves very little matk on the history
of chant outside of Rome between 1615 and 185Q, at which tirpe it is re-
discovered by northern editors.
The normative Parisian tradition for Dextera Domini is given on staff
g, after the 1656 reading by Belgrand. Noting the unusual reading for the j

cadence on A for the second word, one might very well suspect the pres-
ence of an error, resulting in the app~arance o£ a five-note segment a
second higher than intended, Nevertheless, the same reading appeats in
the 1657 Gradual. Typographical errors do exist, but given the numbc;r
of instances of willful variation, it is no easy matter for the modern edi-
tor to judge their presence. One may remark that both northern editors-
as well as later Italian editors become much concerned to mark the brev-
ity of syllables that follow stressed antepenultimates by using diamond-
shaped "semibreves".
The Gradual published by Cramoisy and Clopeiau in 1662, staff h,
exhibits its individuality more strikingly than before. Whereas [Link]-
ual of Belgrand treats the inserted material as a variation of the initial
phrase, the later publication begins at a different height and cadences in
an individual manner. The differences between the two editions in tl->
setting of the final word, Domini, is of some passing interest. The ea}
of the two readings places the entire melodic weight on the initial, stre , ,
1316
Theodore Karp
------~--------------
J
syllable. The later one is quite content to retain the character of the me-
dieval readings and to close with a flourish on the unstressed final sylla-
ble. See also the setting of the opening word among the various editions
transcribed. Despite the emphasis placed by writers on the importance of
attention to prosody, the response to stressed and unstressed syllables
was quite uneven during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
While neither the Premonstratensians nor the Cistercians follow the
more recent practice of restoring the excised phrase, you might note in
the former, staff 1, the sharply changed cadential goal for the second
phrase, and the even more striking changes in melodic profile for the
material that follows. Again the readings for our Benedictine and Car-
thusian sources adhere to pre-Tridentine traditions, as does that for the
Dominicans. This latter differs from all of its fellows by being pitched
a fifth higher, thus in conformity with the version chosen by the later
Solesmes editors.
It is not possible for me to accomplish more within the present
framework. We have not had the opportunity to observe the tradition of
Lyon, which is documented as early as 1671. Nor have we dealt .with
a contemporaneous Gradual from Mainz or with later prints from the
Low Countries. I hope, however, that I have succeeded in giving a
glimpse of the rich variety of practices that flourished during the seven-
teenth and eighteenth centuries and that your awareness of the tremen-
dous vitality of activity in chant during this period has been enriched.
 ON THE TRANSMISSION OF THE MASS PROPER ...

JubiJate Deo: a) Liechtenstein, 1580; b) Herbipolense, 1583; c) Gardano, 1591; d) Giunta. 1606; e) Cieras, 1610;
t) Medici, 1614; g) Leucorus, 1656; h) Cramoisy & Clopeiau, 1662; i) Toumai. 1616; j) Angermaier. 1618;
k) Cis1ercian.1696; I) Premonstratensian, 1718; rn) Benedictine, 1624; n) Carthusian, 1679.

r;t . ---,fJi • -;r'?

• • • .-==
c- ---:""'>,
~ G •• :--;
•

I [d
. la le De 0 u ni - ver sa

if •
lu
•
bi la tc De o u ni - Vet sa !er "l:

~.

o u ni - Vet
•
sa
•':7-
ler
--,j-
•• • •
re:

• • :?-===- iG
o u . ni ver sa

; "'" ==-=-.
c-
u . ni vcr ----
sa
=--
• r- • iF- • ii
z;;C
• • le •
o u ni vcr . 511 ler ra;

• l?- .? C- ..F;- AI
u- - ni ver - sa ter I'll:

r"S
. : : jj ij • ij * ••
I ;:-bi-Ia - le De 0 u ni vcr - sa Icr ra:

If.-.. po. . to fW . - :::;:: -.:;: I-

.;;.1 • • $ •

.I lu

~ . -~ ~,,;;. .
~ -
bi· la

bi . la
-

-
le

le
De

De
o

. ! ;;-jii
o
u

u
ni

ni-vcr-sa
vcr - sa \er

ler

~
I ~- bi - la - le De 0
•
u ni . ' ver - sa tcr
•
ra:

m ~_. _.;;;S =;;:;;- ; -?;;s;

lu - bi - la . le Dc o u·ni-ver sa !er 111:

.. . -----====-
~- - -;;;;~ ~~~~;A
. --.---,--- - --- - -- -- ~ ---='--..:..~-.-:-
lu - "i . la - le Dc: - 0 u • ni - vcr - sa ra:

Example 1 Jubilate Deo universa terra

~ 18 Theodore Karp

b
~ • =-=-• • .=;=s. • •
. .
, . ii
•
iu bi la

m
'-~ • ; , . . ;;
--•
IU bi 1.

D
~-~
iu bi la

b . '. . f r . ' ~::.-

.~

Dc 0
.. i"___'_,_,_ ,. - . _. _
a •• a M a a .. .. ; ' •

le Dc o

le Dc o

· tf= -----
I

b
-j - -
Ma
M j ••
'. ;-M
u m • vcr sa ler ra:

DI , ~ .
; M • ¥
::a ieS
~
-- -«' a
•• -,- ----=-
.=-= ~-­
• M_.-=--jr-

u ni .. Vt,."1 ler ra:

D ...;;,;;;:....I M • a • :;.
M M ;77
U ni . ver sa ler ra:

J!lbilate Deo unit/er-sa terra

 ON THE TRANSMISSION OF THE MASS PROPER ...

! psaI - mum di ci - le no rnl ni

b
:~
~. iii 0;. --:-.
psal - mum
--:-.' ••
di
G......
ei - III
ri -;;!
no
r...-~_ -
:-:--~• ;-;-n
mi
-~
ni

~. -
...
::. - •
"2 - -:.
ci • •
• • -;- jji l~:: · • •
.q ..=.
-
Il'
psal - mum di 110 rnl ni

• __;RE"-.
G •• 6--. -;;:se • • • •
d
ler - ra: psal - mum dl ci le "
no ml nl

e ~ -----.. • • ;7-. ;5
• • • • .
mi

=~ ~~=. '; :r_ ~::.;

ni

11
L~

~
psal

~
- mum

n
di

=P=
cl le

~. t-;
no

. ;
mi

•
- ni

I psal - mum di ci - le no mi - -nl

~
i
;;$-
psal - mum
% :-
dl
.
ci -
•• fa
le no ml
- ni

~
;$=-==- • - •• .Ca •••• • • £ .
1*= pal - mum dl ti - le no rnl - ni

ItS.; --==-= G ;;:!:ia:=. •

k
r
I
ra: pal - mum dl ei - le no ml • nl

psal - mum di ci • le no mi - nl

•
psal - mum di ci - le 110 nl

•
psal -mum di cl - le no tIIi ni

Jubilate Deo [Link] terra

I32cL
3_2_0_ _______ ______ Theodore Karp

• _ _~ IL- -:.-._. - .~__ • _-

c ius : ni It:. CL .u . di eL

au . di tc, et

-~ .
--===--~
----. F·
==-- • ~-.
• ~--. ;V
ius: ve ni te. et au eti le. et

d ~.! ;~.~-: -::,,-. - ..::==-~.: .-:._.:. =-.:.j,_-.:J=-~~.~---- ==--=-

~~ -:-a'
\
ius : n: ni IC. et QU di tc, cl

,--
e -,.-.-==----==- ' -::JI:'

c ius: vc ni tc . et BU di IC, et

• .... M
• M -~
• M •
ius: vc - ni le. ct au di te, ct

-
~~~ £::.=-,
c - ius: vc - ni le. et au • di le, el

ius: ni - te. et au • di 1<, el

ius: ye - ni le, et au di el

;~~ ····"""ii ------- • •

i(~• • s,
•
ius: vc - ni le. cl au di te. Cl

• ;7"-
ius: VC ni tc. "1 8U di le. et

" -~-

ius: \e - ni le. 8U di le, el

m :~
~
-=: ~ ~;~;::~~
~~.- ~- - -=-====--=- ~.-~ - ~'~ -~::O.-~~~~~
- - ;~~~-- §~~~~~.
........ • •• ~.~~ii~.~.~...~;~~Ii::£!::
~-~.~'~----~
c illS: ve - 01 le. Cl au di fC, et

D
--
ve - ni te. et au di te. et

[Link] Deo universa terra

L__________O_N__TH_E_T_RA__N_SM__IS_S_IO_N_O__F_TH_E_M__M_S_P_R_O_P_E_R._..__~_____3~211
r· • M =
• :; . • *1i f
nar·m·bo

, .. vo .. bis, o mnes qui li me-

nar-m-bo vo bis, 0 mnes qui ti - me-

-=; M....• M
-:. G?e
2
;:: • • ;. ;
;;;;e- M
::>• rG
,...

I nar-m - bo vo - bis.
Ii
0 qui
*
ti "
mc-

d I~~IE~~.~~.~~.~~~~;~.~~.~~~~~~_~~.
~ ~~.~~~~~~.~~~~~~~~~~~
• • M

nar .. ra bo vo - bis, 0 mncs qui ti me-

.
e r+= n: - m
• •
bo
w•
\'0 -
•
bi,.
.. o
•
mncs qui ti - me-

'E
I
~
= • . • ;;..-- M
• . M

i
i
nar-m - bo vo bis. o
Ill" qui ti - me

I ffs-·
, nar-m
2
-
.
bo
=-~
-

~o .. bis,
t?f7.
o mileS
M

qui
.--- ;z~
ti - me -

b rf:=- nar-rn
w.r·
-
•
bo \'0 -
•
bis. D
jji'?=S

mnes
-. -

qui ti-me -

f
I -;w i?;; ;?-.
nar ... ra ...
•
ho ve bis. o mnes
•
qui
M

, It-me-
; .~

. J:~
'tr;-· -3
- F-
- • • •• · ·D'-
i •
nar-!1I-oo vo - bis, mnes qui li - me -

.:=~:: : . r -;:: :.::~ .~); :. ~

D

I nar - !11 - bo vo - bis, D mncs qui ti • me-

. I
~~~ • - ii .. • • M

• .-Kir
nar ra bo vO - bis. o qui li

~ -•
R
.... r- •• M
G ---.;:;-; ;;~. • G offi7:?; or' 5
•
nar re bo VD - bis. o mnes qui li - me-

Jubilate Deo .unitJet'sa terra

~2_________________________T_h_eo_d_o_r_e_K_a_rp~________________________~

a
~
. =:~ -.. ---: . .;c..,. ---
I
I
- _ ... -= __. -
~ :-
_ _ _ _ _~_ _ . .. :rtT- -
::.~-,-.
- -
- ~.t: --::
--:IC·.
--
- -~-- ~-~
-
- -fl __ - -__ ~~
.. - - - -
== - - -- - -
_
-
. ~. _ _
.--..
=---~
- .
~-~~~£~~~~~~
~_-j, _....
__

lis Dc - urn . 4UW1 - la fe ~ cil Do· mi .. nus a

urn . la cil Do -
;
mi
.. ; .... -'; nus
.. it • » .....
'" lis Dc QU8/1

:;2--: ~{~~ ~~~~~~~-~~~:=.- ~~,¥,-~.~~~;'-:J'~~~-..~ .~ ---~~-----

I lis 1)< urn. quan - la k cil Do mi nus

d t+=~-~ ~~ -::i:~~.~;?~ ~---- ~ ~=-_~~~;~-_-=~~~~~l22£.!

I lis Dc lUll, 4uan re . cil Do nw

r;{
la mi 8

- •
lis
_ ~::T':_.

Dc
•
urn.
_ii s
4uan
.:w _- ~.

la re
_J

cit
_-:r=
Do
- ==-=_.====:£ .
mi nu.<
.:::::::;

; lis De - urn . quan - la le· cil Do - mi . nus a

t- .
lis
J
De
. .- =-=- - _.
urn. quan la fe cil Do
-.
mi
•
nus
F ·
a
•

.. r- · ji
a

. ---:2
-- -C05 I .
•
--.
5
• • •
lis Dc um . 4uan 10
I" cil Do mi · nus

" ! •

.is
....

• .~-.
De um. quan la
"-7 •
I"
.~

cit
....
Do
~
mi· nu< •
Il:i=,-'
T : :'=*-~__----- - .
~--. • 7 ".. ..
lis Dc urn. lIuan - la le cll Do mi . nus a

at

i lis
. .

Dc..
-
urn .
-
i- i

la
•

re cil Do - m;
..x
nus
•

• :t~-_=:a.-
-i=-~- ~ --~
. • =--- - =:J-'5.=
_ _. ~. - -~~~
_ - E~~£~~
~~ ~~j,a..~.B-~'~=-~~~~~~~~ = - _.
li. [k um, quan - UJ fe cil Do . m; nus

Jubilate Deo universa terra

 ON THE TRANSMISSION OF THE MASS PROPER ...

hI.

b~ ~=- __ ~_t---.r•• -.-........-.....~ •• _-;-.

~ ,,; - ~ m, -~ ~ .... = -
lu iL

r;r- r;
lu ia.

-•
ni - mac
.~Lr•
lu
..
ill.

•-
ni - mac me
•
&e.
~=eE
::J:±____ --.---~ -
aI - le
-S
i .... -=
lu - - A
la.
if

nl - mac me
•
. &e.
-=--m-
aI - le
• • ;
tu
.... - .. » •
ia.
ii

..-.---
la.

••

ItHnac
. L . •- _>r
--. -
me - lie. ai-le tu ia.

.~ .... . . .
-•
. ..
• ;...-.; '";, ;;
ni - mac me lie. .1 le lu ia.

'lA ni - mac me le. III - le

..-;; •z- . . • ..... : i
lu
.
ia.
..

la It -
~
__ .. ~ . .
;to";~' •• - =it • M'.
.
I ni - mac

· l:fi;~ Jt:.~-;;;;;:t;~~=="Q;_6 r- '!'

m - mac me - ac. ai-le _
M-G ....... _ •
lu
.. j,
ia.

Jubilate Deo universa terra

~ -- --­

Theodore Karp
I ~-
Dextera Domini: a) Liechtenstein. 1580; b) Herbipolense, 1583; c) Gardano, 1591 ; d) Giunta, 1596; e) Baba, 1653;
f) Medici, 1614; g) Leucorus. 1656; h) Cramoisy & Clopeiau. 1662; i) Belleros. 1620; j) Angennaier. 1618; k) Cistercian,
1696; I) Premonstratensian. 1718; m) Benedictine, 1624; n) Carthusian. 1679.

: . .-- .
-~: ~-' -_.::;;;F::;=::-y
'! / - ..~ --- -- -.~
- ~- --
D~\ l<

• i •
• G •
Dc, le Do mi ni re cil

~?Fi5~.-- .-
Oex le

Dex le

Dc, lC ra Do mi -ni fe cit

r.:~
.1 :/~
__ r~
-.:,- --
~
.
_ .-:;;;:.. • » •
Dex IC ra Do mi ni fe cit

cit

mi - ni fe • cit

m -:-f"::lr_. -..-:,..-'. ,---t - ~

_-~.. _

le Do rnl ni rc cit

n r~ /
A:· -~.
_ - _-.
._._ .....
De'

Example 2 Dextera Domini

 ON THE TRANSMISSION OF THE MASS PROPER ...

- e--
•

.. .
vir tu tcm. dex - le rH Do mi • nl ex - al la

b
,, ; ~

vir IU tcm. d"" - le ra Do mi ni

--
d
~-
vir Iu

• Y.
tern.

• ....
dcx - le

•
rH

2
~
Do

• S
~.
mi ni

• -=--
ex - aI la

vir lu tern. del{ - le rH mi - ni ex - al la

-= p .. -; •
r---"
vir lu tern. de" - le - rH Do mi .. ni ex - at la

-
vir IU Icm. dex le - rH Do mi ni ex-al-18

I
--- -=-.
.Ir lu 1<-111. del< tc-rn ml - ni ex - al 18

h
- -
'-.L. •
• - - f ..-:i::;2 • ]57:'. .ea
-wir Iu tem.. de>: te-rn Do mi ni ex aI - 18

• • • • !! • • •
vir dex Do

-
IU \cm, le ra mi - ni ex - al
-~
• • j,
• • • •
vir IU Icm. dL'X - le - ra Do mi • ni ex - al 18

--- • • •
.. ir tu tern. dcx - le - rn Do ml nl ex-al-18

-.
"ir tu \cm, dCX-le-rn mi-ni

III
." • • • • • • .*•
vir tu tem. dex - le ra Do mi ni ex aI - 18

• ~-

Iu
--
h:m.
•• --=G
de:\. - le - ra
; . • .-
mi Ri aI 18

Dextera Domini
1326
I
Theodore Karp

me.

b :2i .-=. .,._. ___ • QSc B .

vit mc.

• :- ...
vit me. dcx - le ra Do - mi • m re cil vir • tu

d -- ••- .-
• •
vit mc.
£:!.- ~ •
le - ra
=-

Do
~ .-

mi
- -
• -~. • ::i £::.ii:"":;;: .: 2_
ni fe
• »•
cit vir ,u -
,2=-----
t
• •
- -- - __ .- -- - ~- --
vii mc.

vit mc.

• ~ .. ~

"it mc. dcx

h ~~ e:; -"t..-.-=; :~:T

;; • :- • ••• -"5..-
vir mc. d<. - le- ra Do mi - ni te cit vir - tu

mc. de. le-rB Do mi ni re cil vir - tu

--~-
- ~= . -- -------. • ::=--=~ • .•
viI me. de. le ra Do mi ni fe cit vir lu

vit mc.

\'it me.

vit mc,

. ~~ __ .... ~ _ _ ' H

11

\'it me.

Dcxtcra Domini
 ON THE TRANSMISSION OF THE MASS PROPER ...

,,-;:::...
• " ; .•. f;'~ • • M •
M
KO:!" • • ••
I non scd v, . vam, el nar ra·""

b ? • ; -. ; - t t
.'';~ . • •
0 _ .'

;7; • ;
pc-re
,
~ .
- - -;....
I

.--..
non mo-ri ar, sod vi vam. et oar - ra - bo o pc-re

Ft.¥? · • -'i.
• w' • •

.
1 tcm. non mo - ri Br, sod vi VIIITI. Cl nar ra - bo o pc re

•• .
I~'
d • • • • ;.
- ir • oM •

. . .. .
,em, non mo ri or, .od vi Yam. Cl nar ra bo o pc-ra

I,. ; • • ;; -------4 • •
;-:
non mo ri ar. sed "I nar·ra-bo o pe-ra

• • •
.j • • -• ••

non mo ri - ar. vi vam.

•et nar-ra-bo o pe-ra
.rye
I

btcm. ri - sed vi vam, o pc-m

..
el nar-f1I-bo

.
non __ mo Br.

It ~.; .~ ;;; • • 7"""'"'. ::-_

• . • •
; • tp;
tcm. non mo - ri .. Br, vi v ...... Cl nar-f1I-bo o pe-ra
I:91- ji :-. • • jj • ij . - ;;
• • • •
1CfII. non mo ri - Br, ,cd vi vam, et ra bo o pe-ra

moon oar.
.----.
sod vi
'- vam • cloar-ra-bo o-pe-ra
~

.
non mo ri - Br.

••
vi

•
VIIIII • -- C;I

•
oar-ra-bo

• • ji __ _w+
o
..
pe fa

non mo ri - Br. sed vi - Villi, Cl nar - f1I bo o pe-m

. ~
non mo • ri Br. sed vi .. vam, et nar - ra bo o pe-

• -
mo - ri Br, sed vi Vam, et nlf-fa- - bo o -"pe-ra

a
non mo ri . Br, sed
- vi vam,

Dextera Domini
1328 Theodore
1L -______________________________________ __ Karp

::? -• • -.- • - -
b
Du

•
Do
111; - ni.

--. . -
m i - ni.
..
- .. -. ~.

~ -...-=-~ - - --...:.~ ~ ' -

_ 8.' _ _ _ _ _ _ __ ___ _

Do - mi ni.

d • • -- c·- -7)
Do mi ni.

Do rni-ni.

~~~~..~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
) ~~~~;-~~~. -~. .~-~~ ..

mi-ni.

I!

Do mi -ni.

b
. -p- ~

Do mi - ni .

Do - mi . m.

Do-mi - ni .

.. ::- . --~.
Du - mi -ni.

_.
ml ni.

m
- ----Pi!
Dn - rni - ni.

Do· mi· ni .

- - --- ---- ---------------

12

Do rn; nI.

Dextera Domini
 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 3291

Janka Szendrei DER RITUS TRIDENTINUS UND

DIE PAlJLINISCHE TRADITION
IM UNGARN DES 17. JAHRHUN-
DERTS: KOMPROMlfi, KONTRA-
FAKTUR, MODIFIKATION.
ZUM PAUUNER GRADUALE
DER BUDAPESTER UNIVERSITATS-
BIBLIOTHEK A 115 (1623)

Der einzige in U ngarn entstandene Monchsorden, der nach dem heiligen

Eremiten Paulus benannte "Ordo Eremitarum Sancti Pauli Primi Eremi-
tae", wurde in der ersten Halfte des 13. Jahrhunderts aus losen Gemein-
schaften organisiert, die in verschiedenen Gebieten des Landes ein Ein-
siedlerleben fiihrten. 1
Der als Ordensgriinder anerkannte Eusebius, einst Graner Kanoni-
ker, begab sich 1262 mit seinen Gefahrten nach Rom, urn von Papst
Urban IV. (1261-1264) die Bewilligung zur Griindung eines Eremitenor-
dens nebst Einfiihrung der Augustinerregel einzuholen. 2 Vor dem Papst
schlug er ebenfalls vor, den neuen Orden nach dem Vorbild aller Eremi-
ten, dem Thebaner Paulus zu benennen. In der Folgezeit begann sich der
Hervay 1988; Kisban I-II, 1938; 1940; Elm 1993; 2000; MaIYUS2 1971; Sarbak 198 .
2 Papst Urban IV. ertCilte dcm Orden die.. Approbation, doch seine ersehntc Augustinerregel
wurde er~t 1308 (endgilltig 1371) bestatigt. Die Zulassung def Augustinerregel hat der Papst
.~

an eine Visitationspflicht gebunden, we von dem Veszpremer Bischof Pal durchgefu~t

wurde. Da die Pauliner zu arm waren, haben sie die [Link] nicht erhalten, und Iebten
[Link] Jahrzehnte hindurch gemifi den von Diozesanbischofen aufgestellten Regeln. Eine
Konstitution haben die Pauliner 1263 von Paul, Bischof von Veszprem, und 1290 Lodomer,
Bischof von Esztergom erhalten. Letztcre wurdc aucb von Andr:is, dem Bischof von Eger
1297 in seinem Zustandigkeitsbereich verordnet. Schlicfilich hat der bereits iiber zahlreiche
Kloster verfugcnde Orden zu Beginn des 14. Jhs., wahrcnd des Besuches von Kardinal Gen-
tile da Montefiore in Ungarn (1308) die mit eigencn Konstitutionen erwciterte Augustiner-
regel erworben. Zur selben Zeit wurdc das neu erbautc Kloster in Budaszentlorinc zum Mit-
tclpunkt des Ordens. Vg!. Elm 2000.
[330 Janka Szendrei

Orden rasch zu entwickeln. Bis zur Reformation ist an 86 Orten in Un-

garn die Errichtung eines Ordensklosters belegt.3
Die Pauliner haben sich der Liturgie der Erzbischoflichen Kathe-
drale von Gran angepafit und diese mit geringen Veranderungen als Or-
densliturgie gepflegt.4 In ihren Skriptorien wurde die Graner Choralnota-
cion in einer sonderbar stilisierten Form iibernommen. 5
Die turkische Verwustung, der Zerfall des Landes in drei Teilgebiete
und die rasche Verbreitung der Reformation brachten im 16. Jh. die alte
ungarische Kirche in eine schwierige Lage. Die Zahl der Pauliner verrin-
gerte sich gegen Ende des Jahrhunderts bedeutend. 6 Neuaufnahmen und
Verstarkung hofften sie mitte1s innerer Reformen, so..me in der Verpflich-
tung gegenuber dem Trienter Konzil zu finden. 7 Aus ruesem Grund iiber-
nahmen sie offiziell das Trienter Brevian'um und Missale Romanum - ent-
scheidend fruher als die ungarischen Diozesen. Unter Leitung des Or-
densvorstehers Simon Bratulics aus Istrien beschlossen sie auf dem
Generalkapitel in Lepoglava 1600, das romische Brevier und Missale zu
akzeptieren, und sogar den Gebrauch alter Chorbiicher zu verbieten. 8
Diese Entscheidung signalisierte den Anfang der Erneuerungsbestre-
bungen des Ordens. Mit groBem Eifer wurde mit der praktischen Durch-
setzung der Reformen begonnen. Das veranschaulicht am besten die im
17. Jahrhundert ansetzende quantitative Vermehrung der Pauliner liturgi-
schen Quellen. Mehrere liturgische Chorbiicher Pauliner Herkunft aus
dem 17. und 18. Jh. sind uns iiberliefert: Das sind einfache, auf Papier

3 Die Angaben von Emil Ktsban ubcr die PaulincrkJoster wurden 1984 von Hervay revidiert,
der darnals allerdings nur die ungarischcn Stifte miteinbezogen hat. Laut Hervay 1984a gab
es in Ungarn urn 1470 insgesarnt 51 KJostcr, die :tu Anfang des 16. Jhs. durch weitcre 12
erweitert wurdcn. In der Einlcitung zurn Band I cler DAP (S. VI.) erwahnt Hervay fur die
Jahre vor der Reformation 86 PaulinerkJoster. Diese Zahl bezieht sich alIerdingS auch auf
Jie nur kurze Leit cxistenten KJostCf. Vg!. Kisban I, 1938: 321-325, uber die auslandische
Verbreitung: cbenda, 24-71. Romhanyi 2000a: 132-04 registriert auf G fund der neuesten
Forschungen rnehrere Daten, vg!. Romhanyi 2000b.
4 Gyercssy 1938; Torok 1977; 1999/2000; 2000.
5 Szendrei 1988: 5-235, bes. 98-102.
6 1{crvay 1984b.
7 Calla 1941; 'filth 1930.
8 Ki:iban 1I, 1940: 201
L- - - - - - - - - - - -
~------D-ER--RI-TU-S-T-R-ID-E-N-T-IN-U-S-U-N-D--D--IE-P-~U-L-IN-I-SC-H-E--T-~--D-IT-I-O-N-.-----3-3~11
..
-
notierte Handschriften. 9 (Die alteren erinnern mit ihrer auf3eren Ausstat-
rung an bescheidenste Dorfkantorenbucher. Jene aus dem 18. Jh. streben
dagegen ein reprasentatives AuBeres an, und stehen in ihrem AusmaB
spatmittelalterlichen Prachtkodizes nahe.) Als Notenschrift wird die mit-
telalterliche Graner Choralnotation verwendet. Bemerkenswert ist: Die
Obernahme der Trienter Reformen scheint bei den Paulinern anstatt der
Einftihrung des Drucks die Neubelebung des Zeitalters der musikalischen
Handschriftlichkeit veranlaBt zu haben!1O Urn das zu verstehen, ist die ver-
gleichende inhaltliche Analyse der Chorbiicher notig.
Das Material der Chorbucher stel1t im ganzen genommen das Ergeb-
rus eines sonderbaren Kompromisses dar. Die Texte und die ilturgische An-
ordnung entsprechen im wesentlichen dem Romischen Brevier von 1568,
bzw. dem Romischen Missale von 1570, den beiden Reformbiichern
des Trienter Konzils. Demzufolge steht fest, daB die Ubernahme der Tri-
enter Liturgie, gemaB der Entscheidung in Lepoglava, tatsachUch im
Orden durchgefuhrt wurde. Dies wird auch in -den Oberschriften der _,
handschriftlichen Chorbucher (Graduale Romanum-oder Antiphonale Ro-
manum) stets eindeutig zum Ausdruck gebracht.
Es gibt allerdings eine andere inhaltliche Komponente def Chor-
bucher, namlich die der Mefodien, der musikalischen Aufzeichnungen. Ur-
spriinglich war ja jedes Wort der liturgie zum singenden Vorttag bestimmt
und zusammen mit der Melodie entstanden; die Melodie stellt das and ere
Gesicht derselben Wahrheit dar. Dieser Auffassung waren sich die Pauli-
ner noch im ansetzenden 17. Jh. in dem MaBe bewuBt, daB eine de!-Ziel-
setzungen der zu dieser Zeit eirigeleiteten Ordensreformen eben die aus- '
reichende Kenntnis der gregorianischen Weisen, das gemeiflsame festli-
che Singen der kanonischen Haten in ~iner entsprechenden Zeit-
einteilung darstellte. Ordensmitgliedern ohne Kenntnis der gregoriani-
schen Gesange, oder ohne musikalisches Gehor wurde in den Jahren

9 E:; fchIt noch cine systemati$ch zusammengestellte Quellenliste der liturgischen Handschrif-
ten Jer Paulincr aus dem 17.-18. Jh. Einige Chorbucher sind in Szendrei 1981 erwlihnt (C 105,
106,107,108, 109,110,111, C 124, C 129), vgl. Szendrei 1990.
10 Falls die Pauliner ZU( Verrichtung del' romischen Liturgie nur die Tcxte benotigt h~tten.
waren dicse muhelos, einfach durch Nachdruck herzustellen, oder durch Kauf zu erwerben
gcwesen.
I
Janka Szendrei
1332

1628-1629 vom Ordensvorsteher Rudolf Biell sogar die Fortsetzung des

Studiums untersagt. 11 In den neuen, die Trienter Liturgie festhaltenden
Chorblichern der Pauliner sollten also auch die Melodien eingetragen
sein. Von Rom aber wurde bis 1600, dem Zeitpunkt der Einleitung der
Pauliner Reformen kein dem Trienter Missale oder Brevier entsprechen-
des normatives Buch mit Notation herausgegeben. Auch wahrend der
Trienter Synode selbst zeigte sich kein Bestreben nach einer musikali-
schen Uniformisierung der europaischen Melodietraditionen.
Die Pauliner haben si ch fur die einzig durchflihrbare Lasung ent-
schieden. Bei der Auswahl der Melodien bedienten sic sich anderer Quel-
len als bei der det Texte: als musikalische QueUe stand die traditionelle
mittelalterliche Oberlieferung des Ordens da. Die handschriftlichen Chor-
bucher prasentieren Texte des rijmischen, und Meiodien des Graner Ritus.
Wie war es aber moglich, zwei Komponenten unterschiedlichen Ur-
sprungs zu vereinbaren? In der Tat: Die Herstellung eines Kompromis-
ses zwischen Alt und Neu benotigte ernsthafte schopferische Arbeit. Sie
wurde im Orden tatsachlich durchgefuhrt.
Urn das Ergebnis darstellen zu kannen, sei im folgenden das 1623
entstandene Pauliner Graduale der Budapester Universitatsbibliothek
A 115 naher untersucht. 12
Das Graduale reprasentiert eine kleinformatige, aus 106 Folien be-
stehende Papierhandschtift mit sieben vierzeiligen Notensystemen auf
einer Seite. Sein Material bietet eine Auswahl der MeBgesange: Introitus,
Alleluia oder Tractus und Communio. Auf f. 1 ist die Uberschrift zu le-
sen: Graduaie Romanum. Da~ dieses Graduale Romanum tatsachlich fur die
Pauliner verfasst wurde, bezeugt unmittelbar die Eintragung auf dem
unteren Rand des nach f. 1 folgenden ungezahlten Blattes. Sie teilt uns
mit, daB das Buch 1623 von einem M6nch des Paulinerklosters St. Egidii
in Ujhely (d.h. Satoraljaujhely) niedergeschrieben wurde.13 Die Pauliner
Bestimmung, ja sogar ungan'sche Pauliner Bestimmung, ware allerdings
auch ohne diesen Vermerk zu erkennen. Das im Grundbestand dem ro-

11 Kisban I. 1938: 207.

12 Stall 1963, Nr. 73; Szab6 £/108, Nr. 180.
13 Mona~terij s/ancti/ Aegtdii de Uyhd Ordinis S/ancti/ PauLi primi Eremitae conscriptus per
Ven/erabilem/ Patrcm Vinccntium Silas I?/ eiusdem Ord/inis/ profcssus (bei Stoll: profcs-
::;or). Diebu~ nesClo guot . :\nno vero 1623. Vgl StoLl1963, Nr. 73 .
 DER RtTUS TRIOENTINUS UNO DIE PAUlINISCHE TRADITION... 3331

mischen Ritus folgende Buch wurde namlich durch die Ordensheiligen

und -Feste erganzt. So wurde z.B. die Karsamstagslitanei14 ordensspezi-
fisch gestaltet: ihre im Kodex erscheinende Form stiitzt sich sowohl text-
lich, als auch in der Melodie auf die Forme! des mittelalterlichen Graner
Usus. 1S Eingetragen sind die Namen der ungarischen Heiligen (die der
Konige Stephan und Ladislaus, sowie des Fiirsten Emericus), die Liste
wird durch die Pauliner Ordensheiligen Augustinus, Paulus primus ete-
mita, Antoruus eremita elWeitert. Als Pauliner Eigenschaft ist auch ·das
Festformular des HI. Eremiten Paulus im Graduale anzusehe~ mit einem
ausgedehnten Alleluia proprium,16 dessen notierte Fassung zum ersten Mal
an dies er Stelle auftaucht. Die inhaltliche Obersicht bestitigt, daB es sich
urn ein zum Ordensgebrauch in U ngarn adaptiertes Graduale Romanum
handelt.
Beim Durchblattern der Handschrift kommt die oben erwahnte son-
derbare Zwiespiltigkeit bereits auf den ersten Seiten klar zum Vorschein.
Alles, was in den Notenzeilen zu lesen ist, entspt;ingt der mittelalterllchen
ungarischen - sakularen oder Pauliner - Tradition, und nahezu alles,11
was die Textzeilen bieten, folgt der Reform des Tridentinums, dem nor-
mativen Missale Romanum. Ersteres wurde durch den Vergleich mit zwei
mittelalterlichen notierten Quellen der Graner MeBliturgie,18 letzteres wie-
de rum durch eine vergleichende Untersuchung mit der 1574 in Venedig
verlegten Ausgabe des Missale Romanum 19 klargestellt. Wir haben unsere
Quelle auch mit der Medicaea-Ausgabe des Graduale Romanum (1614)

14 E 19v-22v ~,In Sancto Sabbatho rOOeunte Processione ad Edesiam can~tur Letania a

duobus fr0lri/nU). .
15 Martyres: Stephaous, Laurentius, Adalbertus, Georgius, Venzeslaus. Confest;ores: Silv:ester,
Gregorius, Martinus. Nicolaus, Rcx Stephamis. DUx Emenens, Rex Ladislaus. Pater A'ugusti-
nus, Pauius Eremita. Antonius Eremita. Vgl. damit die Graner Litanei in Musicalia Dilnubi-
ana 12h; 119-122.
16 F. 48v im Sanctorale (die einzclnen Kapitd sind sdbstiindig numeriert, wobei mit Eins be-
gonnen wird): All. 0 ptJI". pi, PI1IIU dNx """';[Link]. Der Text dell [Link] ist aus mittelalterli-
cheo Pauliner Quellen dokumentiert.'
17 An einigen StcUen ist d:l$ romanisierte Paulincr Graduale nicht nut in musikalischer Sicht
dem mittelalterlichen Inhalt treu geblieben (z.B. der Tractus Dixit DII1Ji1uIs1tnlRm auf f. 14v.
ist aus dem mittelalterlichco Usus erhaltco geblieben).
18 Musicalia Danubiana 1 uod 12.
19 Missou Romolllllll Ex DtcrttD SOCfTlSilllCh CDIltiIii TriJI"lilli t"trtlhlhllw. .. (Venetiis. Apud Johan-
nem Uarucum, hcredeli Bartholomei Faletti, et sociQl;. 1574).
 Janka Szendrei

verglichen,20 der Kodex aus lJjhely wurde ja nach dem Erscheinen dieses
Buches verfafk Die Melodien des Medicaea-Gradua1es 21 erwiesen sich
aber als absolut andersartig.
Die N otenschrift des Pauliner Graduals ist wie gesagt die Graner
Choralnotatio n. Die Gestalt der Neumen, die Zusarnmensetzung des
Zeichensystems, die im 17. Jh. vollig alleinstehende Schriftrichtung ent-
sprechen in jeder Einzelheit der mittelalterlichen, im Ungarn des 12.
Jarhrhunderts entwickelten Notation. Darunter folgt die Schrift der Pau-
liner Variante: jeder aus Puncta bestehende Climacus beginnt, moglichst
sogar in Neurnenzusammensetzungen rnit einem Doppelpunkt.

Beisp. 1/ a . ::[Link] Notatum Strigoniense ante 1341 (Bratislava,

Archlv mesta EC Lad 3 f. 11.) Nat. Dom. Missa in aurora,
In tr. U x fulgebit

Betrachtet man die Melodievarianten naher, fallt der "pentatoni-

sche", oder "germanische" Dialekt der Gesange als wichtige, die ganze
Handschrift durchdringende Eigenschaft auf. Es ist ebenfalls nicht allzu
schwierig, die nahere QueUe der pentatonischen Meloruen aufzuspiiren.
Es handelt sich um nicht irgendeinen germanischen Choraldialekt, son-
dern urn die Fortpflanzung jener pentatonischen Weisen des Graner Ri/us,
die im 11ittelalter auch von den Paulinern libernommen wurden. Dies

20 Baroffio - Sodi 2001; Baroftio - Kim 2001.

21 Hinsichdich cler Liturgie cnt~pricht die Medicaea-Ausgabc dC's Gradualc Romanum 1614
dem nachtridentinischen Missale Romanum voU~tandig.
 DER RITUS TRIDENTINUS UND DIE PAULlNISCHE TRADITION... 33~

Beisp. lib Graduale Romanum (1623) ad usum Paulinorum adapta-

turn (Budapest, Universitatsbibliothek A 115 f. 4v.)
Nat. Dom. lvliJJa in aurora, Intr. Luxfulgebit

bezeugen die vollige Obereinstimmung der Melodiewendungen (vgl. Bei-

spiel 1/ a-b) und vor allem die Pdisenz einiger seltener, aus dem ungari-
schen Mittelalter wohlbekannten, sonderbar variierten, manchmal auch
tonal umgedeuteten musikalischen Beispiele. (Beispiel 2. Noten.)
Daneben existieren noch verlaBlichere Mittel zur ldentifizierung der
musikalischen Vorlage: die traditionsbezogene Melodiewahl. Lokalspezifi-
sche Traditionen in der Melodieauswahl haben si ch hauptsachlith im Re-
pertoire der Alleluia-Gesange herausgebildet. Zusammenstellung und
Reihenfolge der Alleluias ist fur jeden rrlitte1alterlichen liturgischen Usus
bezeichnend, ist aber durch die Ordnung der Melodiewahl noch weiter
zu prazisieren. Es kann vorkommen, daf3 sogar zwei textgleiche Alleluia-
Reihen in der Zuordnung unterschiedlicher Melodien zu den selben Tex-
ten voneinander abweichen. Dazu zwei Beispiele: Am Fest des hl. Erz-
martyrers Stephanus bringen die traditionstreuesten Quellen des Graner
Ritus zum All. Video caelos apertos nicht die in ganz Europa verbreitete,
G3"6-
L
Janka Szendrei

a.)
J

M~~
Jl

t)
J

-'"

c)
;r I
,
n

cl} 7 , I I \

e.) 7" , I \ r • I I ....

"
J I
U~t '''''(.~ -llo4.s se.l f~c:A.t - \, S I o..l-It.- b.. - ap..·
n
a..t\ L - ••""'-" J ..
J

J I • ,......... , { (

J f" • ~ .... • ,
"
., I \ • • ", ...... , I r I

Beisp.2 a. Benevento [Link]. VI 34. Graduale aus Benevento

11-12. Jh., f. 146
b. Graduale Pataviense Wien ISII, f. 8%
c. Bratislava, Archiv rnesta EC Lad 3. Missale Strigoni-
ense ante 1341, f. 149v
d. Budapest, Universitatsbibliothek A 115. Grad. Rom.
ad usum Paulinorurn 1623, f. 26
e. Graduale ... Romanae Ecclesiae ... ex Typographia
Merucaea 1614, f. 172v
 DER RITUS TRIDENTINUS UND DIE PAULlNISCHE TRADITION ... 3371

~,.. • .. ,., -1fw ~ f1*S4 ft- Pt· "~"~ I • +".. ·,$f

j), _' It\-k-IM-

AU~-[\~
"'1"~
~

T"r,... ~
1~'
~. v,--~ o

I · ,'N Mw,.. ~
"'. \f" -Ilk - o

Q) f ."r ~. 4~; , · ..,1-1',.. It' ":it' 4.. ..,.. ", .., ·

cu -~ o..,u-- t.s d: ~- ~~~. .*---
.1) 4·,., · ~ ~ 1'!' • I , ,., ,.., 't..
c:t
;tf '"~ 4
s\--
21", ·w·... ~ 1f'1'
-u. __ _
ClClL - .t., ~,~- ~- sw....

Beisp.3 a. Bratislava, Archiv mesta EC Lad 3. 1fissale Strigoni- _

ense ante 1341, f. 14
b. Budapest, Universttatsbibliothek A 115. G~d. Rom.
ad usum Paulinorum 1623, f. 6

(und sogar in gewissen ungarischen Kodizes bekannte) archaische Melo-

die des Typs Dies sonctiftcotus im 2. Ton,22 sondern eine, laut Sehlage.- dem
Grundtext Domine in virtute angehorende Weise im 6~ Ton.23 Die seltene
Verbindung zwischen Text und Melodie, das Video caclns des 6. Tons fin-
det sich auch im Pauliner Graduale 1623, dessen Melodievorlage nichts
anderes, als die mittelalterliche Graner, bzw. Pauliner Tradition gewesen
sein kann (Beispiel 3. Noten). Dieselbe Melodie des 6. Tons hat in den
mittelalterlichen Graner Quellen sogar das All. Vidimus sle/Jam in Besitz ge-
nommen: 24 eine ad notom-LOsung,' die nicht einmal in Sthlagers Katalog
verzeichnet wird. Das romarusierte Pauliner Graduale halt sich aberauch
in dieser Hinsicht getreu an die mittelalterliche heimische Melodiettadition,
und fUhrt das All. Vidimus sle/lam d~s 6. Tons auf. Ahnlkhe Beisple1e las- ,
sen sich ebenso im Sanctorale und im Commune sanctorum finden.
22 Schlager 1965, Nr. 27.
23 Schlager 1965, Nr. 222. Diesc Text-Musik V<;rhindung wird von Schlager lediglich aus einem
Regcnsburger Kantatorium (1624-1026) aus St. Emmewn (Munchen. Bayerische Staatsbi-
bliothek dm 14322) registriert. Die im Ausland fast unbekannte Meiodiewahl) die dagegeo
eincn konsequent vorkommcnden Belitandteil def Graner Quellen darstellt (Musicalia Danu-
biana 12*: 68), konnte sogar auf eine friihe Verbindung zwischen Regensburg und Uogarn
in de! Liturgie hinweisen.
24 Vgl. z.B. Musicalia Danubiana**: 213. Bci diesem Alleluia ist soost die Adaptierung Zut Me-
loc:lie Din sanctificatus ublich, vg!. Schlager 1965, Nr. 27.
 Janka Szendrei

Die musikalische Vorlage des Reformgraduales ist besonders durch

jene \'<Ieisen dokumentiert, die unserem gegenwartigen \X:'issenstand nach
oUSJchliej1!ich der mittelalteruchen ungarischen Uberlieferung entstammen
konnen. Andernorts sind sie namlich bisher nicht belegt. Zu diesen ge-
hart z.B. das All. Dominus regnovit im 4. Ton aus der 2. Weihnachtsmes-
se,lS sowie das All. Solve jubente des 5. Tons zum Fest Vincula Petri. 26 Bei-
de sind in unserer Handschrift vorhanden . (Beispiel 4. Facsimile)

Beisp.4 Budapest, Universltatshibliothek A 115. Grad. Rom. ad

usum Paulinorum 1623, f. 4v

Nicht nur die 11elodievan'anten, sondern auch die konkrete Melo-

djewah! zeugen demnach davon, daG an jenen Stellen,' wo Text und Ein-
teilung des nachtridentinischen :NleGpropriums mit Text und Einteilung
der mittelalterlichen ungarischen Tradition ubereinstimmten, das Reform-
graduale einfach die aus dem ungarischen Mittelalter vererbten Weisen
beibehalten hat.
25 M usicaLia Danublana 1, t. 11 v.
26 i'vlu:;icalia Danublana 1, r 260
 DER RITUS TRIDENTINUS UND DIE PAULlNISCHE TRADITION... 339 1

Selbstverstandlich fanden sich zwischen dem tridentinischen 1vIissale

und dem mittelalterlichen Missale Paulinorum weit mehr textlich-struk-
tureUe Ubereinstimmungen als Unterschiede, beide Bucher waren ja Ver-
sionen des nach rOmlschem Ritus verfaBten Missales. Somit ist ein GroB-
reil der Satze des romarusierten Reformgraduales ptoblernlos aufgrund
des mittelalterlichen Repertoires zu vertonen gewesen. Trotzdem konn-
ten sogar im Fall von grundsatzlich identischen Satzen TexttJananten ins
neue Graduale aufgenommen werden, es waren ja gleiche Stucke mit 1an-
gerem oder kurzerem Text vorhanden. In salchen Fallen hat der musika-
lische Redakteur, der die Melodien zum neu ubernommenen Text adap-
tierte, nicht nach fremden Quellen gegriffen, sondern brachte seine eige-
ne Kreativitat ein. Dem jeweiligen Bedarf entsprechend erweiterte oder
verkurzte er die Melodien. Van den zahlreichen Beispielen sei die Verto-
nung des in den Text des All. Beatus 1Jir sane/us Marlinus einzufugenden

,
uberzahligen \X'ortes episcopus erwahnt (Beispiel S. Noten).

~) ,~ 1 , '1"r rtr • ,
.r,
·'l'~

~,
N·
I
~~_Q..-

I
-r'T
i:AU
,..,
r ,
\liA"

,.
¥""k t-\u'-
• .'~ ~
-b:. \I\.&L.~

f! ,
e' · 1ft ",t
- - - (V .1)",-0..- u...-~ Tu..t"o - ~~

")~5 , I
~.M-t- ~ - - -

R,) ~ • t· 'f' F· wr- • I

~~-~[Link].t ~~-~_\J~t - ---
Beisp.5 a. Bratislava, Archlv mesta EC Lad 3. Missale Strigoni-
ense ante 1341, f. 291v
h. Budapest, Universitatsbibhothek A 115. Grad. Rom.
ad usum Paulinorum 1623, f. 57

In anderen Fallen bestand die Aufgabe in der Anpassung der Melo-

die an den verkurzten Text. Dies scheint eine schwierige Aufgabe gewe-
seD zu sein: abwohl die elastischen gregorianischen Weisen sogar die
r40______________________J_a_nk_a_s_z_en_d_r_ei__ ____________________~
oy 'r- ,., f1 rt r.,,...
Al- k -
If I n
- \.... - ~o..' lV· 1>Q.~
r 1"r~, r-l" f"+ 1
A\o'~
I

b)+ f' "f r 'f!"'~ 'f"'~ if I It r'1 ",~ 1'....

f- 1 I

At. -la.. - - t... - 4·..... · ~. ~..Iodo..o.. Moo..*--/

"') +' ·· ,... -w_.
~",ota. -
If fA- T!p; ~ M w!'f
t4-t CI...n. -
ri, ~
- ,tu~:
I. 1-1
&f14 -
"'r ~
t... - .............

--T p" 'p.. ,.., &

;....... olA. - tu.1. ~t (..t,..k- -s~... /
~)'.f r ~f'! ~ .r'·f" I
, " ,..~ NI"" Nr~ fJ~ ~ fit
IAo. 0. ~- <'u"c.&.K,- t... -

'Ycfi1 it. r r .., f rr-~t= -r •

--h. r.t.. vc.- -K.'- - k-~.

Beisp.6 a. Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi 2429. Graduale Hun-

garicum 1463, f. 101v
b. Budapest, Universitatsbibliothek A 115. Grad. Rom.·
ad usum Paulinorum 1623, f. 24

Zerlegung in zwei Teile und den AbschluB in der Mitte iiberstanden

haben. Ein Beispiel fur dieses Verfahren liefert in unserer Quelle u. a. das
im neuen Stil konzipierte All. Pascha nostrum. Der archaischen G-Melodie
dieses beruhmten Stuckes konnten in der zweiten HaIfte des Mittelalters
- so auch in U ngarn - ad libitum modische, dem neuen Geschmack fol-
gende Weisen im F-Modus angereiht werden. Das romanisierte Pauliner
Graduale folgte in musikalischer Sicht der heimischen Tradition. Das
Osteralleluia wlrd mit der aus mittelalterlichen ungarischen Quellen wohl-
bekannten F-Weise ausgestattet,27 d. h. lediglich mit deren Hii!fte, da ge-
maB der Trienter Verordnung vom All. Pascha nostrum nur ein Vers beibe-
halten wurde, in der vererbten Melodie dagegen ursprunglich die gesam-
te mittelalterliche Einheit (d. h. beide Verse wurden zusammengefaf3t).
(Beispiel 6. Noten.) Bereits bei dieser Melodie-Adaptierung - wo die mit-

27 MZt I: 365 (auf Grund des Graduale Francisci de ruthak, s. Szendrei 1981, C 45, f. 101v);
vg!. Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Muzcsi Deissmann 60, f. 93v; Deissmann 49, f. 148v. S. die Be-
schreibung beider noticrten ungarischen Missalia bei: Szendrei 2001: 79-88.
c=_____ D
__
ER__
RI_T_U_S_T_R_ID_E_N_T_IN_U_S_U_N_D
__D_I_E_PA_U_L-IN--IS-C_H_E_T_RA_D
__ .,_.____3_4~11
IT_IO_N__

telalterliche Melodie zufolge einer textlichen Reduktion in der Mitte

abgeschnitten werden muBte - wird klar, daB es kaum moglich gewesen
war, den Zielsetzungen des Reformgraduales oh ne [Link] Ande-
rungen und manchmal schwierige Entscheidungen entgegenzukommen.
Es gab jedoch noch weitere Aufgaben zu losen. Die Unterschiedlich-
keit der liturgischen Zuweisung derselben Gesange in der Trienter und
Pauliner Dberlieferung zahlte noch zu den scheinbar leicht uberwindba-
ren Problemen. Die Reihenfolgen zu verandern, Stiicke vom urspriing-
lichen Platz wegzubringen, urn sie an eine andere liturgische Position zu
versetzen ist eine Aufgabe, die fur uns miihelos zu erledigen ware. Vermut-
lich wiirde heute anstatt das jeweilige Stuck neu abzuschreiben ' ein Hin-
weis auf die entsprechende Seitenzahl geniigen. 28 Dem Redakteur im 17. Jh.
scheint jedoch diese LOsung nicht gefallen zu haben. Es gibt zwar Bei-
spieleauch fur die Realisierung dieser Moglichkeit: so wurde z.B. am
vierten Adventsonntag der pentatonische Introitus Rorate offenbar vom
Quatembermittwoch in die Sonntagsmesse ubernommen. Im Kodex fin-
den sich mehrere mittelalterlichen Gesange an andere PHitze versetzt.
Andernorts aber wird die scheinbar plausible Moglichkeit der Verschie-
bung plotzlich beiseite gelassen. Dazu nur ein Beispiel: das All. -Omnes
gentes taucht in der alten ungarischen Liturgie in der Vigilia Ascensionis
auf.29 Der Redakteur des romanisierten Pauliner Graduales hat es trotz-
dem nicht auf die neue, vom Trienter Missale :vorgeschtiebene Stelle (auf
den 7. Sonntag nach Pfingsten) transferiert, sondern sich fur eine andere
LOsung entschieden. Dieses aufierst charakteristische Verfahren wqrde
auch bei jenen Fallen bevorzugt, ~bei denen sich keine notierlen Vorlagen der
vom Trienter Missale vorgeschriebenen Satze in der heimischen Oberlie-
ferung fanden.
Somit sind wir beim interessantesten Moment der Zusammenfii~g
beider Traditionen angelangt. Einige Gesangstexte des Trienter Missales
waren in der mittelalterlichen Pauliner oder Graner Oberlieferung uber-
haupt nicht vertreten. Woher sollte nWl der Redakteur, der sich hisher des
aIten musikalischen Erbes bediente, zu diesen vorher unhekannten Tex-
ten die Meloclien herbeischaffen? Demnach waren an diesen Stellen leer-
28 Vgl. Molitor I: 27.
29 Mw;icalia Danubiana 12**: 146, Musicalia Danubiana 1, f. 162. Missale Paulinorum 15/1 Jh.
(Gottweig, Srifubibhothek Cod. 234), f. 98v.
 ~ ------- - - - --- -

,342 Janka Szendrei

gelassene Notenzeilen zu erwarten, oder ein Hinweis darauf, daB der Re-
dakteur zur anderen Praxis uberwechselte, und in italienischen Quellen
nach passenden Melodien suchte. Dadurch hatte naturlich die Homoge-
nitat, die stilistische Reinheit des musikalischen Materials einen schweren
Bruch erlitten.
Die Pauliner haben sich fur die mittelalterliche Musiktradition und
deren funktione/le Gebundenheit entschieden. Sie wollten eine singbare Litur-
gie erschaffen, und so sind leere Notenzeilen lediglich an einer einzigen
Stelle im Kodex zu finden. Gemaf3 ihrem Verfahren haben sie im Fall
eines relativ groBen Materials die Texte des Trienter Missale mit unbe-
kannten Weisen einfach mit jenen Melodien versehen, die in der gleichen
liturgischen Funktion bis dahin - mit anderem Text - verwendet wurden.
Die vom Tridentinum ubermitrelten, von den Paulinern als fremd emp-
fundenen Texte wurden also mit jenen Melodien zusammengefugt, die
gemaB der Pauliner Tradition vor der Einfuhrung der Reform in der ent-
sprechenden liturgischen Funktion vorzutragen waren. Dadurch ist die
eigenartige Zwiespaltigkeit vollstandig geworden: Textordnung nach dem
Trienter Missale, und Melodieordnung nach der Graner, bzw. Pauliner
Tradition. Die Redakteure des Graduales bevorzugten die funkcionelle
Beibehaltung der Me/odien. Sic haben sich der Melodieadaptierung sogar
in den Fa:Hen bedient, in denen auch die Melodieversetzung moglich ge-
wesen ware. So erhielt der Text des erwahnten All. Omnes gentes die
gemaB der mittelalterlichen Graner Praxis fur den 7. Sonntag nach Pfing-
sten vorgesehene Melodie (die ursprunglich zum auBerst seltenen kurzen
All. Magnus Dominus gehorte).30
Von den, die "Adaptierung" veranschaulichenden Beispielen sei das
AJleluia des zweiten Adventsonntags erwahnt. In der mittelalterlichen
ungarischen Tradition erklang an rueser liturgischen Position das All. Rex
noster, ein zur Melodie Posuisfi31 gehorendes Stuck. Im Trienter Missale
wird das europaweit verbreitete All. Laetattls stln;32 vorgeschrieben. Obwohl
die Melodie des letztgenannten Stuckes leicht zu erwerben gewesen ware
(etwa aus der Praxis der benachbarten deutschen Diozesen), hat das ro-
manisierte Pauliner Graduale den Text uetatus sum mit der Melodie des

30 S. Musicalia Danubiana 1. f 182v.

31 Schlager 1965, Ne. 46
32 Schlagcr 1965, N r. 113.
 DER RITUS TRIDENTINUS UNO DIE PAULlNISCHE TRADITION.. . 3431

1"
l.-~-~
ft· __ _

Beisp.7 a. Bratislava, Archiv mesta EC Lad 3. Missale Strigoni-

ense ante 1341, f. 2v
h. Budapest, Universitatsbibliothek A 115. Grad. Rom.
ad USUpl Paulinorum 1623, f. 2

Rex nosIer verbunden, und somit ein neues Gebilde ins Leben gerufen.
(Beispiel 7. Noten) Dasselbe Verfahren demonstriert das All. Cognovcrtint
discipuli des zweiten Sonntags nach Ostern: dies em, vom romischen usus
empfohlenen Text wird in unserer QueUe die in der gleichen liturgischen
Funktion zuvor verwendeten Melodie des All. Surrexil pastor bonus 33 unter-
legt. (Beispiel 8. Noten.) Am dritten Sonntag nach Ostern wurde gemaB

"') 41At - ,..,. · ,~t ~f-ab..--- tV.I ""'" _)la.'f ~ '"M=f"f.

Lt. - L.i A.. - - - ~\&.r - ..a.
-
• .,.
~ \~
•
t:..AU&\ - - -

1" i:of ,..,... : H .. 1"'r 'frfl' '.' .>f~. r;1' '

t....
.At- ~41>... IV· ~~ov .. - ~ .u'f'1'''''- li ~-~--

Beisp.8 a. Esztergom, Kathedralbibliothek MS [Link]. Graduale

Strigoniense 15/16. Jh. f. I/152v
h. Budapest, Universitatsbibliothek A 115. Grad. Rom.
ad usum Paulinorum 1623, £ 6 '

33 Musicalia Danubiana 1, f. 151 v.

 Janka Szendrei ]
- - - -- - - - - - -

q)4 +- fT "r-- ~ fi r 1 ,.. f"q--- 11 t·. ~ 1'- '1., ·....,'r-

Attt.- t ..... - ~"- ___ Je:. . tv· .M.o-cl.:~ .t:.t\o.4'\. vYlt.- ~ ---

.l,Al ... +' .·po., 1',.. 1 I f " f·r-.: "'f." • F' "" "T
[Link]. - ~- lQ.. . f/. 0- fo~kJ,.«..k fo.. - ~ ~ -,~---

Beisp.9 a. Bratislava, Archiv mesta EC Lad 3. Missale Strigoni-

ense ante 1341, f. 151v
h. Budapest, Universitatsbibliothek AIlS. Grad. Rom.
ad usum Paulinorum 1623, f. 27

der nachtridentinischer Verordnung das All. Oportebat pati eingesetzt: sei-

ne Melodie wurde von dem in der mittelalterlichen ungarischen Praxis an
diesem Tag vorzutragenden All. A10dicum et non Vldebitis (eine Kontrafaktur
zu Justus ut palma),,4 iibernommen. (Beispiel 9. Noten) Das All. des Tri-
nitatsfestes Benedictus cs Domine, das im Trienter Missale vorgeschrieben
wird, fand sich sporadisch ebenfalls in der alteren ungarischen Praxis.
Der Redakteur des Reformgraduales begab sich trotzdem nicht auf die
Suche nach dessen Melodie, sondern unterlegte den Text gemill der in
der Graner und Pauliner Oberlieferung an derselben liturgischen Stel1e
vorgesehenen Melodie des All. Honor Vl·rtuS. 35 (Beispiel 10. Noten)

~, ~ , 1 " Ht" ,«T~f r·t~.___ It , -r't 1'11" •

At-k - fu...-l"'" --- de.. ;V. HOA'\4Ir vU- - k~ J ~c._ ~-"""'---

.t)~ , 1"1 r'f!', It, "fi't r 'e,· ,.., "1".,. t- -

___ _
~- i~ · (V.~- .a.:c:.~.&.\
~I&..L.

k-

Beisp.10 a. Bracislava, Archlv mesta EC Lad 3. Missale Strigoni-

ense ante 1341, f. 175
h. Budapest, Universitatsbibliothek A 115. Grad. Rom.
ad usum Paulinorum 1623, f 33

34 Musicalia Danubiana 1, f. 151 v.

35 Musicalia Daoublana 12*: 59 . Die Melodic i~t eine Dur-Version des Beams virsanctNs Mar/inNS
(Schlage r 1965, Ne. 396), die in def mittdeuro paischen Praxis zahlreichen Kontrafakturen als
Vorlage dientc.
 DER RITUS TRIDENTINUS UND DIE PAULlNISCHE TRADITION... 3451

Wir konnten in der Aufzahlung von Beispielen weiterfahren. Die

Neutextierung der an der liturgischen Funktion festhaltenden Melodien
sind im Repertoire der Alleluia- und Communio-Gesange zu beobachten
- der U nterschied zwischen den Riten manifestierte sich eben in diesen
Gattungen.
lm romanisierten Graduale war jede neue Kontrafaktur mit Risiken,
kompositorischen Abenteuern verbunden. Trotzdem sind auffallend vie-
le gelungene LOsungen entstanden. In diesen fiel die urspriingliche Glie-
de rung der Melodien mit dem Autbau des neuen Textes zusammen, der
Verkniipfung der beiden stand somit nichts im Wege. Es sind jedoch bei
der Arbeit auch einige musikalische MiBbildungen zur Welt gekommen.
So z.B. war der knappe romische Verstext des All. Loquebantur Dereits am
Ende, wahrend die aus der gleichen Funktion iibernommene Melodie
(des All. Spiritus Domini) erst zur Mitte gelangte. Der Redakteur gab sich
mit der HaIfte der Melodie zufrieden, und lief3 sie mit einem, der Tonali-
tat nicht entsprechenden Ton enden.
Ahnliche Abirrungen sind jedoch nicht typisch. Falls im Vergleich
zur mittelalterlichen Praxis und ihren Quellen doch "verdorbene" Bil-
dungen vorkommen, so sind die se eher als Folgen eioes veranderten Ver-
haItnisses des betreffenden Zeitalters zur Gregorianik, als zur Textadap-
tierung zu betrachten. Es sei auf die Verkiirzung der .Ge~ange, z.B. des
Tractus, od er ans Weglassen der inneren, in den Versen efngebauten Me-
lis men der Alleluia-Gesange verwiesen - diese Erscheinungen sind doch
;.
ebenso in den zeitgenossischen nicht romanisierten Quellen aufzufinden. 36
Die Entscheidung der Pauliner zur Durchfuhrung der Romanisie-
rung ist im Jahr 1600 gefallen. Es ist wohl anzunehmen, daB sie nach die-
sem Zeitpunkt so fort mit der Redaktion d~r neuen liturgischen Biicher
begonnen und diese bereits vor 1614 feitiggestellt haben. (Wie bereits er-
wahnt wurde, gibt ihre Arbeit keine Spur von einer Kenntnis des 1614
erschienenen Medicaea-Graduales zu erkennen, das den Ritus Tridenti-
nus sorgfiltig durchfuhrt, doch iiberarbeitete Melodien beinhaltet.) Falls
unsere Annahme stimmt, stellt das 1623 geschriebene Graduale aus Uj-

36 Z.B. das Graduale des Andcis Gyoogyosi Szant6, Budapest, Universitatsbibliothek A 114.
Das Hcrausschncidcn der innercn Meli:;mcn der AUeluia- Verse, die Schwierigkeiten beim
Zusammenfiigen der zcrschnittencn Teile crinnern im Paulincr Graduale beinahe an die
Tcchnik des Mctlicaca-Gradualcs.
 Janka Szendrei
------------------ ---------------------------~

hely keine Erstfassung dar: es ist lediglich die Kopie eines fruher, zu An-
fang des Jahrhunderts im Orden entstandenen neuen normativen Chor-
buchs. Das Datum der Abschrift (1623) fallt mit den Angaben zum Neu-
bau des Klosters und der Kirche St. Egidii in Ujhely zusammen. 37
Das romanisierte Pauliner Graduale ist teilweise als Notlosung ent-
standen. Bei Herstellung ihres Normbuches stand den Paulinern der
romische Ritus lediglich in seiner textlichen Gestalt zur Verfligung. Der-
jenige, der die romische Liturgie zu dieser Zeit singen wol1te, war ge-
zwungen, die musikalische Form selbst herauszufinden. 38
Die Vor/age des besprochenen Graduales aus Ujhely wird als ein neues,
zu Anfang des 17. Jhs. verfafites, normatives MeGgesangbuch der Pauli-
ner anzusehen sein. Seine Bedeutung wird durch die inhaltliche Oberein-
stimmung im Grundrepertoire mit den anderen, im 17.-18. Jahrhundert
geschriebenen handschriftlichen Pauliner Gradualien unterstutzt. Aus
dem 18. Jh. sind uns auch Antiphonare des Ordens uberliefert. Nach
erster Obersicht zeigt der Inhalt dies er Bucher die gleichen Redaktions-
methoden wie bei den Gradualien. 39
All dies weist darauf hin, daB in der Ausarbeitung der musikalischen
Gestalt der nachtridentinischen Pauliner Liturgie nicht nur eine Notk>-
sung, sondern zumindest in gleichem Mane die Verwirklichung einer be-
wuf3ten Konzeprion zu erblicken ist. Das Festhalten an den traditionellen
Melodien hat nicht nur die historische Kontinuitat dokumentiert, son-
dern machte auch die Beibehaltung der Gesangpraxis real, die im Fall der
Gregorianik in jeder Zeit auf das Gedachtnis angewiesen war. Aus ande-
rer Sicht durften der Vortrag der neu geordneten Liturgie mit den alten
Melodien, deren handschriftliche Fixierung durch Notationsformen des

37 Das 1248 gegrundetc KJoster in Saroraljaujhely ist cinc cler crsten Pauliner Stiftungen in Un-
garn gewe~cn. Das Egidiuskloster konnte sogar wahrend der turkischen Feldzugcn und pro-
testantischen VCrwUstungen stets erneuert werdcn. Ocr Ordensvorsteher Simon Bratulics
(1593-1611), der spatere Bischof von Zagrcb hat 1610 das Kloster von den Anhangern
Bocskays fur dje Pauliner zuriickgewonnen. Das Kloster in Ujhely wurde zu einem starken
Zcntrum def ostlichen gegenreformatorischen Mission. l.u seinen Mitgliedern zahlte auch
der Pauliner Martyrer (:;'yorgy CseppcJenyi (t 1674) Die Kirche wurdc 1626 renoviert, und
hat zur selben Zeit cinen neuen Hauptaltar crhalren (vg! Halkovics 1994; J06 1972; Kisban I
1938: 206, 248; Gcrgclyffy 1980)
38 Molitor 1901: Bd. I, 27-28. Vg!. 11 conto plono 1999.
39 S?endrei 1990: 158-159.
 DER RITUS TRIDENTINUS UND DIE PAULlNISCHE TRADITION", 3471

12. Jhs, nun auch als Bestandteile einer neuen spezifischen Pauliner Iden-
titat empfunden warden sein. Der gesungene Vortrag der mittelalterli-
chen Tradition mit romanisierten Texten wurde aus diesem Grund bis
zur Auflosung des Ordens im Jahr 1786 durch Joseph n. beibehalten.

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~o Janka Szendrei
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_ _ _ _ _ _-----.-J

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 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 3531

lames B'!)'ceJ THE CARMELITE OFFICE

O. Carm. IN THE TRIDENTINE ERA '

In twenty-five sessions held in three meetings over the course of eighteen

years, l the Council of Trent made doctrinal and disciplinary decisions
which responded to the Protestant Reformation and governed church
activity for approximately the next four centuries. The range of topics
covered by the Council included the definition of justification, regula-
tions concerning indulgences, the establishment of a seminary system
for the training of priests, the definition of the seven sacraments, the
determination of the canon of the bible, regulations for the daily life·-of
clergy and religious and the careful regulation of the liturgy for Mass and
the Divine Office. As regards the liturgy, the Council permitted dioceses
and religious orders with proper rites dating back at least two hundred
years to revise their own liturgical traditions according to the norms it es-
tablished, thereby giving them the possibility of translating their medie-
,val heritage into the new Tridentine era. This was particularly valuable
for the Carmelites, since this policy enabled them to venerate their own
saints with proper liturgical texts and music, something which they had
not been able to do earlier. The resulting Tridentine Carmelite office
governed liturgical practice within the order for the next two centuries.

The Medieval Sources

Medieval Carmelite liturgical practice was governed by an ordinal com-
piled by the German Carmelite Sibert de Beka2 and promulgated for uni-
,1 The meetings were hdd from Dee. 13, 1545 to Feb. 16, 1548; May 1, 1551 to April 28, 1552;
and Jan. 18, 1563 to Dec. 4, t ~63; cf. H. Jedin, "Trent, Council of", Nnv Catholic ElIcydoptdia
14:271-278. For a more thorough account of the~Council, cf. Hubert Jedin, A Hisfory Df the
COllncilof Trrnl, 2 Vols., transl2ted from the German by Dom Ernest Geaf, o.S.B. (St. Louis,
Mo.: B. Herder Book Co., 1957).
2 Sibert de Beka was born sometime between 1260 and 1270 and entered the Carmelite con-
vent of Cologne in 1280; he served as prior of the Cologne convent, provincial of Lower
Germany ~d master of students at Paris. He died probably on D«, 29, 1332 and is buried
in Cologne. Cc. Heinrich Denifle, "QueU~ ZU( Gelehrtcngeschichte des Cacmditenoroens
 James Boyce, 0. Carm.

versal Carmelite observance by the General Chapter of London in

1312.1 Sibert's ordinal listed the text incipits for all the chants, prayers,
psalms and readings to be used in the Divine Office and Mass for every
day of the Church year, but declined to include the music for the chants
as the Dominican Humbert of Romans had done in his codex of service
books in 1256. 4 This textual uniformity with musical flexibility character-
ized the medieval Carmelite liturgy and set it apart from Dominican and
other usages. Surviving antiphonaries from Mainz, Florence, Pisa and
Krak6w s demonstrate that what Sibert de Beka prescribed was in fact
carried out in liturgical practice. The medieval Carmelite office tradition
clearly saw itself as deriving from the usage of the rite of the Holy Sep-

Un 13. und 14. Jahrhundert", Archit, fur Lileralur- und Kirt'hengeschlchte des Millelalters 5 (1889),
365-384; also Bartholomaeo Maria Xiberta, 0. Carm., "De scriptoribus scholasticis saeculi
XIV ex ordine Carmelitarum", Bibliotheque de la Revue d'hisloire ecciisiasliqlle, fase. 6 (Louvain,
1931). The published ordinal of Sibcrt is Benedict Zimmerman, o.c.o., Ordinmre de I'Ordre
de Notre-Dame du Mont Cartnel par Siberl de Beka (vers 1312) publii d'apres le manusmt original et
collotionni Slff divers manusmts et imprimis (paris: Alphonse Picard et fils, Libraires, 1910).
3 At/a Capitlllorum Generalillm Ordinis Fratrum B. V Mariae de Monte Carmelo, ed. Fr. Gabriel
WesseJs, 0. Carm., Vol. 1, Ab anno 1318 usqlle ad annum 1593 (Rome: Apud Curiam Generali-
tiam, 1912).
4 The complete series of Dominican liturgical service books known as Humbert's Codex is
now in Rome, Santa Sabina, Biblioteca dcUa Curia generalizia dei Domenicani, ms. XIV,
lit. 1~ the portabl~ copy used by the Master General to inspect the liturgical books in each
convent he visited is now in London, British Library, Additional ms. 23935. ef. William R.
BonniweLl, o.r, A History of the Dominican Liturgy 1215-1945, Second Edition (New York:
Joseph F Wagoer, Inc., 1945).
5 These Carmelite antiphonals are discussed in Paschalis Kallcnbcrg, 0. Carm., Fonles ulllrgiae
Carmelilanoc, lnvestigatio in Decrela, Codicu et Proprium Sanctorum (Rome: Institutum Carmdita-
num, 1962), 244-259. The MalOz Carmclite codices have been discussed in my article, "Die
Mainzer Karmeliterchorbucher und die Liturgischc Tradition des Karmeliterordens", Archiv
fur mittelrheinische lVrchengeschichle 39 (1987), 267-303, reprinted as "The Carmelite Choir-
books of Mainz and the Liturgical Tradition of the Carmelite Order", chapter 3 of Praising
God in Car-mel (Washington, nc: The Carmelite Institute, 1999), 71-114. The rilorence Car-
melite manuscripts were discussed in my article, 'The Carmelite Choirbooks of Florence
and the Liturgical Tradition of the Carmelite Order", Carmelus 35 (1988), 67-93, nOw chap-
ter 4 (115-150) of Praising God in Cormel. The two antlphonals from Pis a were treated 10 my
article, "Two Antiphonals of Pisa: Their Place in the Carmelite Liturgy", ManHscripla 31
(1987), 147-165, now chapter 5 (151-179) of Praising God in CaT'me! Work is currently in
progress on the ·choirbooks from Krak6w.
 THE CARMELITE OFFICE IN THE TRIDENTINE ERA

ulchre of Jerusalem6 and a mid-thirteenth-century breviary normally as-

cribed to the Temple probably provides a link between the Latin King-
dom rite of the Holy Sepulchre and the Carmelite liturgy. Both rites in-
cluded the rather exotic feast of the holy Patriarchs Abraham, Isaac and
Jacob on October 61h as well as the commemoration of the Lord's resur-
rection on the last Sunday of the year. Even feasts which were accepted
into the Carmelite liturgy after the promulgation of Sibert's ordinal, such
as the Three Marys in 1342,7 had standardized texts but different music
from one source to another, keeping the tradition established by Sibert
active throughout the medieval period. Individual feasts, like Our Lady
of the Snows or the Presentation of the Virgin,S which digressed from
this pattern were exceptions to a rule rather than an indication that the
custom itself had changed. With the advent of printing in the fifteenth
century the ordinal of Sibert de Beka became less important, since the
entire texts for the office could now be circulated conveniently in printed
form. Thus a printed breviary of 14959 contained the full texts but no

6 The liturgical characteristics of the rite of the I-lo1y Sepulchre are discussed by Francis Wor-
mald as part of Hugo Buchtal, MiniatNre Painting in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Oxford:
. Clarendon Press, 1957).
7 By the Genera] Chapter of Lyons; for a discussion of this office and an edition of its
chants, cf. Boyce, "The Office of the Three Marys in the Carmelite Jj~urgy" > Journal of the
Plainsong & Mediaeval MNJic Society 12 (1989), 1-38.
8 Por a discussion of the acceptance of the Presentation office in several Carmelite convents,
ef. Boyee, "The Office of the Presentation of Mary in the Carmclite Liturgy". in The utili
of Carmel, Essf!js in Honor of joachim Smet, 0. Carm., cd. by Paul Chandler, 0. Carm. and
Keith J. Egan (Rome, Institutum Carmelitanum, 1991),231-245; for the musical details of
the Maim Carmelite version of this office, cf. Boyee, "Ti1c Carmelite Feast of the Presenta-
tion of the Virgin, J\ Study in Musical Adaptation", in The Divine Office in the utin Middle
Ages, Methodo!Qgy and Source StNdies, Rlgionol DnJllopm8ll/s, HagiogfYJj>f!y, Writtm in Honor of Projes- <-
sor RlIlh Stdner, edited by Margot E. Fasslcrand Rebecca A. Baltzcr (New York: Oxford Uni-
versity Press, 2000), 485-518.
9 Brevianllm de camera seCli1ldmn USIUII cormelilaf'Nm ... lpcr ... fratrem Joannem Mariam de Polu-
ells seu Prandinis de Novolario ... emendatum .. . Quod rn florcntissima Venctorum civita-
te: impensa sua et arte Andreru; de Torresanis de Asula ad finem usque produxit, 1495]. The
manuscript is described in GtJ011Illeotalog Jet' WiegendrNtlu, (Leipzig: Karl W. Hiersemann;
Stuttgart: Anton I-Jicrsemann; Berlin: Akademie-Verlag; 1926-94) 5, cols. 120-121. A copy
of this incunable is now in the Amherst College Library, with the shelfmark "xRBR Incun
1495 B7". Cf. Frederick R. Goff, InamabNw in American Ubraries: A Third Cen.f1is of Fifteenth-
CentNry Books Recorded in North American CoU,ctions. Reproduced from the annotated copy
!356 James Sayee, O. Carm.

music for celebrating the Carmelite office, perhaps due to the difficulty
of printing music accurately in this early stage of the process, but also in
keeping with an established medieval precedent.

The Tridentine Sources

A Carmelite supplement written by Fr. Archangelus Paulius for use in
the Carmine of Florence in the 1630's 10 is the earliest Tridentine source
and contains complete chants for the newly introduced proper Carmelite
feasts such as the prophet Elijah and his disciple Elisha,11 both venerated
as saints in the later Carmelite liturgy, as well as for other individual Car-
melites celebrated as saints within the order. The Directon·um Chori which
he published in 1614 12 attempted to standardize the Carmelite manner
of chanting the office according to the revised norms of the Council of
Trent. The three main groups of Tridentine chant manuscripts are
1) twenty-two manuscripts from the seventeenth through nineteenth
centuries originally from the convents of Orihuela and Caudete in Spain
and now housed in the Carmelite convent of Onda, near Valencia,
whose contents are listed in Table 1/ a; 2) a series of antiphonaries from
the Roman house of Santa Maria in Traspontina from the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries, now part of the General Archive of the Car-
melite Order and housed in the Centro Internazionale Sant' Alberto
in Rome, inventoried in Table l/b; and 3) a series of manuscripts from
the beginning of the eighteenth century made for and now housed in the

maintained by i"rederick R. Goff, compiler and editor (Millwood, New York: Kraus Repnnt
Co., 1973), 137.
10 The significance of this manuscript has been discussed in Boyce, "Carmel in Transition:
t~ Seventeenth-Century Florentine Carmelite Supplement", Manllsmpta 39 (1995),56-69.
11 ·l'he feast of Elijah in the Carmelite liturgy has been discussed in Boyee, "The Peasts of
Saints EI,ijah and r':lisha in the Carmelite Rite: A Liturgico-Musical Study", in Master of the
Sacred Page, Essqys and Articles in Honor of Roland E. MNrpf?y, 0. Carm., on the Occasion of his
Eightielh Birthdrry, edited by Kcith J. I':gan, T 0. Carm., Craig E. Morrison, 0. Carm. and
Michacl J. Wastag, 0. Carm. (Washington, nc: The Carmelite Institute, 1997), 155-188.
12 Dinctotillm Chon, IIna cJlm Proctssionali, iuxta Ortlinem, ac RjtllllJ FratrIIIIJ B. Mane Virginis de
Monte Carmeh; continens ea, quae ad sacra qjicia cantJl presolvenda pertinet. ColleclllllJ, et ill CO/ll1lJodam
Formam redodJlm per Palrem Fr. ArchangelJlIIJ Pallhum FlortlltinllllJ tiJlsde", ordinis, QC rtvert1ldissimi
Pal1is Mogisl1i Sebastlani Fan/o"i Genera/iJ Coml8/iIQr7I"', illSSIl ulitll1l1 (Naples: Ex Typographia
loannis lacobiCarlini, 1614).
 THE CARMELlTE OFFICE IN THE TRIDENTINE ERA

Roman convent of San Martino ai Monti, inventoried as Table 1/ c. Since

only the San Martino codices contain the chants for Matins, they consti-
tute the focus of this study.

The Legislation of the Council of Trent

As a result of the Council of Trent a reformed breviary was promul-
gated by Pius V in his bull Quod a nobis of 9 July 1568, which nonetheless
allowed exceptions for dioceses and religious orders which had an estab-
lished rite for two hundred years. 13 Further changes were still necessary,
so that Clement VIII published a new edition in 1602 and Urban VIII by
the bull Divinam Psalmodiam of 25 January 1632 ordered _3: new edition
with specific attention to the correction of hymns. While after the publi-
cation of the reformed missal in 1570 a two-volume reformed gradual
edited by Felice Anerio and Francesco Soriano came out in 1614 and
1615, now known as the "Medicean edition", 14 no comparable normative
antiphonal was promulgated for the office chants. The Council elimi-
nated a number of feasts in the sanctoral cycle, which had generally be-
come unwieldy, forbade the celebration of saints of dubious origin and .
forbade the use of texts not derived from Scripture or an approved vita
of the saint, and also stipulated that texts had to conform to those of the
Vulgate Latin Bible. Musically the chant was expected to enhance
the accent of the Latin text so that melismas which distracted from the
meaning of the text had to be excised or abbreviated. The musical ambi-
tus of antiphons and responsories was required to conform to the
proper range of each mode and responsory verses had to conform to
the standard formula for each mode. 1S The century following the Council
was one of considerable liturgical activity-for the Carmelites, as they re-

13 Brevioriltlll RomafUUII, EdiJio Prill«jJS (1568), a CUta di Manlio Sodi - Achille Maria Triacca, con
la. collaborazionc di Mafia G2briella Foti (Citta del Vaticano:. Libreria Editrice Vaticana,
1999). ef. Edmund Caruana, "The Influence of the Roman Rite on the Carmelite Breviary
after the Council of Trent". ComtelRs 31 (1984), 65-.131.
14 David Hilcy, West"" Plainchant, A Hallliboo/e (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993) 615-616.
15 The musical and liturgical legislation of the Council of Trent has been discussed in Raphael
Molitor, o.S.B., Die Nach-TritJm1illisdM ChMaI-Rlfo1'lll ':(!I Ro1ll, 2 Vols. (Leipzig, 1901) and in
Robert E Hayburn, PopoJ Ugislatio" Oil Sa&f"IIi Mmk, 95 A.D. to 1977 A.D. (CoUegeville, Min-
nesota. 1979).
 lames Boyee, O. Carm.

vised their liturgy and its books to comply with the new rurectives. The
revision began with a reform of the calendar and the printing of a new
breviary in Rome in 1585 when, for instance, the feast of the Three
Marys was suppressed, and continued with further revisions leading to
the breviary printed in Antwerp in 1672. The absence of a published an-
tiphonal left enough latitude for the Carmelites, as well as every other
religious order or diocese, to exert some control over their own office lit-
urgy, especially its musical characteristics. In general, the Carmelites
complied with the published Roman breviaries in some respects and in
others maintained their own distinctive tradition.

1. Temporal and Common Chants

The seven antiphonals comprising the choirbooks of San Martino
date from the beginning of the eighteenth century and thus reflect the
spirit and style of both the Roman and Carmelite revised breviaries.
Their contents are shown in Table 2.
Codices A, Band C all contain chants for the temporal cycle and
predictably follow the ordering as prescribed by the Council of Trent.
Significantly the latter Sundays of the year continue to be referred to as
after Trinity Sunday, in compliance with medieval Carmelite practice,
rather than after the octave of Pentecost as in the Roman rite; also the
Holy Sepulchre and medieval Carmelite feast of the Commemoration of
the Resurrection no longer forms part of the rite.
In adapting to the Tridentine reforms the Carmelites preserved the
style of their older heritage by maintaining uniformity of text with vari-
ety of music. 1() Thus identical textual chants consistently feature different
music in manuscripts from San Martino ai Monti and Santa Maria in Tra-
spontina, both Roman convents, as well as in the surviving manuscripts
in O'n da and elsewhere. Moreover, despite the popularity of printing,
manuscripts continued to be copied by hand and music applied to the
texts in each local convent, perhaps in order to supply codices large
enough to be used in choir.

16 The characterIStics of the medieval Carmelitc office tradition have been discussed in "The
Medieval [Link] Office Tradition", AcM Musicologica 62 (1990), 119-151, now chapter 7
(231-278) of Prarsing God in Carmel, an overvIew of the tradition is offered 10 "The Liturgy
of the Carmclite~". CarmelJlS 43 (1996), 5-41. now chapter 1 (1-45) of Praising God in Carmel
 THE CARMELlTE OFFICE IN THE TRIDENTINE ERA

A comparison of chant incipits for four occasions in the temporal cycle,

namely the first Sunday in Advent, Holy Thursday, Pentecost and the
common of a virgin, between the respective San Martino codices and
the medieval ordinal of Sibert de Beka, demonstrates that they are the
same. A comparison with the printed Tridentine breviary of 1568 shows
differences in the selection of antiphons and responsories, in the juxta-
position of chants and in the association of responsory to verse to vary-
ing degrees in all these offices.17 The greatest discrepancies occur in the
office for the common of a virgin, since the Roman version does not
distinguish between one virgin and several of them. 18 While some very
slight changes inevitably did occur between medieval and Tridentine Car-
melite manuscripts there nonetheless was an attempt at least on these
four occasions to preserve the medieval Carmelite ordering of chants
rather than adopt the newly promulgated Roman version.

2. The Sanctoral Cycle

a) The Calendar
San Martino, codices D, E and F all contain chants for the sanctoral
cycle, as Table 2 indicates. This abbreviated calendar itself conformed to
Tridentine directives to celebrate fewer saints' days, yet now included
specifically Carmelite feasts. Presumably feasts of lesser importance were
celebrated with chants from the common of the saints.

17 For lOstance, for the first Sunday of Advent the invitatory antiphon for Matins is "Regem
venrurum Dominum" in Roman usage and "Ecce veniet Rex" in Carmelitc; the sixth Matins
responsory in Roman usage, "Obsecro Domine" has the verse "Qui regis Israel"; this is the
eighth responsory in Carmelite usage, but with the-verse "A solis ortu" instead. For Holy
Thursday the verse to the second Matins re~'P0nsory, "Tristis est anima mea", is "Ecce ap-
propinquat hod' in Roman usage and "VigiIate et oratc" in Carmelite; the fifth responsory
in Carmelitc usage is "Eram quasi agnus" with the verse «Homo pacis mee" while in Roman
usage it is "Judas mercator pessimus" with the verse "Melius illc erat". The first Vespers an-
tiphons for Pentecost in Carmelitc usage begin with_the antiphon "Rogabo Pattern meum"
while those in Roman usage begin with "Cum complerentur".
18 As an illustration of this, the first three Matins antiphons for the common of a virgin ar.e
"Ante thorum huius", "Unguentum cffusum" and "0 quam pulchra", while those in the
Roman breviary of 1568 are "0 quam pulchra". "Ante thorum huius" and "Revettere re-
vcrterc" for the comparablc common of onc or several virgins.
 James Boyce, O. Carm.

b) The Elijan and Marian Traditions

Through their celebration of the feasts of Elijah the prophet and his
disciple Elisha, as well as of Our Lady of Mount Carmel, the San Mar-
tino Carmelites sought to adapt a medieval self-understanding into the
new Tridentine liturgy. During the fourteenth century in particular the
Carmelites fashioned a cult of Elijah as their founder, giving him a more
direct role in their spiritual development than had actually been the case.
This effort culminated in a work known as the Institute of the First Monks
written by the Carmelite Philippe Ribot around 1370, which directly
identified the first Carmelites as the successors referred to in Ecclesiasti-
cus 48:8 whom Elijah gathered around him on Mount Carmel itself. 19
Table 3/a lists the chants for Elijah as found in San Martino ms. F and in
three other sources, and Table 3/b contains the incipits for Elisha
in ms. E and in the same three other sources; all of these chants are
uniquely Carmelite.
The medieval period not only witnessed the gradual addition of
Marian feasts to the Carmelite rite but also an increasing emphasis on
Mary's intercessory role in encouraging Pope Honorius III to grant offi-
cial status to the order, an understanding of Mary which was not part
of their original tradition. The first Carmelites received their rule from
the local patriarch, Albert of Jerusalem,20 rather than from the pope him-
self, just before the Fourth Lateran Council of 1215 which forbade the
foundation of new Orders.21 The apparition of the Virgin to the Pope,

19 The reference in Sirach 48:8 is "You anointed kings who should inllict vengeance, and a
prophet as your successor." The New American Bible, translated from the Original Languages
with Critical Use of the Ancient Sources by Members of the Catholic Biblical Association
of America (New York: Catholic Book Publishing Co., 1970). The Vulgate Latin text in Ec-
c1esiasticus 48:8 use~ the plural, "Et prophetas facis suceessores post te", leading to Ribot's
association of these prophets with the first Carmelites. Bib/ia Sacra iJlxta Vulgalam Clementi-
nom, Nova Editio, logieis partitionibus aliisque subsidiis ornata a R. P. Alberta Colunga, OP
et Dr. Laurentio Turrado (Madrid: Riblioteca de Autores Crisrianos, 1959).
20 For a discussion of Albcrt, cf. V L Rullough, <CAlbert of Jerusalem, St.", New Catholic Enry-
clnperlia, I, 258; and Louis Saggi, "Albert of Sicily (of Trapan~ deg~ Abati, d. 1307, Saint,
priest", in Saints 0/ Carme/, A Compilation from Various Dictionaries under the direction of
Rev. Louis Saggi, 0. Carm .... translated from the Italian by the Very Rev. Gabrie1 N. Paus-
back,o. Carm. (Rome, Italy: Carmelite Institute, 1972), 17-20.
21 In Constitution 13 of the Council, in the decree "Ne nimta rdigionum diversitas"; the rea-
son for the prohibition was the fear of an excessive number of religious orders and the po-
 THE CARMELlTE OFFICE IN THE TRIDENTINE ERA

depicted artistically by Pietro Lorenzetti in the altarpiece for Siena cathe-

dral,22 became liturgically one of the lessons for the new feast of the Sol-
emn Commemoration of the Virgin or Our Lady of Mount Carmel on
July 16 th • While the chants themselves are not unique, their compilation
into this feast is a distinctively Carmelite creation. In addition to the feast
of Our Lady of Mount Carmel, the Tridentine liturgy also preserved the
medieval Marian feasts of the Annunciation, Conception, Visitation,
Assumption and Our Lady of the Snows, while adding some new ones
such as Our Lady of Pity and the Most Holy Name of Mary. Ironically,
while the Tridentine reforms forced the purging of feasts of dubious ori-
gin such as the Three Marys, celebrated with a rhymed office in the me-
dieval Carmelite liturgy on May 25 th , and forced the excision of the Holy
Sepulchre feast of the Hebrew Patriarchs, celebrated in the Carmelite
rite on Oct. 6th , they nonetheless allowed the Carmelites to celebrate the
prophet Elijah as their founder and the Virgin Mary as their patroness,
both the products of deliberately fashioned medieval legends, in a more
thorough fashion than had been possible during the medieval period
itself.
c) Carmelite Saints
The Tridentine liturgy enabled the Carmelites to celebrate their own
saints who were canonized too late to have proper medieval feasts. Chief
among these is St. Albert of Sicily (1240-1307), the only Carmelite saint
whose feast included a rhymed office. The survival of this medieval feast
into the Tridentine liturgy indicates that both the vi/a, written by Iohan-
nes-Maria de Poluciis 23 and Baptist of Mantua and the office based on
it met with official appoval. While this "0 Alberte norma mundiiie"
tcntial confusion they might creatc. Cf. Conaliortl1ll OeCllflllnirorum Dlcreta, ed. Centro di-Do-
cumentazionc, Tstituto per le Scienze ReligiQ~c (Bologna: Josepho, Alberigo et al, 1962), 218
for the text of the decree.
22 Cf. Joanna Cannon, "Pictto Lorenzetti and the History of the Carmelite Order", JONrnaJ of
the Warburg lindCollrlaNitf InsliJlIlIs 50 (1987), 18-28.
23 Iohanne:>~Maria de Poluciili, a Carmelitc of the Manman congregation (d. 1505), produced
his edition of the life of St. Albert of Trapani in Venice in 1499. Cf. Cosrne de Villiers de
Saint-Etienne, BibliothtclJ Ct1f1II,liltmo. 1J()tls crilitir ,1 tlisslrtaJilfIi/ms illMstrata. Cura et labore uruus
e Carmelitis Provinciae Turoniae collecta. 2 vols. Aureliani:>: E xcudebartt M. Courtet de Vil-
lcncuve & J. Rouzeau-Montaut. 1752. Reprint Opus P. Cosrnae dc Villcn;, additis nova prae-
fatione et supplemento luce exprirnendum curavit P. Gabriel Wessels. (Rome: Prostat in lle-
dibus Collegii S_Albcrti, 1927), Vo\. 2, 50-51.
§i ____. James Boyee, O. Carm.

rhymed office occurs in all Tridentine Carmelite manuscripts and is in-

cluded in a later hand in some medieval ones, no medieval versions of it
survive to let us know definitively what its original musical style was like.
Table 4 lists the incipits for these chants as weB as their modal order in
several surviving manuscripts. All the texts are the same as those pub-
lished in Venice in the Carmelite breviary of 1495,224 so that it was an
important value for the Carmelites to celebrate this saint with the same
chant texts in the Tridentine era as they had used in the medieval period.
The modal order of the nine Matins antiphons, from modes one through
eight and then mode one for the ninth antiphon, and the musical and
textual agreement between these antiphons for the two Roman Carme-
lite houses, San Martino ai Monti and Santa Maria in Traspontina, sug-
gest that here the Carmelites tried to maintain a standardized approach
to celebrating St. Albert, including carefully preserved melodies for these
antiphons. It is possible that these melodies too are medieval and were
preserved intact by the Tridentine Roman Carmelites. All the responsory
verses here conform to the established tones for each mode as directed
by the Council of Trent. 25 As the table shows, some chants are identical
in more than one source, demonstrated by an equals sign (=) while oth-
ers, even when in the same mode, are not so, demonstrated by a minus
sign (-). It is likely that chants which have the same melody in more than
one source are older and perhaps descendents of an earlier medieval
rhymed office.
Next to Albert in importance is St. Simon Stock,26 the thirteenth-
century Carmelite prior of Aylesford in England who became Prior
General of the order. St. Simon Stock is significant for encouraging the
early Carmelites to adjust to western customs and for his scapular vision

24· The texts for St. Albert begin on f. 307v of this breviary.
25 This contrasts with the style of many responsories in medieval, including Carmelite, rhymed
offices where the verse formula either digresses from the established tone or is newly com-
po~cd entirely. Cf. Boyce, "Rhymed Office Responsory Verses: Style Characteristics and Mu-
sical Significance", Contlls Planlls, Papers &od 01 the 71b Muting, Sopron, Hllngary, 1995, ed.
Lkzl6 Dobszay (Budapest: Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Institute for Musicology,
1998),99-121 for this discussion.
26 For a discussion of this important saint, especialJy his role in the scapular vision, er Louis
Saggi, "Simon Stock (XITJ cent.) , Saint, priest", in Sainls of Carmel, ed . Louis Saggi, 261-265.
 THE CARMElITE OFFICE IN THE TRIDENTINE ERA

which gradually evolved into the most important Carmelite devotion.

His office is entirely proper and agrees with the complete version· from
a printed Carmelite breviary of 1700. 27 Other proper Carmelite saints
included St. Andrew Corsini,28 the Florentine Carmelite who became
bishop of Fiesole, St. Mary Magdalene di Pazzi,29 the Florentine Car me-
lite mystic and St. Angelus,3D venerated as the first Carmelite martyr, all
of whom, like St. Simon Stock, have offices which are proper but not
rhymed.
d) Standard Saints: St. Mary Magdalene
Among medieval feasts which were universally celebrated in the
church, that of St. Mary Magdalene had a distinctively Carmelite con-
figuration of chants, which distinguished it from the observance of
other orders and dioceses. As Table 5 shows, there is a close correspon-
dence between the chants in the medieval codex Mainz, Dom-und
Diozesanmuseum, ms. C, the ordinal of Sibert de Beka and the chants of
San Marcino, ms. F, indicating that for this feast the Carmelites . con-
sciously carried over the medieval arrangement of office chants into
their Tridentine liturgy. A comparison with the Roman breviary of 1568
confirms this, as its list of chants for the feast is radically different from
thqse used by the Carmelites.

3. Musical Characteristics
The medieval Carmelite Marian tradition was distinguished by five
first Vespers antiphons which were common to all Marian feasts and
which probably derived directly from the rite of the Holy Sepulchre"
since they are also found in the Temple breviary of the mid-thirteenth

27 Breviarium Frotrum Ordinis ... Virginis Mori-at tit Mont, Ct11'1IIlli iuxta Hierosolymitanae... Eccle-
siac antiquam consuctudinem Capituli Generalis decreto ad normam Breviarii Romani direc-
turn, Authoritate Apostolica apprQbatum, et '... Caroli Philiberti Barberii Totius Ordinis
Prioris Generalis iussu denuo recognitum, correctum & impressum, cum' Officiis Sanctorum
pro tota Ecclesia ordinatis & aliis eidem Ordini concessis usque ad ... lnnocentium XII:
Pars hyemalis. (Venice: Apud Cieras, 1700). .
28 Louis Saggi, "Andrew Corsini (d. 1374), Saint, bishop", in Soi"is of Ci11'11I61, ed. Louis Saggi,
23-31.
29 Herman Ancilli, "Mary MagdaJen dc'Pazzi (1 S6~1607), Saint", in Saints of CtmIIII, 195-220.
30 LOUIS Saggi, "Angelus of Sicily (d. 1220?), Saint, martyr, priest", in Saints of CtmIIIl, 36-40.
 ~ ___________________J_a_m_e_s_B_o_yc_e_,_O_._C_a_r_m_.

century. Example 1 shows the antiphon "Hec est regina" for the feast of
the Conception of the Virgin in Mainz, Dom- und Diozesanmuseum,
Codex E and in Rome, San Martino, Ms. D. "Hec est regina" is the ftrst
in a series of five antiphons for first Vespers for most Marian feasts in
the medieval and Tridentine Carmelite traditions, and even was set by
Handel in his Carmelite Vespers of 1707. 31 The text for this chant is as
follows:

Hec est regina virginum que genuit regem

velut rosa decora virgo dei genitrix
per quam reperimus deum et hominem
alma virgo
intercede pro nobis omnibus,
P Lauda te pueri.

This is the queen of virgins who brought forth the king;

like a beautiful rose, the virgin mother of God
through whom we encounter God and man
o compassionate virgin
intercede for us all.
P. Laudate pueri.

Example 1 shows that the general outline of the melody, preserved

in the medieval tradition in the form transmitted through this Temple
breviary, was also carefully preserved in this Tridentine format. This ex-
ample also illustrates the Tridentine concern for having the music reflect
the stress of the Latin text itself. Thus at "virginum" in the top line the
Mainz example has three notes over the middle syllable, while the Ro-
man example puts the stress on the ftrst syllable and uses a shortened
note with a lozenge shape to abbreviate the middle syllable. In the sec-
ond line the long melisma at the end of "velut" in Mainz is transferred
to the first syllable in San Martino to again accommodate the accent of
the'Latin text and to emphasize textual clarity over melodic elaboration.

31 The Handcl Vespers in honor of Our Lady of Mount Carmel arc discussed by J.S. Hall,
"Handel among the Carmclites", Dllblin Review 233 (1959), 121-131 and by Graham Do(()n,
"Handel's music for the Carmelties, A study in liturgy and some observations on perform-
ance", Eor/yMIIJic 15 (1987), 16-29.
 THE CARMELlTE OFFICE IN THE TRIDENTINE ERA

4.:7:
Hec
• • •
est re
,z

-
: • •
gi - na
> ....
; •
vir
t
:
-
•
gi -
• • •
num que
.r: ge
• ..
?'5

-
,
•
nu-

'72=
4 • •
it
,?
: • •
re-gem ve - lut
• • • • .~.
ro -
25 -
;

4 ..•
sa
2'S .
•
de
,?
:
-
•
co
,

-
: •
ra
I
2

• -: •
vir-go
• ..
-de
•
i
re: • ?;
go -
•
ni
t

-
.. •
trix
?S
..
per quam re -
·2 • 3
pe -
•
__ I

ri
: ::
-
• • •
mus do-um
3 -.
et
;es;;

..
,
• '; •
ho - mi-

nem aJ - ma
•
vir -
•
go in -ter - ce -
•
de pro
.. ,;e...
•

, •
no
?
2:

• •
::::s;;

: •
bis
•
om -
.. - -

ni
,z
;: •
bus.
11

,.,..--..,..
• • • • I
P. Laudate pueri.

Ex.l/a The antiphon "Hec est regina" in Mainz, Codex E

 ._ _ _James
_Boyee,
~ O_ . Carm._ _ _ _~
____.J

2""Sh(

• • • • • • •
Haec est Re - gi - na Vir - gi - nwn que ge - nu -

~ 2• • •
.z:c:s.
-
• • • • • -=:z- • • 2
-it Re- gem ve lut ro -

~• sa
..
2S

de
:' : • -:
z

-
,

co -
•
ra.
;
?

• t • •
Vir - go
... - • -
De i
t
,....
•
Ge
?

-
• • t •
ni -

• • • •
%2 •
--...."
; •
(

; • • • .3
trix per quam re - pe - ri - mus De-wn

• • •
7:S:'
...81- ma. - Vir. : • : • •
'§§:
et Ho - mi - nem - go in - ter -

-.......
~ • --
,~

ce
• • •
de
.<:;
pro
•
no
z z--

-
• •
=so;

: •
bis
.r:-
om
•
nibus.
11

=t-
, ." ........
• • • • • - • 11
E u 0 u a e.

Ex.1/b The antiphon ClHec est regina" in Rome, San Martino,

Codex D
 THE CARMELlTE OFFICE IN THE TRIDENTINE ERA

4 -•
,-=-

-•
,....-..
z:E; •• ... .-::-;::--; ",--...
~- •
• • • •
- -

..
Op ti - mam par tern e le git

4 si
.-

-
• • • •r • •
bi Ma
•,:::?)
-
• • • £ •• •

7_ :: • ,...,.

4 r. •
,
~ • • c·•
• • • • • • • • • •
ri - a que non au· fe - re -tur

4.c;;. •-...... • . . ---., , •

• .~ ",--:-
.~
,--...,.
-~ ~

ab - e a in

4-- • .--. • • • • • -- • • ,
n
........
" iii i

• • • • • I1
e - tee num.

~
,c;?-, • •
•• ... ;:::;::. ii • r. • • • • • •
"\ ... -
- -

..
[Link] Ii gens do mi - num ex cor-de

4 r. .c- • c: .---- ...-.... ~ ;::;?;

•• ""
r=>
•
per - fee - tis - si - mo et - 10 - rum

• ..
,....----.,. ~
MS :7
~ • • • • • • • • ... ~ • • 'M

op - ti - nu - it
'.
dig ni '-

4 ·-Iii
~
.~ •
--.... . -. • • •• ....
11 • •
,.......
- . 11
ta - tern. Que non~

Ex.2/a The responsory "Optimam partem" from Mainz,

Codex C
 THE CARMElITE OFFICE IN THE TRIDENTINE ERA

Example 2 shows the great responsory "Optimam partem" for the

feast of St. Mary Magdalene in Mainz, Codex C and San Martino, Codex
F. The text for this chant is as follows:

Optimam partem elegit sibi Maria

Quae non auferetur ab ea.
v. Diligens Dominurn ex corde perfectissirno
coelorum obtinwt dignitatem.

Mary has chosen the best part for herself

which shall not be taken away from her.
v. Loving the Lord with a most perfect heart
she has obtained the dignity of the heavens.

The responsory "Optimam partem" does not normally occur in

chants for St. Mary Magdalene, since it refers to Mary having chosen the
better part; the Mary who chose the better part is normally considered to
be Mary, the sister of Lazarus and Martha, rather than Mary Magdalene,
but much confusion prevailed in the Middle Ages between these two fig-
.[Link]. This responsory was used in the Temple breviary office for t~e
feast of St. Mary Magdalene and probably reflects the Carmelites' fidelity
\

to traditions of the Holy Sepulchre rite, even when they perpetuated

hagiographical confusion. Mary Magdalene having chosen the better part
enabled the Carmelites to venerate her as a model for contemplation,
however, in accordance with their own contemplative vo~atiori as Car- •
melites.
In adapting the chant to the Tridentine standards the Carmelites of
San Martino abbreviated the text to be more biblically correct, omitting
the words "in eternum" from the end''()f the re~ponsory proper. While
the textual format of the piece is essentially the same as its medie"al ver-
sion, no attempt was made to preserve the same music. The placement
of melismas conforms to the Tridentine taste of musically emphasizing
the stress of the text itself, so that the penultimate syllable normally re-
ceives the melisma, althoUgh single syllable words do so here as well. The
verse conforms to the standard formula for fifth mode, which the range
of the responsory confirms. The use of B-flat is specified for the verse
 James Boyee, 0. Carm.

while the responsory is to be chanted with B-natural, which a sharp sign

. before the "Quae" for the repetenda confirms.

Example 3 shows the Magnificat antiphon, "Nobilis genere fide no-

bilior", for the feast of St. Andrew Corsini (d. 1374), the Florentine Car-
melite who was named bishop of nearby Fiesole in 1349. 32 The office
texts here conform to those found in the complete office in a printed
Carmelite breviary of 1700 and are all proper but not rhymed. The text
for this chant is' as follows:

Nobilis genere fide nobilior

fuit beatus Andreas
cujus meritis patria Florentia gaudet
domus Corsina laetatur
quem mortales in terris et
in summis celorum Angeli veneran tur.

Of noble ancestry but far nobler faith

was blessed Andrew;
in whose merits the city of Florence rejoices
and the house of Corsini delights;
he whom mortals on earth and angels
in the heights of the heavens venerate.

The range and final of this antiphon establish it as a mode 6 piece.

Here the cadence points generally reflect the sense of the text, finishing
on f at "genere", "nobilior", ''Andreas'', and so forth. The word "terris"
cadences on a low c while "summis celorum" ends on c an octave above,
suggesting that the Carmelites, like Handel in his later "Hallelujah Cho-
rus", could not resist the temptation of associating low notes with low
places and high notes with high ones.

32 Louis Saggi, "A ndrew Corsim (d. 1374), SaInt, bIshop", in Soints 0] Cormel, 23-31.
 THE CARMELlTE OFFICE IN THE TRIDENTINE ERA 3!1l
, :
• •
No
?

-
• •
bi - lis
...
?S i
•
ge
t
:
-
• • •
ne - re fi
t
,....

-
- • • • • • • •
de no -
t

bi - li - or fu -
t
: •
it

,•
be - a
.. C57J:;
-
•
tus An
.:5f •
-
~.3?: •
dre-as
• •
cu
t

-
:; • • ,
ius me -
--
-c -----.
~.

, =-
«

ri - tis
« «

pa -
• • 7;
tri - a
;b1i .:?fG; •
Flo - ren - ti
«

-a
•'C:
gau -
•
det
t 2

• ...
do -
:

,:
•
mus
•
Cor -
; t

• • ...
si - na
..........
•
2&7 • 2.
lae -
C» •
ta - tur quem
• '17 • •----

, =: ::
•
mor
,

-
•
ta -Ies
• •
in
,2"
• • ...
ter - ris
•
et in
«
..,..
l • •
sum-mis
: • • S?; •
cc -10 rum

, :zt
.~
An -
• • •
ge - Ii
;
ve
•z:S;
-
"'! • Cb .'2:
ne -
• • l
ran-tuc.
11

,•
E
•
u
•
0
«

u
•
a
•
e.
• •
'-

11

Ex. 3 The antiphon "Nobilis [Link]" in Rome, San Martino,

Codex D
lE_2 _ _ _ _._ __ lames Boyee, 0. (arm.

Example 4 shows the first mode responsory, "Dum beatus An-

dreas", for the sam~ office of St. Andrew Corsini. The text for this chant
is as follows:

Dum beatus Andreas ab hae vita discederet

virgo quedam extrema patiens
vidit scalam cuius altitudo ad sydera ferebatur.
Per quam beatus Andreas fulgentibus radijs
ascendebat in celum.
v. Surrexit et genibus flexit
oravit Antistitem ut eadem scala se comitem
non recusaret.

When blessed Andrew departed this life

a certain virgin suffering greatly
saw a ladder whose height reached up to the heavens.
Through this ladder blessed Andrew, with shining beams of light
ascended into heaven.
v. She rose and knelt down;
she prayed the archbishop that he not reject her
as a companion on the same ladder.

Here the text depicts death in stylized terms while the music rein-
forces the text and follows established convention. Thus the verse fol-
lows the first mode tone. Here too the music reinforces the stress of the
text itself, normally emphasizing the penultimate syllable, except for "sca-
lam" in the third line. In a couple of instances the music has an a gf e d
descending pattern such as at '~ndreas" and "scalam"; the word "alti-
tudo" lS predictably accompanied by high notes. Since codices were done
in each convent, with the music generally differing from one manuscript
to another, the Carmelites who presumably wrote this music were careful
to adhere to the guidelines of the Council of Trent and at the same time
create an interesting piece and office in honor of St. Andrew Corsini.
 THE CARMELlTE OFFICE IN THE TRIDENTINE ERA

&• ?: - :- • : .:G?: ::
"""'- """
z ; • "--• G
• • • • •
• •
Dum be a -tus An - dre - as ab hac vi - ta

& • •
z
: • • • • ::- •
,
• =.: • •
z
: • :; • 11 •
>
: ....
~
•
dis - ce - de -ret vir go que - dam ex - tre - ma pa .J. ti-

~ .. . . - • • 30 • •
,--..
~- • • E?; •
ens vj - dit sea - lam cu-ius aI-ti-tu- do ad ay - de-

-ra
·
fe -
t ~ ES-
.d • • •
re - ba-tur. Per
~
'~; ';
••
,.....
• .s:
quam be - a - tus An -

• • • .3 • • • ; . • 1; • •
• •
dre - as fuI - gen - ti - bus ra - di-js a-seen-

& :
•
- ?"

•
?

;, 72
7 • :; • - :
----..........,
>
11
• • •

, -de

•
[Link]-re
.. SS?; •
bat in

xit
: •
ce

et
• •
-

ge-m
t

-
: •
bus
-
,=--
lurn.

flex
• " • • .
- it 0-
.?:z;p: •
ra - vit

• • • • • • • • • • .G.22:.
An - ti - sti-tern ut e - a-dem sea-la se co-mi-tem non

• .6 • • .'-: 11
re - cu - sa -
'-
,~
• •• 11
Per . quam.

Ex. 4 The responsory "Dum beatus Andreas" in Rome,

San Martino, Codex D
 lames Bayee, O. Carm.

The chants we have examined can be described as correct and in

compliance with the regulations of the Council of Trent. Thus all the re-
sponsory verses here conform to the standard tone. Melismas continued
to be used, but generally in places which enhanced the stress and mean-
ing of the text itself. The use of lozenge-shaped notes for the unstressed
syllables aided this effort. At the same time, however, the Carmelites pre-
served melodies which were part of their tradition, as in "Hec est regi-
na", preserved texts with special meaning for them, as in "Optimam par-
tern" and found new and creative music and texts to celebrate their later
saints, such as in our two examples for St. Andrew Corsini. By organiz-
ing the chants for some Carmelite feasts into a specific modal order they
preserved into the present an important aspect of their past medieval
heritage. At the same time the musical style of individual pieces contin-
ued in the Tridentine period a long-standing medieval tradition of me-
lodic creativity.

Conclusion
In this discussion of the Tridentine Carmelite liturgy we have demon-
strated first, that the Tridentine Carmelites carried over the liturgical or-
ganization and sometimes even specific melodies from their medieval
heritage into the new Tridentine era; secondly, that they continued to ex-
press in the Tridentine era an ongoing development of their medieval
self-understanding, especially in the liturgical veneration of Elijah the
prophet as the equivalent of a founder and the Virgin Mary as their
direct intercessor, Our Lady of Mount Carmel; thirdly, that they carried
on the liturgical celebration of medieval Carmelite saints such as St. AI-
bert of Trapani and fashioned proper liturgies for their new saints such
as St. Andrew Corsini; and fourthly that, mindful of the Council's re-
quirements, they produced liturgically sound texts with interesting melo-
dies, while their continued use of a modal order for some proper office
chants preserved in the new Tridentine era an important aspect of their
medieval heritage.
 THE CARMELlTE OFFICE IN THE TRIDENTINE ERA

Thus in translating the past into the present, their medieval liturgy
into the Tridentine era, the Carmelites not only adapted and refined their
liturgical heritage according to the precepts of the Council of Trent, but
in so doing created a series of liturgical resources which continue to edu-
cate, interest and inspire us today.

Tables
Table l/a THE CARMELlTE CHOIRBOOKS OF ONDA
Onda, ms. 33/1. Antiphonary, 1743; Ordinary; Advent through Sun-
days after Trinity
Onda, ms. 33/2. Antiphonary, 1743. Companion to 33/1
Sanctoral, Visitation to St. Thomas
Onda, ms. 33/3 Gradual, 18th-century,January - December
Onda, ms. 33/4 Gradual, 18th -century, Conunons
Onda, ms. 33/5 Gradual, 18 th -century, Conunons
Feasts, St. Sylvester through St. Jerome Emiliani
Onda, ms. 33/6 Antiphona~ 19th century
Office and Mass of the Dead
Onda, ms. 33/7 Antiphonary, 18th-19 th century
Marian Vespers, St. Elias & Corpus Christi
Onda, ms. 33/8 Gradual, 18 th-19 rh century
Circumcision through St. Sylvester
Onda, ms. 33/9 Gradual, 18 th-19 th century
Temporal: Advent through Ascension
Onda, ms. 33/10 Kyriale + Gradual, 18th-19 th century
Ordinary chants + Gradual from Christmas through
Vigil of Pentecost
Onda, ms. 33/11 Antiphonary, 1736 .-
Holy Thursday through Pentecost; Corpus Christi
Vigil of Christmas through Epiphany
Saints from Holy Name of Jesus through St. An-
drew Corsini
Onda, ms. 33/12 Kyriale, 19 th -century,
Onda, ms. 35/1 Graduale, 17 th_18 th century
Commons + saints from Andrew through Simon &
Jude
 James Boyce, O. Carm.

Onda, ms. 35/2 An tiphonal, 15 1h or 16 lh -cen tury

Christmas through 5 th Sunday after Epiphany
Onda, ms. 35/3 Antiphonal, 15 th century (pre-Trent)
Passion Sunday through Holy Saturday
Onda, ms. 35/4 Antiphonal, 1674
St. Angelus through St. Thomas of Villanova
Onda, ms. 35/5 Antiphonary, 171h century
Visitation through St. Torquatus
Onda, ms. 35/6 Office of Our Lady of Mt. Carmel, 1829
Onda, ms. 35/7 Gradual, 1660
Advent through Quinguagesima Sunday
Onda, ms. 35/8 Gradual, 1800
Commons + St. Gabriel through St. Joseph Calasanz
+ Epiphany
Onda, ms. 35/9 Gradual, 18 th -century
St. Andrew through All Saints
Onda, ms. 35/10 Antiphonary, 181h _ or 19 th -century
Saturday Marian Vespers, St. Elias & Corpus Christi

Table lib THE CARMELlTE CHOIRBOOKS OF

SANTA MARIA IN TRASPONTINA
Rome, Archivum Generale Ordinis Carmelitarum
Fondo Liturgia extra Traspontina
ms. A Kyriale, 1708
ms. B Gradual; St. Andrew through St. Clement + Commons
ms. C Gradual, 18 th -century
Temporal; Advent Sunday 1 through Holy Saturday
ms. D Gradual, 1708; Temporal; Easter through September Ember Days +
Mass of the Dead
ms. E Psalter, 1615
ms. F Antiphonal, 18 th -century
Sanctoral; St. Andrew through Sts. Perpetua & Felicity
ms.G Antiphonal, 18th -century
Sanctoral; Solemn Commemoration of B.V.M. through
St. Clement
ms.H Antiphonal, 1739 + later hand
Sanctoral; St. Simon Stock through St. Andrew Corsini
L____________TH__E_C_A_RM__EL_'_TE_O__FF_'C_E__'N_T_H_E__TR_'_D_EN_T_'_N_E_E_R_A_________3ij
ms. I] Antiphonal, 1675
Sanctoral; Holy Name of Jesus through St. Gabriel
ms. L Antiphonal, 18th (?)-century
Temporal; Advent Sunday 1 through Dedication of a Church + feast
of Guardian Angels
ms. M Antiphonal, 18th (?)-century
Temporal; Christmas through Octave of Epiphany
ms. N Antiphonal, 18th (?)-century
Temporal; 1~t Sunday after the Octave
of Epiphany through Ash Wednesday + St. Elias chants
ms. 0 Antiphonal, 17 th -century
Temporal; 1~t Sunday in Lent through Holy Saturday
ms. P Antiphonal, 1547, revised in 1754
Temporal; Easter to the beginning of Advent
ms. Q Antiphonary, 17 th - 19th century
Office of the Dead, including chants to be sung on the death of the
Cardinal Protector of the Order
ms. R Antiphonal, 1547 + later hands; Common of Saints
ms. ss1' Gradual, 16th century (before 1584)
Kyriale + Temporal Mass and office chants
ms. ss2 Antiphonary, 1663
Temporal; Advent Sunday 1 through Holy Week
ms. ss3 Gradual, 1670; Commons + ordinary chants
ms. ss4 Gradual + Antiphonal, 1744; Sanctoral + Commons;
Turin supplement
ms. ss5 Credos, 18th-19th century
ms. ss6 Requiem & miscellaneous chants, including Marian antiphons,
19 th cen tury ,
ms. ss7 Two-voiced Requiem Mass + Mass Ordinary chants
+ All Souls office chants, etc., 19th century
ms. ss8 Mass for [Link]. on Saturday, 19th century
ss = SIDe stgnatura
rmc--- James Boyee, O. Carm.

Table l/c THE CARMELITE CHOIRBOOKS OF

SAN MARTINO

San Martino, ms. A An uphonal, 18 rh -cen tury

Temporal; Advent Sunday 1 through 51h Sunday after
Epiphany
San Martino, ms. B Antiphonal, 18 rh -century
Temporal; Septuagesima through Holy Saturday
San Martino, ms. C Antiphonal, 18 lh -century
Temporal; Easter through 25 1h Sunday after Pentecost
San Martino, ms. D Antiphonal, 18 lh -century
Sanctoral; St. Andrew through St. Matthew
San Martino, ms. E Antiphonal, 1701
Sanctoral; St. Gabriel through Commemoration of
St. Paul
San Martino, ms. F Antiphonal, 1702
Sanctoral; Solemn Commemoration of B. V. M.
through St. Clement
San Martino, ms. G Antiphonal, 18 rh -century
Commons

Table 2 THE LITURGICAL CONTENTS OF THE

SAN MARTINO ANTIPHONARIES
CODEX A
p. 1 Psalter 460 St. Thomas
133 Advent Sundays 465 Circumcision
304 Christmas 499 Epiphany
355 St. Stephen 531 Sunday within the octave of
Epiphany
391 St. John the Evangelist 545 Sundays after Epiphany
427 Holy Innocents 571 Sunday 5 after Epiphany
456 St. John the Evangelist 574 Index of chants
End of manuscript
 THE CARMElITE OFFICE IN THE TRIDENTINE ERA

CODEXB
p. 3 Septuagesima Sunday 341 Palm Sunday
41 Sexagesima Sunday 411 Holy Thursday
76 Quinquagesima Sunday 455 Good Friday
111 Ash Wednesday 490 Holy Saturday
118 Lent Sundays 511 End of manuscript

CODEXC
p. 3 Easter Sunday 404 Sundays in August
78 Sundays after Easter 435 Sundays in September
152 Ascension of the Lord 506 Sundays in October
212 Pentecost 533 Sundays in November
276 Trinity Sunday 561 Benedictus and ~ficat
antiphons for the Sundays
after Trinity from the 6th Sun-
day after Trinity to the
312 Corpus Christi + Octave 612 25 th Sunday after Trinity
360 2nd Sunday after Trinity 614 End of manuscript
through
403· 10 rh Sunday after Trinity

CODEXD
p. 3 St. Andrew Nov. 30
50 St. Nicholas Dec. -6
98 Conception of [Link]. Dec. 8
162 St. Lucy Dec. 13
181 St. Thomas the Apostle Dec. 21
185 Holy Name of Jesus Jan. 2
227 Chair of St. Peter Jan. 18
229 Sts. Fabian & Sebastian Jan. 20
279 St. Agnes Jan. 21
328 St. Vincent Jan. 22
387 Conversion of St. Paul lan. 25
437 Purification of [Link]. Feb. 2
485 St. Andrew Corsini Feb. 4
538 St. Agatha, virgin & martyr Feb. 5
587 St. Matthew, aposde Feb. 24
591 End of Codex
'380 James Boyce, O . Carm.
~-

CODEX E, 1701
p. 3 St. Gabriel, Archangel March 24
S3 St. Joseph March 19
59 St. Joachim August 16
62 Annunciation March 25
106 Corona Domini May 4
147 Patrocinij S. Joseph April 29
190 Sts. Philip and James May 1
203 Finding of the Holy Cross May 3
245 St. Angelus, martyr May 5
302 St. John Before the Latin Gate May 6
304 Apparition of St. :Michae~ Archangel May 8
306 St. Simon Stock May 16
360 St. Mary Magdalene de Pazzi May 25
412 St. Eliseus June 14
463 St. John the Baptist June 24
507 Sts. John & Paul June 26
522 St5. Peter & Paul June 29
585 Commemoration of St. Paul June 30
607 Visitation July 2
End of Codex

CODEX F, 1702
p. 3 Solemn Commemoration of B. V. M. July 16
53 St. Elijah, prophet July 20
117 St. Mary Magdalene July 22
150 St. Anne July 26
153 St. Peter in Chains August 1
155 Invention of St. Stephen August 3
Our Lady of the Snows August 5
159 Transfiguration August 6
199 St. Albert August 7
239 St. Cajetan August 7
St. Lawrence August 10
284 St. Tiburtius August 11
286 Assumption of B. V. M. August 15
320 St. Augustine August 28
384 St. John the Baptist (Beheading) August 29
 THE CARMELlTE OFFICE IN THE TRIDENTINE ERA 381 1

408 Nativity of B. V. M. Sept. 8

Holy Name of Mary Sept. 12
414 Exaltation of the Holy Cross Sept. 14
431 Stigmata of St. Francis Sept. 17
433 St. Cleophas Sept. 25
434 St. Michael the Archangel Sept. 29
480 Guardian Angels Oct. 2
519 All Saints Nov. 1
569 All Souls Nov. 2
St. Martin, bishop Nov. 11
620 All Saints of Our Order Nov. 14
652 All Souls of Our Order Nov. 15
652 St. Brice Nov. 13
663 St. Cecilia Nov. 22
705 St. Clement Nov. 23
719 End of Codex

CODEXG
p. 1 Common of Apostles
32 Common of Evangelists
69 . Common of Aposdes and Evangelists T.P.
93 Common of a Martyr
120 Common of Martyrs T. P.
130 Common of Several Martyrs
168 Common of a Confessor Bishop
211 Common of Several Confessors
232 Common of a Virgin
266 Common of a Holy Woman
281 Common of Several Virgins
322 Common of the Dedication of a [Link]
.~

367 Office of our Lady of Pity [B. M. V. de Pietate]

415 Office of the Holy Name of Mary
453 Office of the Dead
509 Commemorations
528 End of manuscript
pB2 James8o~yc_e_,_O_._C_a_rm_.____________________~

Table 3/a CHANTS FOR THE FEAST OF SAINT ELIAS

(ELIJAH)
F1 Rome, Convento San Martino ai Monti, Codex F
F2 Rome, Archivum Generale Ordinis Carmelitarum, formerly from Santa
Maria in Traspontina, Ms. N
F3 Florence, Carmine, Ms. S
f4 Stuttgart, Wurtembergische Landesbibliothek, Cod. Bibl. fo1. 62.

CHANT INCIPIT Ft F2 F3 F4
IVa1 Zelo zelatus sum 7 1 1 7
a2 Usgueguo 3 2 3 7
a3 Si homo Dei sum 1 3 7 1
a4 N on ego turbavi 3 4 4 6
as Occidisti in super 5 S 7 6
R Respexit Elias ad 3 3 5
M Ecce ego mittam 7 7 1 6
Inv Regem prophetarum 1 1
N1al Factum est autem 1
a2 Dixit mulier ad 2
a3 Ait Elias ad 4
RI Recede hinc et 8
R2 Abijt mulier et 5
R3 Reversa est anima 1
N2al Factum est verbum 8
a2 Ait Elias ad Achab 4
aJ" Manus Domini facta 7
R1 Ait Abdias ad Eliam 7
R2 Cum venisset Elias 3
R3 Expandit se atque 2
N3a1 Dixit Elias 3
a2 Cum iam tempus 8
a3 Orante Elia cecidit 7
RI Ait Elias nuntijs 1
R2 Ascendit 7
R3 Factum est dum 1
 THE CARMELlTE OFFICE IN THE TRIDENTINE ERA 383 1

CHANT INCIPIT Ft F2 F3 F4
L al Elias dum zelat 1 6 4 8
a2 Facrum est autem 6 1 6 3
a3 Tulit Elias pallium 3 8 3 7
a4 Cum Elias et 3 3 2 3
as Ascendit Elias per 3 1 5 S
B Elias homo erat 8 1 7
2VM Tulit Elias pallium 3 7 1 8
OctB Proiecit se Elias 7 1
OetM Elias Dei propheta 8 8 8 8

Table 3/b CHANTS FOR THE FEAST OF ST. ELISEUS

(ELl S HA)
Fl Rome, Convento San Marrino ai Monti, Codex E
F2 Rome, Archivum Generale Ordinis Carmelitarum, formerly from Santa
Mana in Traspontina, Ms. N
F3 Florence, Carmine, Ms. S
F4 Stuttgart, \Vurtembergische Landesbibliothek, Cod. Bibl. fol. 62

CHANT INCIPIT Ft F2 F3 F4
Val Ehseum filium I I 6 8
a2 Profectus Elias 2 I 1 1
a3 Cumque verusset 3 8 8 3
a4 Ehseus relictis 4 4 4 4
as Ehseus ait osculer 5 7 7 7
M Reversus autem ab 1 3 1 6

Iny Regem Prophetarum 8 '~

4 .
Nlal Ait Iosaphat Rex 2
a2 Est hie Eliseus 2
a3 Dixit autem Eliseus 8
RI Cum venisset Elias 7.
R2 Cum transissent 1
R3 Dixerunt filij 1

N2al Cum caneret Psaltes 7

a2 Alveus iste 8
 Bayee, 0. Carm.
--- --~'----- """-''''''''''''"

eHANI' INCIPIT Ft F2 F3 F4
a3 Parumgue es t hoc 1
1 Eliseus 2
vir Dei 8
R3 Mlsit Rex Syrie 5

N3al infundebat 8
inquit 8
a3 Incubuit Eliseus 4
R1 Dixit Eliseus ad 7
R2 Eliseus ait 8
est dum 7 1 2

La1 Postula quod vis 7 7 1 1

a2 Dixitque Eliseus 1 8 8 1
difficilern 7 3 3
autem 3 S
as Percussitque aquas 5 7 7 8

B Viden tes autem 7 7 6

autern 1 6
Eliseus 1 7
M Clamaverunt filij 7 1 7 1

Table 4 CHANTS THE OF ST ALBERT

San Martino ai Monu, Codex F (1)
Rome, Archivum Generale Ordinis Carrnelitarum, Ms. G (2)
Florence, Carmine, Ms. S (3)
Carmine, D (4)
Wurtembergische l,andesbibliothek, cod. bib!. 62 (5)
Onda, Convento del Carmen, Ms. 35/5 (6)

CHANT INCIPIT 1 2 3 4 5 6
Alberte norma =1 -1
Inv Regem Christum 5 1 4
Nla1 In sancto proposito 1 =1
a2 sumpto 2 =2
 THE CARMElITE OFFICE IN THE TRIDENTINE ERA 385 1

CHANT INCIPIT 1 2 3 4 5 6
a3 Tribulatus acnter 3 =3
RI Claritate divini
v. Confortatus puer 1
R2 Ne fedetur corpus
v. Sicque vincit 2
R3 Actu firmus et mente
v. Charitate fit 3
N2aI Cordis cum laetitia 4 =4
a2 Fidelitatis scuto 5 =5
a3 Sancti sacerdotij 6 =6
R1 Hostis pravus studet
v. Dei laudes 7
R2 Obsidetur Messana
v. Dum timetur 8
R3 Plebs letatur grandi
v. Laudes promunt 6
N3al Sine cordis macula 7 -7
a2 Vitam sibi placitam 8 4
a3 Quasi nubes lucida 1 =1
RI Cresot ardor
v. Vexatorum mira 4?
R2 Terrenum relinquens
v. Fluunt cuncti 2
R3 Iesu dulcis Alberti
v. A penarum solutis 8 =8 4

La1 Cum Albertus nascitur 1 . =1 =1 ~,

-1 -1
a2 Puro corcle iubilet 3 =3 =3 4 8
a3 Tua sancta dextera 4 =4 =4 -4
a4 Excellentem Dominum 5 =5 =5 3
as Deum omnis spiritus 6 8 8 5 8
B Gressus nosttos prospere 7 =7 4
2VM o Alberte pater 8 =8 =8 2+6 2
- means dissimilar from version #1; = means the same as version #1
[3M: James Boyee, 0. Carm.

Table 5 CHANTS FOR ST. MARY [Link]

CHANT INCIPIT MARTINOF MAINZC SIBERT

IVal Solemnitatem Magdalene p.117 217
R Regnum 118
aM Recumbente Iesu 118 216v 234

Mlnv Aeternum trinumque 120 217v 235

NI a1 Cum discubuisset in domo 121 217v 235

a2 Secus pedes Domini 122 218 235
a3 Lacrymis irrigabat 124 218v 235
RI Laetetur omne seculum 125 219 235
v Haec Mana fui t ilia 126 219v 235
R2 Optimam partern elegit 127 219v 235
v Diligens Dominum 128 220 235
R3 Maria Magdalena 129 220v 235
v Cito euntes 235

N2 a1 Simon ait intra se 129 220v 235

a2 Et conversus Dominus 130 220v 235
a3 Quoniam multum dilexeras 132 221 235
R4 Pectore sineero 133 221v 235
v Abstergat Dominus 134 221v 235
R5 Congra tulamini 135 222 235
v Tulerunt 235
R6 Felix Maria unxit 135 222 235
v Mixtum rare balsami 136 222v 235
v. Glona patn 222v

N3 al Satagebat Martha soror 138 223 235

. a2 Non est Martha ait 139 223 235
a3 Et respondens dixit illi 140 223v 235
R7 Tulerunt 141 224 235
R8 Et valde 141 224 235
R9 Regnum mundi 141
C THE CARMELlTE OFFICE IN THE TRIDENTINE ERA 38~

CHANT INCIPIT MARTINOF MAINZ C SIBERT

L a1 Laudibus excelsis 142 224 235
a2 Pectore sincero 143 224 235
a3 Sustolle Maria supplicum 144 224v 235
a4 Quo tecum captent 145 224v 235
as Maria ergo unxit pedes 146 225 235
B Maria stabat ad monumentum 147 225v 235

2VM Celsi meriti Maria 148 225v 235

 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 389

Mane-Noif' Colette FAC-SIMILES DE CHANT

GREGORIEN AU XIXE s.
LA COPIE DU TONAIRE DE DIJON
PAR THEODORE NISARD (1851)

Le theme de ce congres offre une occasion de confronter quelques

exemples d'utilisation def documen-ts medievaux au XIXe siecle, et de re-
trouver par la des questions qui se po sent encore de nos jours. Lorsque
Jean-Louis-Felix Danjou decouvrit ce qu'il appelait l'antiphonaire de
Montpellier (Montpellier, Fac. de Medecine, H 159, XIe s.), il projeta d'en
faire une transcription, mais c'est Theodore Nisard qui finalement etablit
de ce manuscrit une copie a l'identique, de sorte que, selon ses propres
termes, « 1'on peut dire main tenant : 'Desormais, l'Antiphonaire de Mont-
pellier est un monument imperissable' ». Peu de temps auparavant, Louis
Lambillotte avait, avec l'aide du calligraphe de Saint-Gall, M. Naef, pro-
cede a la copie du Cantatorium de Saint-Gall (Saint-Gall, Stiftsbibliothek.
359, XC S.).1 Lambillotte apprenait alors que des pretres italiens etaient
venus aussi pour prendre copie de ce manuscrit mais avaient renonce en
apprenant que c'etait deja fait. Ces entreprises etaient a la mode, quoique
rares, ainsi peut-on lire dans le prospectus annon~ant la vente du fac-
simile du Cantatorium que ce manuscrit etait tellement bien garde a
Saint-Gall que « c'est a peine si l'Empereur d'Autriche avait pu, en 1827,
en obtenir un fac-simile pour sa Bibliotheque de Vienne ». 2
-
Louis Lambillotte, Antiphonain dI sailll GrigtJin. Fac-simile du manllscrit de Saint-Gall, (copie
authentique de l'autographe ecrite ven; 790). Accompagne 1° d'une notice historique, 2°
d'une dissertation donnant la clef du chant gregorien, dans les antiques notations, 3° de
divers monuments, tableaux neumatiques inedits, etc., etc.(Bruxelles : C.-J.-A. Greuse, 1851 ;
2" ed. 1867). O'indique entre parentheses les references aeet ouvtageJ.
2 Prospectus date du 29 juin 1851, conserve a la BN F de Paris, relie avec la deuxieme edition
(1867) du fac-simile du Cantatorium_ Cette 2' edition est con forme a la premiere, mais a
supprimc les 4 demieres pages Tableau des buit modes en double notation tire du Manuiicrit
de la Bibliotheque Royale de Munich, nO 14, 9~3. 11. Il y eut aussi les 4lignes du fac-simile
Ostende publie par M. Kiesewetter de Vienne, mentionne dans l'introduction i cette edition,
~9~-== __ Marie-Noel Colette

Examinons d'abord les principes 'scientifiques et reformateurs' qui

ont, au XIXc siecle, preside a l'eIaboration de ces copies, et la qualite de
leur realisation. Ains! serons-nous amenee a poser les questions, encore
tout a fait actuelles, que souleve le souhait de retrouver, a travers des ma-
nuscrits consideres comme exemplaires, la 'pureti:' de traditions perdues.
Que le XIXc siecle fUt une epoque de redecouverte ciu Moyen Age
est visible dans de nombreux domaines, des arts, des lettres, de la mu-
si que. Pour la musique religieuse, il s'agit au debut du siecle de la faire
renaitre en tant que patrimoine musical, avec Choron, Niedermeyer et
l'Ecole de musique religieuse. Mais concernant a proprement pad er le
plain-chant, - qui depuis le XlVc siecle, est, dans les reglements de maitres
de chapelle, clairement distingue de Ja musique - le retour aux sources
repondait aussi a d'autres preoccupations, a visee unificatrice et politique,
qui ne servaient pas seulement un projet de sauvegarde artistique.
Sous-jacents a ces intentions, plusieurs malentendus se deceient, sur
lesquels reposait alors, et peut-etre encore de nos jours, l'historiographie
medievale et la recreation de repertoires si anciens.
Tout d'abord, sur un meme projet, tous ces savants ne cessent de se
critiquer. Nisard critique Fetis sur la question de la plique, il critique les
copies de Lambillotte, les positions de Danjou. Lambillotte (p. 19) cri-
tique Fetis et Danjou sur l'identite du cantatorium (23) : ils « ont cru leur
gloire interessee a faire voir que notre Antiphonaire n'etait point authen-
tique » ; a propos de Danjou, « trompe par le fac-simile de M. Bottee de
Toulmon, il s'est imagine que le manuscrit de Saint-Gall n'avait pas de
ces Lettres que nous appeJons significatives» (24). Pour Fetis I'Antiphonaire
de St Gregoire n'a pas pu etre ecrit en neumes, mais en lettres, d'apres
Boece. Lambillotte enfin critique aussi Jumilhac sur son interpretation du
cephalicus comme signifiant un demi-ton (26).
. Cependant, quoique tres differents dans leurs demarches, ces projets
ont bien des points communs quant aux intentions. Ils s'inserent tous
dans une visee de restauration du chant, et done, de recherche des sour-
ces les plus anciennes, comprises en tant que moyen, autant que de justi-

a propos des rcponses de Lambillotte aux critiques que Fhis portait a I'cncontre de ce
manuscrit, fac-simile dont Lambillotte ecrit (p. 20) « sur Icqucl MM. Danjou et Petis de-
vaicnt appuycr leurs errcurs ».
 FAC-SIMILES DE CHANT GREGORIEN AU XIX E S.

fication de cette restauration. Ces savants considerent comme necessaire

la confrontation de plusieurs manuscrits, ce qui, d'apres Nisard, n'etait
pas evident pour tous les 'prelats' de l'epoque :

« On me permettra seulement de faire observer, qu'il est ficheux de

vou quelques preIats s'engager, de nos jours, clans la difficile question
de la restauration du plain-chant gregorien, en s'appuyant uniquement
sur le manuscrit de Montpellier. » (27).

Lambillotte rappelle que ses « voyages en Belgique, en France, en

Angleterre et en diverses parties de l'Allemagne, m'avaient fait passer
sous les yeux un grand nombre de vieux Manuscrits ... » (T) et il explique
meme au Landamman du canton de Saint-Gall que s'il ne peut recopier
ce manuscrit, « la restauration du Chant Gregorien deviendra impossible
»(30). Danjou avait ete lui-meme envoye en Italie par le Ministre de
l'Instruction publique et des Cultes pour consulter des manuscrits, et
en rapporta un rapport des plus interessants sur les conditions d'execu-
tion du chant. Ce que Lambillotte reconnait comme un temoignage des
epoques pas sees nous renseigne en retour sur l'interpretation au XIXe
sjecle :

« Dans cette etude comparee de divers Monuments, on voit comment

la Phrase Gregorienne, d'abord si suave, si meIodieuse et si bien
cadencee, s'est insensiblement corrompue, ;usqu'a disparaitre a peu
pres completement dans le lourd et fastidieux Plain-Chant des temps
modernes. »

Tous ces projets, dont le but ultime est la restauration du chant, veu-
lent s'appuyer sur une justification scientifique :
- U ne methode comparative, par le recours a plusieurs manuscrits.
'-
- La copie des 'meilleurs' manuscrits, qui suppose la justification de
ces choix, et la fidelite de la copie. Lambillotte avait meme obtenu du
Doyen du Chapitre de Saint-Gall, pour son fac-simile, « une attestation
de son exacte conformite avec l'original», datee du 2 juin 1849. Le certi-
ficat specifie « surtout en ce qui coneerne les signes de la notation ». Et
en effet pour le texte la copie parait beaucoup moins fideie. Nous
pouvons en juger par la comparaison :
1
L~
392 Marie-Noel Colette J
_ _ _ __ __ __ _ _ _- - - - - -- -- -- - - -- - - -- -- -- -

Exemple 1 Saint-Gall 359, p. 40 (PM 2" s. t.2) ...

[ FAC-SIMI LES DE CHANT GREGORI EN AU XIX E S. 393\

. ",
...

";':, "., . . . ....

... ~

. "'

et eopie de Lambillotte p. 40.';

3 Les exemples reproduits a partir dcs editions de la. Palcographic Musicalc (citee PM), le soot
avec I'aimable autorisation des editions de Solcsmes.
 Marie-Noel Colette

Lambillotte avait supprime de son edition ce qui precede la p. 24 et

ce qui suit la p. 158, comrne etant « d'une date plus recente » et ne venant
pas « de saint Gregoire » (21). 11 cherche a prouver a l'aide d'arguments
paleographiques et liturgiques, que c'est bien le manuscrit apporte de
Rome par Romanus Oettres romaniennes, d'apres le temoignage d'Ekke-
hard de St-Gall), lui-meme copie du manuscrit de saint Gregoire, 11 an-
nonce qu'il donnera a la fin de son fac-simile une etude des neumes et
des lettres significatives.

« Tout le monde pourra desormais etudier, non plus dans quelques

fragments insignifiants, mais dans un ensemble de 132 pages, ce mys-
terieux systeme de notation, dont l'explication doit amener la reforme
si desirable des Chants Liturgiques. Chacun pourra eonstater des or-
mais jusqu'a qud point nos Editions modernes ont conserve la Phrase
Gregorienne. »
« La Publication seule de ce Monument suffirait, nollS aimons le
crotre, pour attirer l'attention des Artistes distingues, des Savants ...
mais, nollS l'avons entoure de recherches qui, ee nous semble, en aug-
mentent encore l'importance.
« Avant tout, il fallait demontrer l'Authenticite du Manuscrit de Saint-
Gall ...
« Nous avions ensuite a donner la Methode qu'il faut suivre pour uti-
liser ce Monument. .. .l'unique moyen de retrouver le Chant Gregori-
en, est de umfronter ensemble les mantlscrzts des ckJJerents siedes et des differents
pqys. »

Tout cela se veut tres scientifique, citation de la lettre de Notker a

Lambert, reproduction des tables de neumes de Ottobeuren... Mais
cette etude se termine par le fameux exemple Viderunt que Nisard criti-
quera violemment.
Lorsque, en 1847 Danjou decouvre le fameux manuscrit, Montpellier,
Bibliotheque de Medecine, H 159, lequel passionne et divise encore de
nos jours Ies musicologues, i1 decrit sa « Decouverte d'un exemplaire
complet et authentique de l'antiphonaire gregorien »4 qui l'impressionne

4 Revue de la 1I1usiquc reltgicusc, poplllaire el dOSS;qUf, dec. 1847) 385-397.

 FAC-SIMILES DE CHANT GREGORIEN Au XIXE S.

d'abord par sa notation digrapte, et surtout par ce qu'il croit ette l'aspect
non seulement antique, mais fondateur du manuscrit :

« C'est bien la un des Antiphonaires notes au commencement du IXc

siecle, ou par un des clercs que Charlemagne avait fait etuetier a Rome,
ou par un des chantres que le pape Adrien avait envoyes en France,
lesquels avaient sous Ies yeux l'exemplaire note de la main meme de
saint Gregoire, exemplaire qu'on voyait encore au Xc siecle a Saint-
Jean-de-Latran. »

n propose, comme l'ecrira plus tard T}1eodore Nisard, de« publier la

notation alphabetique avec le texte et la traduction en plain-chant »,5 et
l'entreprise est decrite dans le bulletin de souscription qui suit l'article
(398) :
Il s'agit d'upe edition precedee d'une « Introduction historique et cri-
tique », et assortie de i 0 pages de fac-similes du manuscrit, et de

« plusieurs autres fac-simile des Antiphonaires du IXe et du Xc s, notes

en neumes et conserves dans les Archives du Vatican, du Mont-Cassin,
de Monza, et clans les bibliotheques de Paris, Mil~, Venise, Flotence,
Udine, ete. [ ... ] L'edition de l'Antiphonaire sera exactement con forme
au manuscrit, les pieces y seront classees dans le meme ordre ; les or-
nements du chant seront reproduits au-dessus de la traduction par des
caracteres identiquement semblables it ceux du manuscrit, et dont nous
ferons faire une fonte speciale. La traduction de la notation en lettreS
sera imprimee en plain-chant. »

Theodore Nisard combat ce projet, ne trouvant pas cette publicatioil -

« con~ue dans un but assez scientifique », mais it est lui-meme charge le
1er decembre 1850 par M. de Parrieu, ministre de l'Instruction publique,
de « copier, d'une maniere exacte et complete, ce precieux monument bi-
lingue ». 11 prend hien soin d'expliquer dans la Preface qu'il est le seul a
savoir faire ce travail, et il signe meme chacun des commentaire.s dont il
. ~

ponctue sa capte.

5 Preface au fac-simile, 36-37.

 Marie-Noel Colette

Exemple 2 BNF Lat. 8881, p. 139 (photo BNF) ...

FAC-SIMILES DE CHANT GREGORIEN AU XIXE S.

et Montpellier H 159, f. 17v (PM t. VIII). Cliche B:I.U.

Montpellier
 Marie-Noel Colette

Le fac-simile du tonaire de Montpellier copie par Nisard est un ma-

nuscrit conserve a la Bibliotheque Nationale de France sous la cote Lat.
8881.6 L'intitule de la page de titre met un terme aux speculations con-
cernant l'annee de la decouverte par Danjou. On constatera aussi que
Nisard ne cherche pas a cacher l'auteur de la decouverte, que cependant
il attaque largement par ailleurs.

({ AN'"fTPHONAJRE DE MONTPELLlER decouvert par M. F. Danjou le 18 de-

cembre 1847 et transcrit par Theodore Nisard en 1851. Sous les auspi-
ces de M. le Ministre de l'Instruction publique. »

Le manuscrit 8881 comprend une longue « Preface du transcripteur»

(3-72), clatee clu 12 mars 1851. Le sommaire de la Preface est ainsi resu-
me : Decouverte de l'Antiphonaire. - Son age et origine. - Ecriture. -
Notation. - Difficultes que presentait une transcription exacte cle l'Anti-
phonaire de Montpellier. - Apen;u analytique du contenu de ce monu-
ment. - De la maruere de le traduire en plain chant moclerne.
La partie principale du manuscrit consiste en un tonaire pourvu
d'une double notation, neumatique de type frans;ais, et alphabetique. Le
tonaire est assorti de nombreuses additions marginales, qui en comple-
tent les informations liturgiques. n est precede et suivi d'additions diver-
ses. 11 est aussi relie avec le traite de Reginon de Prum dont seul le pre-
mier folio a ete reproduit dans l'edition de la Paliographie Musicale. 7 Nisard
ne le neglige pas, bien au contraire, puisqu'il le commente dans sa pre-
face. On remarquera la distinction du traitement qu'il reserve a ce traite,
et au manuscrit liturgique. Le premier fait l'objet d'une copie de type cri-
tique. 8 Au contraire le manuscrit liturgique est recopie, calligraphie, dans

6 Catalogue general des manuscrits latins, Paris, 1997 reproduit litteralement le texte ecrit sur
la page de titre. Montpellier, 1851 ... « Fac-simile des ff. 8-163 sur papier japon. » (Cite par
L. Deusle, Catalogue des manuscrits .. tIT, 301.) lJ'indique entre parentheses les references
a la Preface de ectte copie manuscrite.J
7 T. Vn·-VIII,Solesmes, 1901-1905 ([(~[Link], 1972).
8 Regjno Prumensis, 75-119. Urillimum de musica brevlarium. carrespondant aux H. 1-7v du
manuscrit, en regard de Epistola de harmOnica inscitutione mis:;a ad Rathbodum archiepis-
capum Treverensem a ReglOone presbytero. er T. Nisard, Notice sur I'antiphonaire bilingue de
MontpeUier (paris, 1865, 24-42) , M. Gerbert, 5 mptores ecdesiastici de !Rusiea sacm . .. I (St-Blasien,
1784), 230-247 ; et M. Bernhard, Studim '{!'r Epistolo de armonica institutionr des Regino von PrUm
L -_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ XI_X_ES_._________~
FA_C_-_SI_M_IL_E_S_D_E_C_H_A_N_T_G_R_E_G_O_R_IE_N_A_U__

une ecriture calquee sur celle du XIe siecle. Le Traite de Reginon de [Link]
est copie (75-119) d'apres le manuscrit de Montpellier (f 1-7v.) en regard
de la version du meme Traite d'apres }'edition de Martin Gerbert refe-
rencee : Cod. Lipsiense ap. Gerb. Scriptores I, 23O--col. 1. La version de
Gerbert est copiee dans l'ecriture normale, celle de l'introduction, et celle
de Montpellier en ecriture moite stylisee, celle que Nisard utilise pour les
textes ou citations qu'il veut mettre en valeur. Cependant comme Nisard
ne l'a pas, selon ses termes, « facsimilise », il propose (45-46) « un calque
des premieres lignes ».
Le fac-simile du manuscrit principal (f 8-163) occupe les pages
120-441, qui sont suivies de diverses 'pieces liminaires', commentaires
ajoutes a la preface, dont une discussion sur la plique, une analyse de la
reglure folios par folios, l'annonce d'une edition imprimee comprenant le
texte, la notation litterale avec Ies signes d'ornements, les lettres etant
isolee~ ou groupees d'une maniere « con forme aux signes de neumes
correspondants » (457). L'appendice nOIX, intitule (( De la reforme du plain-
chant entrepn'seJ par ordre des archeveques de Cambrai et de Reims, d'apres
l'Antiphonaire de Montpellier})J fait etat de deux ouvrages re~us par Nisard
au moment OU il terminait son travail.9 11 s'agit d'une edition de plain-
chant faite a partir du manuscrit de Montpellier, et d'un commentai"re sur
la restauration du chant romain en France. Vivement critiquees par
Nisard pour leurs erreurs,10 ces publications attestent de la celebrite que,
en 1851, le manuscrit de Montpellier avait deja acquise.
En conclusion (501), Nisard se felicite de sa tache:

« Voici done enfin terminee la transcription complete d'un manuscrtt

precieux qui sera, pour les neumes, ce que la pierre tit Rosette a ete pour
les hieroglyphes! En attendant qu'un nouveau Champollio~ vienne en
donner la clef et enrichit ainsi le patrimoine litteraire de la France,
cette terre classique du genie, on ne me fera pas un crime, je l'-espcre,

(Miinchen, 1979) ; du meme auteur, nouveUe edition M. Bernhard, Clavis Geroerli. Eine Revi·
sion VOlt Marlin Gtrbnts Smplores I (Miinchen, 1989),37-73.
9 GradNak romanI/m ... , (011/11 reviso jllx/a 1IIt1t1IlJcripla vtilulissima O.
Lecoffre et socios: Paris,
1851), in-12 de 649 p. ; Memoire pour servir aI'etude et ala restauranon du chant romain en
France, par I'abbe Celeste ALix. Chez les memes editeurs. in-Bo de 99 pages.
10 En particulier melange entre les lel;om; du manuscrit de Montpellier. et du Graduel des
Chartreux.
 Marie-Noel Colette

-.
d'eprouver un profond sentiment de bonheur a la vue de ma tache ac-
-
tomplie sous les auspices les plus favorables ... » Montpellier, 27 sep-
tembre 1851.

Nisard commence sa Preface en rappelant les modalites de la decou-

verte du manuscrit (4) :

« Bouhier avait fait I'acquisition de ce manuscrit en 1721. MM. Klihn-

holtz et Libri, dans le catalogue de la Bibliotheque de la Faculte,
avaient fait connaitre le contenu de ce monument, et la science etait
ainsi fixee sur l'existence de ce tresor musical » ... « la musique est
notee tant6t par signes, tantot par lettres, (art. 159 de ce catalogue,
Fonds de Bouhier, C. 54). » ...
« Mais il etait reserve it M. Danjou d'attirer, sur ce manuscrit, l'atten-
tion des archeologues d'une man1ere plus speciale, d'une maniere vrai-
ment europeenne, qu'on me permette cette expression. Le 18 decem-
bre de l'annee 1847, ce musicographe, parcourant les salles de la
Bibliotheque, aper<;ut dans une armoire un volume in-folio, sur le dos
duquel on lisait : Incerti de Musica. » •.•
« M. Danjou annon<;a la decouverte de l'Antiphonaire dans la livraison
de decembre 1847 d'un recueil mensuel qu'il publiait alors sous cc ti-
tre : Revue de la musique religieuse, populaire et classique. SeIon lui, ce volume
ctait un des antiphonaires notes au commencement du IXe siecle, ou
par un des dercs que Charlemagne avait fait etudier a Rome, ou par un
des chantres que le pape Adrien avait envoyes en France, lesquels pos-
sedaient la vraie tradition de saint Gregoire et avaient sous les yeux
l'exemplaire note de la main me me de ce saint pape. »•••

« Une vive discussion s'engagea bientot sur ce point historique ... ».

Nisard ne s'attarde pas sur cette controverse « dont le caractere fut trop
personnel et trop passionne », il renvoie aux publications. 11
Nisard critique lill aussi les positions de Danjou concernant la date et
la qualite du manuscrit (7sq.). Il le situe au XIIe siecie, etablissant une
correspondance entre les lettres utili sees dans le traite de Reginon, relie
avec ce tonaire, et la notation alphabetique de ce dernier :
11 Note de Nisard « Voir la Revue du monde catholi'lue (livraison du 15 fcvrier 1848) ; la
Revue de musi'lue religieuse de M. Danjou (livraison du meme mois) ; et la Revue du
monde catholi'lue du 15 mai suivant). »
 FAC-SIMILES DE CHANT GREGORIEN AU XIXE S.

« la notation alphabetique de eet Antiphonaire, ceile qui est posee au-

des sous des neumes, est absolument identique a l'eeriture du Traite de
musique place en tete du volume. Cette identite s'etend meme jusqu'a
1,encre ... »)-p

11 as simile la periode de copie du grand tonaire a celle des folios 9 a

11,13 additions copiees clans un systeme de notation que, contrairement
a la discrimination evidente qu'il en a fait dans sa copie, il ne distingue
pas dans son commentaire. Enfin il reconnait le caractere original du ma-
nuscrit, qui n'est pas un Antiphonaire, mais un Tonan'us :

a
« ... le notcur ou le compilateur de l'Antiphonaire, ayant elasser par or-
dre de tons ou de modes les morceaux liturgiques de son manuscrit, ins-
erivait sur ees feuilles les premiers mots de ces morceaux avec leur
notation en suivant, dans eette operation preparatoire, le rang que les
cantilenes d'une meme espece occupent dans les antiphonaires ordi-
natres. »
« C'est ainsi, par exemple, que taus les versets alleluiatiques ont ete in-
cliques par le scribe ou plutot par l'auteur dans les folios que je men-
tionne. On voit qu'il voulait en quelque sotte avoir sous les yeux une
table des matieres, afin de grouper ensuite les morceaux dans leur
mode respeetif et composer le livre [Link] qu'on appelait Tonarius
au Moyen Age, »
« Done, le manuscrit de Montpellier concient un ouvrage qui a ete fait
sous les yeux memes et sous la direction de l'auteur. Ce n'est pas une
copie exaete et authentique de l'anciphonaire de saint Gregoire, ,en-
voyee a Charlemagne par le pape Adrien : c'est une compilation origi-
naIe qui a ete, non seulement emle, mais encore crt~ee, si je puis parler
ainsi, au commencement du XIIe siecle. La beaute des minuscules rou-
ges consacrees a reproduire le texte liturgique dans cet ouvrage, avait
trompe M. Danjou sur I'age du monument qu'il a decouvert; au-
jourd'hui une pareille erreur ne me parait plus possible. » (17-18)

12 C'est alars, p. 9 sq. qu'il raconte l'histoire de I'egarement du .manuscrit de Reginon achete
plusieun; milliers de livres par Louis XIV quelques a~nees avant 1722 (date de l'achat par
Bunemann a Maestricht . .. ). et il cite les autres copies de Reginon qu'il connait dont une en
neumes saxons, suivic des formules ou ncume:; de 243 antiennes et de 52 repons . . .
13 p. 16 sq. « Le f. 9 recto est complerement efface; le f. 11 recto et verso I'estpresque entiere- •
mcot. »
 Marie-Noel Colette

Le texte de Danjou avait ete ecrit seulement quatre ans auparavant!

Cependant Nisard se trompe lui-meme lorsqu'il ajoute : « L'auteur de
ce Tonarius s'etant servi de la notation alphabetique de Boece pour tra-
duire les neumes, a mis en rete de son ouvrage le Traite de Reginon qui a
fait usage de la meme notation dans son enseignement elementaire )}
(18). Plus loin (20) il distingue cependant la notation du manuscrit de
Montpellier de ceUe de Boeee, en partieulier lorsqu'il explique les signes
speeiaux, les assimilant a des notes, par exemple : (22) « au lieu de la
lettre h ... le eopiste emploie, dans plusieurs passages, le gamma» Or
« Guy d' Arezzo declare que eette lettre a ete ajoutee par les modernes a
l'eeheUe generale des sons », done ee manuscrit ne peut etre une copie de
l'[Link] de saint Gregoire ... En consequence l'oeuvre du copiste
de Montpellier « lui est toute personneUe : die doit entrer clans l'histoire
de l'art, non eomme une tradition gregorienne, mas comme un des cu-
rieux systemes de notation musicale qui fut·ent inventes, au moyen age,
quand on passa des neumes primitifs aux neumes musicaux )). « L'auteur de
cet Antiphonaire ou de ce Tonan'us avait i lutter contre I'ignorance des
chanteurs et la difficuIte de la lecture musicale. » (25)
Apres avoir presente l'analyse des neumes du manuscrit, et ainsi
montre la profonde connaissance qu'il a de la paleographie musicale (il
constate en particulier l'equivalence neumatique du torculus resupinus 10rs-
qu'il se termine par une note i l'unisson), Nisard poursuit avec un assez
long commentaire sur les ornements (26) :

« On voit par la que l'Antiphonaire de Montpellier est loin d'aplanir

toutes les difficultes neumatiques ; mais c'est surtout au point de vue
des ornements de la melodie qu'il ouvre un vaste champ aux travaux
de l'erudition moderne. »
« Ces ornements revetent deux formes notationnelles dans ce precieux
manuscrtt, et laissent intacts tous les documents relatifs a l'expression
meme du chant, deposes dans l'antiphonaire de Saint-Gall; lacune im-
mense et d'autant plus regrettable, que le manuscrit de Saint-Gall est
une eopie authentique de ceIui qu'avait n~te ou fait noter le pape saint
Gregoire! On sait que Romanus y ajoura, vers la fin du VIIle siecle,
pour perpetuer les excellentes traditions de l'ecole romaine, des signes
d'expression que Notker Balbulus a expliques dans une lettre adressee
a un religieux du nom de Lambert. »
c=___________F_A_C_-S_IM_I_L_ES_D_E_C_H_A_N_T_G__RE_G_O_R_I_EN__A_U_X_IX_f_S_.________~
Nisard croit done que « le manuscrit de Saint-Gall est une copie au-
thentique de celui qu'avait note ou fait noter le pape saint Gregoire. »
(26) Lambillotte allait plus loin encore lorsqu'il ecrivait que ce manuscrit
etait « une copie exacte de l'Autographe » de saint Gregoire. 14
Nisard decrit les signes ajoutes a la notation litterale : la plique, le
trait signalant le quilisma, les signes de redoublement qu'il prend pour un
jranculus. Les differents sens de ce qu'il appelle la plique (liquescence)
et leur filiation qu'il qualifie de « semiologique » (29). 11 mentionne les
Clinches) « espece de notes breves usitees seulement dans le chant lyonnais
}) et la nota rotta (plique ancienne). Rappelant le sens liquide de' quilisma
dans l'Egypte ancienne, (33) il n'hesite pas a parler du tremblement
conforme aux descriptions d'Engebert d'Aymont, Jerome de Moravie,
qu'il pourrait signifier, tout en reconnaissant que ses contemporains n'en
usent pas etc. Pour le francuius il renvoie meme aux definitions de l'abbe
Lebeuf.15
Avant de valoriser son travail en critiquant les copies de ses contem-
porains, Theodore Nisard decrit sa demarche en ces termes :

(( Afin de rendre mon travail digne de l'archeologie musicale, je me suis

d'abord applique a bien etudier l'Antiphonaire de Montpellier dans
tous ses details .. , »
« C'est pour n'avoir pas fait ce long travail preparatoire que plusieurs
savants ont mal fac similise certains morceaux empruntes au manuscrit
dont je donne aujourd'hui la copie. J'ai sous les yeux le prospectus
cl'un ouvrage qui va paraitre sous ce titre: « De l'unite dans les ,-bants litur-
giques. Mf!Ycn de I'obtenir: confronter les manuscritJ de differents siec1es et des dif
firents pqys (1). Application au cilebre ripons Viderunt tians ses differentes no-
tations. depuis saint Grigoirejusqua nosjours. »tl,

14 Prospectus: (e on sait que la copie autographe du saint pontife, longterrips conservee aRome,
s'cst pcrduc, il y a deja plusieurs siecies. Le Monument le plus ancien qui soit parvenu jus-
gu'a no us cn fait de Chant Gregorien, c'est le Manuscrit de Saint-Gall, apporte dans cette
Abbaye vcr:; l'an 790, cnviron deux siccies aprcs le Pontificat de Saint Gregoire, et qui est
une copie exacte de l'Autographc, a10rs precieusemcnt garde dans la Ville Eternellc. »
15 Jean Lebeuf, Trail! hiJloriqllt et pratiqNesllf luhtmt tcc/isitlSljqllt (paris, 1741), 176.
16 Id. 37-38. 11 s'agit de \'ctudc de Lambillotte, que Nisard l~vite ici de nommer, reprise a la
suite du fac-simile du Canratorium, intitulce « Clef des melodicti gregoriennes dans les anti-
gues systemcs de notation, et de \'unitc dans les chants liturgiques )). Sa copie du repons Vi-
rierllnt se trouvc p. 8.
~_4___________________M _ o_le_tt_e____________________~
_ a_r_ie_-N_o_e_IC

Exemple 3 Montpellier H 159, f. 94 (PM [Link]) Cliche [Link].

Montpellier
FAC-SIMtLES DE CHANT GREGORIEN AU XIX E s. 40il

" .

Fac-simiJe de Lambillotte. p. R
 Marie-Noel Colette

BNF Lat. 8881, p. 39 et 40 (photo BNF)

 FAC-SIMILES DE CHANT GREGORIEN AU XIX E S. 4071

. ';:::.' . ~.• :.," ...;::-:$ :'-~'"

I. ',1 ""_' '/"'''11 j.:U~

. ) .
Ite,. rer l.f4.,..
I
@OB___- Marie-Noel Colette

Nisard ajoute alors une note destinee a couper l'herbe sous Ies pieds
de son rjval et alui voler la primeur des restitutions:

«J'ai propose ce moyen dans deux Memoires adresses a M. Le Ministre

de l'Instruction publique et des Cultes. Le premier, du 27 octobre 1849,
a pour titre: (( Du Chant ecc/esiastique, des alterations qu'd a subies, et des
mqyens de le ramener a sa purete primitive. )) Le second, du 21 fevrier 1850,
est tout pratique; il est intitule : « Graduel monumental, clans lequelle chant
grigon-en nt ramene asa purete primitive par la comparazjon des diverses vancmtes
melodiques qui ont ete en usage, clans le culte, deputj les temps les plus anciens
jusqu a nos jours. »

Revenant sur la publication citee, Nisard continue:

« L'auteur donne une idee de son travail en reproduisant le repons Vi-

demnt d'apres le manuscnt de Saint-Gall et celui de Montpellier. »

Nisard propose une eomparaison de deux copies du graduel Vi-

derunt, eelle de Lambillotte, et la sienne, qui est meilleure (v. Exemple 3):

<(En comparant le premier fac-simile au second, on sera force de con-

venir que l'auteur de l'Uniti clans les chants liturgiques n'a pas traite de ma-
niere serieuse un monument serieux. Sa pretendue reproduction n'of-
fre que des types de neumes grossierement executes; eUe fourmille
d'ailleurs de fautes, comme on va le voir ... » (40)

Suit l'analyse des erreurs, qui ne manque pas de saveur, lorsque 1'0n
songe que e'est Nisard lui-meme qui fournit au leeteur la eopie de eette
mauvaise eopie, que par ailleurs il a lui-meme mal reeopiee :

« Premiere ligne : la lettre k manque, comme traduction neumatique,

sur la deuxieme syllabe du mot omnes. [k est sur la copie]
« Deuxieme ligne : Les deux premieres syllabes liturgiques de cette li-
gne : re de, sont maculees de trois taches qu'on a prises pour des neu-
mes et gu'il etait inutile de fac-similiser, parce qu'elles peuvent induire
en erreur ; [pas de taches]
L____________FA_C_-_SI_M_'L_E_S_D_E_C_H_A_N_T_G_R_EG_O_R_'_EN__A_U_X_'X_E_S.__________40~91
« Quatrieme ligne : La 1ge lettre qui complete la traduction du poria/us
odoit etre un i couche ; il serait impossible de distinguer ici cette tra-
duction du si bimol.
« Les lettres 36e et 37c portent ,un podatus qui manque ; [effectivement].
« La derniere syllabe de Dominus doit avoir un podatUJ ciimaqui ,. on ne
sait quel neume le copiste moderne a voulu representer ... » (41) (edi-
tion de 1867 : la derniere note, en forme de virgule du ciimdCNJ est ef-
fectivement un peu grosse).

Et enfin :

« Si j'insiste sur ces fautes, c'est uniquement pour montrer combien il

m'a fallu de soins, de precautions, de temps et de patience pour mener
a bonne fin une co pie comme ceile que j'ai eu I'hanneur de faire pour
le gouvernernent. » (43)

Si l'on compare les deux copies a l'original, il apparait en effet que la

copie de Montpellier par Nisard est infiniment plus soignee que ceUe de
Saint-Gall par le calligraphe de Lambillotte. Elle ne presente pas de faute.
Cependant dans le detail, la forme des neumes et des lettres, aucune n'est
exactement la reproduction de l'original et ne justifie l'orgueilleuse cons-
tatation de Nisard :

« Je 'crois pouvoir affirmer en conscience que cette copie remplacera

desormais l'originallui-meme, du moins sous le rapport de la parfaite
identite des deux notations de ce monument. » (43)

Malgre les reserves ci-dessus formulees, on reste confonrlu par le

soin avec leque1 cette copie a ete faite. EIle reproduit le manuscrit dans
toute sa complexite, tel que!, jusqu'a ses erreurs, comme celle de la page
de titre: Incrrli.
Nisard copie tout, le grand tonaire, les additions liturgiques et tonales
marginales, les feuillets ajoutes, etc. 11 reproduit aussi dans la mesure OU il
le peut le petit tonaire de l'office, qui Lui donne l'occasion de donner la
premiere analyse d'i'de~tification du manuscrit. A la p. 127 (f. 11 v) qui in-
dique Sancte Benigne, il ecrit en note:
 Marie-Noel Colette

« ee Sancte Benigne, qui n'a ete signale par personne, ne devra pas etre
neglige dans la question de la provenance de l'Antiphonaire de Mont-
pellier. L'antienne que je fais remarquer lC! n'indiquerait-elle pas que
cet Antiphonaire a ete ecrit par un rehgieux de l'abbaye de Saint-Beni-
gne de Dijon? Th. N. »17

S'il ne peut tout lire, i1 ecrit par-ci par-la a leur place les neumes qu'il
arrive a lire, ee qui donne une curieuse allure a cette page, tres grattee
dans le manuscrit (f. 11). 18 01. Exemple 4.)
Pour le petit tonaire de la messe du f.. 9, entierement gratte, il se eon-
tente de presenter une page vide sur laquelle il eerit (122) : « Ce folio a
ete eompletement gratte par le copiste primitif. Theodore Nisard. »
De meme il a arrete sa copie au f. 163 et n'a pas juge utile de reeopier
le f. 163v, qui est assez difficile a lire, surtout pour un leeteur de cette
epoque, qui ne eonnait pas la lampe aux Ultra-Violets. 11 en a remplace la
copie par une simple description. 11 avoue encore d'autres difficultes,
coneernant entre autres les neumes messins du f. 12 (128), qu'il ne reco-
pie pas entierement : « N.B. Les neumes de ce folio sont tellement effa-
ces et illisibles, que je n'ose garantir l'exactitude complete de ceux que j'ai
copies ici. Th.N. » 0!. Exemple 5.)
11 lui arrive de se corriger, preeisant qu'il a note une liquescence de
trop (222, f. 57). Mais il peut aussi etre pris en faute, ainsi, p. 322 (f. 105)
a-t-il omis de lire l'indication Circunme[t)s, se contentant de noter circu sui-
vi d'une suite de lettres illisibles, informees, toutes petites, ecrites en
pointiIles. Or il s'agit d'une indication lisible a l'oeil nu, mais dont il n'a
pas dCr saisir 1'importance. C'est la seule fois OU est ecrite en entier la si-
gnification des indications d'ambitus, C, swvi de la note la plus basse et
la plus aigue, proposees au debut et a divers endroits du manuscrit origi-
nal, et bien recopiees en lieu et place par Nisard. 19

17 ef. [Link], ~~ Le tonaire de St. Benigne de Dijon », Annales mllsicologiqlliS IV (1956), 7-23.
18 On pourra compare! les cxemples cxtraits de H 159 en se reporrnnt au volume erute en fac--
simile par la Paleographie Mutiicalc, [Link]. Quelques page$ ont aussi ete reproduites en cou -
leurs dans le CD Rom « Cantor et Musicus », editc par la BibLotheque Interuniversitairc de
Mcdecine de Montpellier en 2000.
19 Ellcs sont bien visiblcs du f. 14 au f. 18 (antiennes du protus), et du f. 108v au f. 119, (offer-
toires du proms). Voir ci-dessus exemple 2.
L___________ FA
_C_-_SI_M_IL_E_S_D_E_C_H_A_N_T_G_R_EG_O_R_I_EN
__ 4~111
A_U_X_IX_E_S.__________

.'~;~ ,o( ~..i"'"

.. ,

----
~ ... . . . .... ....

Exemple 4 BNF Lat. 8881, p. 126 (f. 11) (photo BNF)

 Marie-Noel Colette

. ", ,"

p
.'\'
;t-Ul~~i~·tl.t·
i·~.

It'

~1.
"

"
i'.. t- '"f':

. ~
.~, '- ~.
. 171i,'t't,..,,,·.JA' ~ ·

!:i. . ..,H(li,,~,.J~i ';h!;,:~q~(jJY«f~"<I'''~~~;~~."~.'~~'''jk~~l~r .

;,··-r,·t,." l [Link]"alk t,..."'i/"",..J,~:.JtI",,~.~~~,.ak:0ic. 'f~~""'....4'1.'"1/"~ ·
., ~. : ' A(' ~&U'h'.'wr.·,"'''':'k_ "·A~'i,.;y";Xp3:it" k~. ·~~~~::"'fr-t~.~~}
.f;C•

.",," •..,n'''-'''''[Link].!i''1:~''''"'~·'·'·
. -
... ".A" , 1"k' . . ,~.-.. (" .. , .:i •.L d",",t•.,
~:~IIi-" ."'~ .4:iJ''''('~''''''''''''" '

L
~

.•/1..' u ..k?,•..,.<oI ......,b... t!l!f..~.-...[Link]....dJ...:f<t~i~'"

" ;xt
(.1
.(.~ :~:~~i(.dOM'·~}.;V;~~~~::.;t~;;:f:~~':i:
"K.. ;~ :J1,·t . ,,' ~$~~~'r~.~.;:~~~,,~~.~'.
..\\ !""j.1io1f1!-'.~~....~~tn~~ . ,., . , . aw.'tor
..
:, '~ ,.. r.,""'.h~~(<""NI. d"'i4l.~.··... "" .. .
.A£ .. .:.. .... ,.. ..~:;f~
.,,\
.. '~"l'*n . ....,~~:,. :. ' ..
~
.~'?711f~rt::.ri~;J::~~': ...
,t . ...~.~ ;

Exemple 5 BNF Lat. 8881, p. 128 (f. 12) (photo BNF)

 FAC-SIMILES DE CHANT GREGORIEN AU XIX E S.

C'est un formidable plagiaire car i1 a imite 1es divers syst~mes de no-

tations, et les distinctions subtiles qui ont permis a Fin Egeland Hansen
d'identifier les mains qui ont copie les lettres, comme le k a boucle des-
cendante ou remontante. 21l Son calque lui permet d'imiter le dessin des
initiales ornees (204, f. 48), les differentes formes de la ligature &. Mais il
va plus loin encore, reproduisant les corrections du manuscrit, certaines
nuances d'encre (222, f. 57), les trous du parchemin dont il souligne de
petits points le contour. Il reproduit a l'identique la presentation du ma-
nuscrit, sa taille, la succession des folios, dont il reporte les numerota-
rions, la couleur orangee du texte, qui est une rarete, et meme les correc-
tions. Concernant les couleurs on pourrait emettre des reserves, elles sont
ici un peu normalisees, les procedes de coloration n'etant pas les memes
que ceux de l' original. Ce dernier fait apparaitre des corrections de cou-
leurs qui ne sont pas ici reproduites. Le catalogue des manuscrits ne si-
gnale, pour cette copie, que deux couleurs : orange et bleu-vert. Alors
que dans l'original se distingue tres nettement une savante et subtile al-
ternance de bleu-clair et de vert dans les premieres iniriales et rubriques,
se continuant vers la fin du manuscrit par une unique couleur bleu fonce.
Cependant quelques petites particularites peuvent etre decelees dans la
notation du texte, comme la maniere de licher le premier jarnbage de m
(f. 76), une lege re exageration du trait remontant de g, ou differentes v~­
riantes tres legeres dans la forme des lettres et des neumes.
Nisard ajoute aussi, toujours en relation a la question de la copie,
quelques commentaires musicologiques, parfois suspects.
P. 131 (f 13v.), i1 reconnait que les !ignes a la pointe seche ne sont
pas des 'portees musicales', et donc il ne les recopie pas, n'ayant pas compris
leur role dans les notations additionnelles de ce folio.
p. 416, 446, Nisard reproche a F. Danjou une confusion entre les let-
tres romaniennes 'd'expression musicale' ajoutees aux neumes (f. 151".
159v., 163), et la notation alphabetique.

Ces differents commentaires, qui concernent la lecture et la copie

elle-meme, temoignent des difficultes que rencontra l'auteur. Ils se pre-
sentent avant tout comme une preuve de sa sincerite et de sa volonte
20 f':·E. I Ianscn, H. 159 Montpellier. TOl1(1) ~f SI-Binigne of Dijon, Transcribed and annotated
(Copenhagen, 1974).
 Marie-Noel Colette

de fidelite a l'egard de l'original. Au point de respecter les rognures du

f 151 v. (418), lesquelles ont 1TIutiie l'adclition marginale du trait Tu es pe-
lrus. De telle sorte que cette copic offre en outre de precieuses indica-
tions sur l'etat du manuscrit lorsqu'il est arrive a Montpellier.

Exemple 6 BNF Lat. 8881, p. 418 (f. 151v.) (photo BNF)

 FAC-SIMILES DE CHANT GREGORIEN AU XIX f S.

Nisard a fait lui-meme toute cette copie, comme il le dit en conclu-

sion (502-504) : « Si l'oeuvre etait d'une execution penible, si elle exigeait
une patience benedictine, ... je suis arrive pIein d'ardeur au terme » con-
dut-il en remerciant pour son soutien le conservateur H. K.u hnholtz. Il
a fait le travail en plusieurs temps, le f. 48, p. 204 signalant la « fin de la
premiere livraison ».
La valeur de l'reuvre de Nisard est due au fait qu'il n'est pas seule-
ment un bon calligraphe, rnais aussi un bon musicologue. 11 est comme
teI apprecie de ses contemporains : Lambillotte lui-meme fait reference
aux Etudes sur les anciennes Itotations de Nisard lorsqu'il repond aux objec-
tions de Fetis. 21
On reconnait le savant ala qualite de ses commentaires, aux pieces li-
minaires qu'il presente a la fin du volume_ Il y examine successivement
plusieurs caracteristiques du manuscrit. Il revoit la question de la plique,
discutant a ce sujet les positions de Fetis. 11 a lu les theoriciens medie-
vaux et accorde une mention speciale au passage du traite de Reginon sur
le genre chromatique (445). Il mentionne les correlats des additions du
ms. H. 159, comme (451) l'office de [Link] contenu dans le ms. 360 de
Montpellier. 11 analyse attentivement (452) la reglure du manuscrit, page
par page, chose encore rare de nos jours. Ses positions en ce qui con-
cerne l'interpretation semblent assez libres de prejuges, discutant les the-
ses en presence concernant les neumes, les ornements etc. : la question
de la plique, du quilismo_
En ce qui concerne la diffusion, (457sq) il annonce enfin une publi-
cation plus economique que celle que proposait Danjou, suivant ce qu'il
intitule :
S),stemc pour ifJIprimcr comp/etement l'Antiphonoire de Montpellier, sans cepen-
don! en publier les neumes.

« Le probleme que je veux ici resoudre est d'autant plus important,

qu'il permettra, si j'atteins man but, cl'editer le prccieux manuscrit
cl'une maniere facile et de le mettre a la ponee des acquereurs les
mains fortunes.

21 IntroJuction J'ac-similc du Cantatorium, 28.

 Marie-Noel Colette

« M. Danjou ne devait publier que le texte, la notation alphabetique et

une traduction en plain-chant moderne de l'Antiphonaire. Cette publi-
cation devait couter 25 ou 30 francs. Avec le systeme que je vais expo-
ser, l'Antiphonaire, bien complet dans toutes les parties Oll il Y a nota-
tion bilingue, ne reviendrait qu'it la somme de 2 fr. 50 environ.
« Voici la methode que je propose pour arriver a ce resultat.
« 1. Au-dessus du texte liturgique, on placera la notation litterale avec
les signes d'ornement qui. ont ete expliques dans ma Priface, p. 28 et
swvantes.
n. On se souviendra bien de la valeur de cette notation litterale, que je
traduis ici de nouveau d'apres tout ce qui a ete dit dans ]a Preface: [tta-
duction sur portee de chaque lettre].
Ill. Dans la transcription de la notation alphabetique, on aura soin
d'isoJer ou de grouper les lettres d'une maniere parfaitement conforme
aux signes de neumes correspondants. »

Par une description soigneuse, il offre la possibilite d'une compre-

hension des neumes a partir du groupement des lettres (460 sq). L'obser-
vation de ces regles pourra « suffire pour l'impression complete, quoique
sans neumes, de l'Antiphonaire de Montpellier », beaucoup plus econo-
mique que ceIle que proposait Danjou.
Ses contemporains citent ce musicologue qui avait une teile connais-
sance des traites et de la paU:ographie. De nos jours, la copie de ce ma-
nuscrit apparait comme un temon privilegie de l'historiographie du XIXe
siecle.
Tout d'abord, Ies copies faites dans ces epoques reculees offrent en
effet de precieux renseignements sur l'etat des manuscrits. Citons, plus
lointaine encore, ceIle du psautier de Saint Germain des Pres par Jaeques
Du Breul qui, eomme l'a fait remarquer Michel Huglo, renseigne sur des
particularites que les reliures recentes ont cachees. 22
Dans Ies annees 1860, avec Ja meme visee restauratrice, les moines
de Solesmes, Dom Jausions et Dorn PC?thier, se sont mjs acopier des ma-

22 M. Huglo, « Le Rcpons-Grauuel de la Messe. EvolutJon de b forme. PcrmanCllce de la fonc-

tion », SchJveizer johriJllrh fiir MlIsikwissenschaft N.s. 2 (1982), 53-73.
 FAC-SIMILES DE CHANT GREGORIEN AU XIX E S.

nuscrits :23 le Processionnal de Ste Edith de Wilton (Dom Jausions 1860),

le ms.91 d'Angers (1862-67), le missel de St-Martial, BNF. Lat. 1132
(Dom Pothier 1868). Ces copies sont beaucoup moins soignees que celle
de Nisard. On peut aussi admirer a Solesmes une tres belle copie manus-
crite de l'antiphonaire de Saint-Maur (paris, BNF, lat. 12044), of~erte,
beaucoup plus tard, aDorn Mocquereau.
Alors qu'il etablissait le catalogue des fac-similes de la Bibliotheque
Nationale, Henri Omont24 relevait des copies manuscrites pouvant re-
monter au XVJc siecle, et quelques auttes exemples dans les siecles qui
suivirent. Mais ce sont les progres des procedes mecaniques qui ont fa-
vorise ces copies, en particulier la lithographie a partir de 1819, les pre-
miers exemples de photographies remontant aux annees 1840. Parmi les
volumes cites par H. Omont, nous relevons au moins pour ce qui nous
interesse les lithographies de Auguste de Bastard entre 1832 et 1869
(nOl1, lithographie de sacramentaires et missels de Saint-Denis), le Brevi-
aire Grimani de Venise, phototypie de 1862 et bien d'autres lithogra-
phies, le lecteur se reportera a cette ·liste.
Cependant il s'agissait alors de procedes mecaniques de reproduc-
tion, zincogravure, heliogravure, lithographie, photolithographie, chromo-
lithographie, photochromolithographie, ou phototypie. Le fac-simile de
Lambillotte (n0504), fut grave, et en partie lithographie ; quant au fac-
simile de Montpellier, il ne figure pas dans cette liste, car il s'agit d'un
manuscrit. Cependant l'esprit dans lequel fut executee cette copie a
l'identique est probablement redevable au developpement des copies me-
caruques. !'

Le soin avec lequel a ete copie le tonaire de Montpellier danne plus

de securite concernant des copies dont nous n'avons plus meme les ori-
ginaux : telle celle de I'Horlus deliciarum d'Herrad de Hohenburg (XIle s.), ' .
dont l'original a bnile [Link] en 1870.25 Une copie en avait ete faite

23 ef. l~ Combe, « La RCforme du chant et des livres de chant gregorien a l'Abbaye de Soles-
mcs (1833-1883) )), Etllflls G~rintlll.l VI {1963), 18S-234 (194, 202, 220], II cite peine la a
copic de Nisard, 220.
24 H . Omont, Usks tits rlCl/ti/s tit j(1(-simili.l It tits reprotINc/ifJlIS ,." lIIatU1Smls cofUiiWs 11 la BjbJjiJlhlfjNI
Notionolt, 2< edition dans le Bulletin de la societe fran~[Link] de reproduction:; de manuscrits a
peintures, 1< anncc (1911), nOl-2 (5S-83 et 116-167) avec une Introduction historique sur
les premiers essais de fac-similcs et une bibliographie.
~ _____________________M
__
ar_ie_-_N_o_e_IC
__ol_e_t~ _____________________~

au XVlc s, elle-meme perdue. Au XIXc siecle A. de Bastard fut charge

d'en copier Ies miniatures. 2G Peu de manuscrits complets ont ete copies a
cette epoque, mais beaucoup de fragments, pour Ies miniatures. L'Hortus
deliciarum a done ete preserve eu egard a sa decoration.
De nos jours Ies fac-similes photographiques se muItiplient, car nous
attend011S de la presentation de la forme beaucoup d'informations sur le
contenu. Cette attente devenant le fait d'un plus grand nombre de cher-
cheurs, et meme d'amateurs, die repond aussi a un besoin de diffusion,
facilitee et encouragee par les progres des moyens techniques. Il n'ya au-
cune commune mesure entre un 'fac-simile' manuscrit et une reproduc-
tion photographique. De toute evidence Nisard s'interessait plus au coo-
tenu qu'aux formes, tant litteraires que oeumatiques. Mais alors pourquoi
insiste-t-il a ce point sur la fidelite de sa copie? Pourquoi a-t-il fait une
copie unique de ce manuscrit, contrairement a ceIle du cantatorium de
Saint-Gall? 11 avait l'intention d'en proposer une plus ample diffusion, et
s'en explique largement. Avec cette copie a l'identique il s'agissait de ren-
dre le manuscrit 'imperissable', d'en faire une sauvegarde, car une copie
diplomatique manifeste la reconnaissance du caractere prestigieux de I'ori-
ginal, mais aussi de son caractere ephemere. 11 s'agissait aussi de travailler
a Paris en vue d'une autre publication imprimee. On sait a quel point ce
manuscrit servit aux restitutions de plain-chant. Cette copie, qui se vou-
lait l'exacte reproduction de l'original, rendit-eIle le passe present au
point de servir le projet de restauration, avant meme l'edition fac-simile
de la Paleographie Musicale, en 1905? Certainement, au moins en ce qui
concerne Ies recherches paleographiques dont elle fut I'occasion.
La question de la restauration etait a l'epoque primorcliale. Et nous
constatons dans tous Ies commentaires (Danjou, Nisard, Alix) que le pre-
mier souci des restaurateurs etait le retour aux documents Ies plus an-
ciens, Ies seuls capabIes de transmettre le chant dans sa 'purete primi-
tive'(474). Les manuscrits neumatiques les interessaient done au plus
haut point, et celui-ci avait l'avantage de delivrer la connaissance com-
plete apportee par un livre a la fois obscur Oes neumes) et clair Oes let-

25 [-/cHad of '-Iohenbourg, Horl1tS dcliaomm. Ed. H. Green, M. Fvans, C. Hischoff, M. Cursch-

mann, contributions by TJ. Brown & K. Levy, 2 vol., StuJies of the Warburg Institute 36
(London, 1979). l..cs chartreux en font en 1695 unc corie, aussi Jctruirc.
26 Pein/Jlres et ornements deI manllsmls classes par omre chrol1ologiqllf (Paris, 1832-1869).
 XI_X_ES_,_________~
FA_C_-_SI_M_IL_E_S_D_E_C_H_A_N_T_G_R_E_G_O_R_IE_N_A_U__
L -_ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ __

tres). On peut lire les melodies, et comme il a des neumes, il porte les
plus anciens repertoires, ceux sur lesquels on peut compter pour restau-
rer I'ancien chant. La publication de la traduction 'en plain-chant', c'est-
a-dire en notation carree, de ce manuscrit n'etrut qu'un travail prealable
en vue cl'une restauration a partir de plusieurs documents, projet de tous
les restaurateurs de I'epoque,
La restitution des musiques du passe a partir de plusieurs documents
est un principe qui a encore cours parmi des musicologues, a. l'oree du
XXJc siecle. Que ce soit dans l'intention de chanter ce repertoire, ou de
l'etudier, les restitutions a. partir de plusieurs manuscrits aboutissent a. des
recreations hybrides qui ne peuvent rendre compte de ce que fut une
musique chantee dans le passe. Le presuppose que quelques manuscrits
neumatiques, parce que plus anciens que d'autres, parce que plus riches
en signes informatifs, peuvent etre consideres comme des references ma-
jeures repose sur le postulat methodologique de l'unite, de 'l'authentici-
te'. Certains editeurs restituent les melodies a. partir de ces manuscrits
neumatiques consideres comme les meilleurs, et sont runsi amenes a. creer
des melodies qui n'ont jamais ete chantees au Moyen Age, c'est-a.-dire au
temps ou cette musique etait vivante, OU la composition etait contempo-
raine de la transmission. Ces presupposes meconnaissent la specificite de
chaque tradition de chant au Moyen Age. Les traditions particulieres se
sont transmises avec les nombreuses variantes qui distinguent les smpto-
n'a. En retour ces memes variantes offrent aux chercheurs de precieuses
informations sur la maniere dont ont ete composees les melodies medie-
vales, a l'epoque au la traclition orale agissait encore sur la transmission
par l'ecriture.
La copie de Nisard repose sur plusieurs malentendus.
Celui que nous venons d'enoncer et qui concerne la restitution d'un
archetype. Le deuxieme concerne le choix de ce manuscrit, qui etait une
oeuvre destinee a. l'enseignement. Nisard reconnait lui-meme qu'il s'agit
d'une oeuvre creatrice, une non-copie, une nouvelle ordonnance des pie-
ces liturgiques clans l'ordre des tons ecclesiastiques. Absolument unique
en son genre, ce manuscrit avait certainement pris pour modele un gra-
duel existant, mais il l'avait reorganise suivant un plan tout autre. I1 etait
destine a. l'etude des intervalles, et a. la memorisation des melodies. Il etait
done plus que d'autres influence par la theorie musicale ambiante. L'or-
 Marie-Noel Colette

ganisation tonale correspond a celle du tonaire d' Odoranne de Sens,27

sans lui etre absolument identique. De plus, ses signes speciaux coneer-
nent soit des valeurs variables du demi-ton, soit des subdivisions de ee
dernier, exprimees chez les suceesseurs de Guy d'Arezzo, alors presents
en Bourgogne, soueieux de continuer, par les subdivisions du demi-ton,
la mesure du Monocorde. 28
Un autre malentendu, independamment du projet de restitution,
concerne la notion meme de copie, qui signe son epoque et la distingue
de maniere essentielle de son modele, le Moyen Age. Le Moyen Age ne
connait pas de copie de manuscrit 'a l'identique'. L'original dont il est iei
question est pourvu de nombreuses additions. Au Moyen Age, les copies
inventent, et corrigent, ameliorent, dIes auraient donne une nouvelle or-
donnance, integrant les additions. Elles ne copient pas seulement pour
copier, meme quand leur but est en premier lieu de transmettre un mes-
sage. Les copies faites entre le IXc et le XIIc siecle manifestent une ren-
contre entre plusieurs projets : sauvegarde et transmission d'un reper-
toire, en rapport a la fois avec sa formation, tant du point de vue de l'or-
ganisation liturgique, que de la creation musicale, mais aussi creation et
perfectionnement des outils de cette transmission, a savoir de l'ecriture.
Au XlIIc siecIe se produisit la dissociation entre les repertoires mono-
diques, et la musique, la polyphonie, sur laquelle vont desormais se faire
les recherches notationnelles. Des lors on pourra parler de copie 'fidete'
en ce qui concerne les repertoires monodiques liturgiques, avec les domi-
nicains qui erigent ce genre de copie en systeme. Ce qui n'aurait pu etre
possible auparavant. Encore ces manuscrits ne sont-i]s jamais absolu-
ment identiques, puisque, respectant une organisation et un repertoire, ils
le mettent a jour au point que nous pouvons, grace aces mises a jour, les
dater. Meme des !ivres liturgiques qui sont, au XVle siecle, imprimes,
comportent des mises a jour, des ameliorations ou corrections. 29 Quant

27 Odorannus de Sens, Opera omnia. Ed. et trad. R.H. Rautier, . . et M. Gillcs, .. M.E. Duchez
et M. lIuglo, Sourcc~ d'l IistolfC Mcdicvalc 4 (paris, 1972).
28 Cf. C. Mcycr, « La Tradition du Micrologus de C;uy d'J\rczzo », clans Rrvlle dt MlIsicologit 83
(1997), 5-31. Voir aussi Ies travaux: de M.P Fcrreira sur la gucstion de ccs signes spcciaux:.
29 Commc le montrcnt !cs deux Manualc saccrJotum, presguc jumeaux, imprimes en 1497 et
1504 (pari~, Bib!. Stc-Gencvicve, Res. OE xv 681 et Res. HH 4° 162 Inv.379).
 -
FAC-SIMILES DE CHANT GREGORIEN AU XIX E S.

aux manuscrits uniques notes depuis l'invention de l'imprimerie, iIs

n'etaient pas des copies, mais plut6t des creations, et meme des oeuvres
d'art.
La restauration de l'abbe Lebeuf au XVlIIc s. se reclamait de la con-
naissance de nombreux manuscrits meruevaux. Nous savons qu'il avait
lui-meme catalogue les manuscrits de Saint-Martial et y avait meme par-
fois appose sa signature. Mais il n'avait pas recopie, il en avait utilise les
elements pour, a partir de ces donnees, faire une oeuvre creatrice.
La copie de Nisard trahit une veneration pour l'original qui en merne
temps lui donne le statut de lettre morte, ill'appelle 'monument'. Et ce-
pendant son travail apparait comme etrangernent 'a la mode' du XXIe
siec1e. Il repond au projet de montrer les manuscrits tels qu'ils sont, pro-
jet que no us percevons de plus en plus dans les editions en couleurs, quel
qu'en soit le support, livre, microfiche, CDRom, le comble etant atteint
avec la r~production sur simili-parchemin du manuscrit de Las Huelgas.
Nisard n'avait pas prevu semblable possibilite, pour le present, de retablir
le contact avec le passe.
 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 4231

Jerome F Weber RECORDINGS OF

NEUMA TRIPLEX

Descendi! de caelis missus is the fourth responsory of Christmas Matins in

the Hartker antiphoner (ca. 1000).1 The most accessible modern edition
is Processionale Monasticum,2 page 27) which was edited from the Worcester
antiphoner. 3 In my discography4 it is cited as "Resp: Descendit... missNs,
PM 27." It must be distinguished from the revised text, Descend;t de cae/is
Deus verus, which is printed in Uher Responsoria/is,s page 59, and cited in
my book as "Resp: Descendit de cae/is, LR 59." Since it is part of the mo-
nastic Office but not the secular Office, it is not found in Uber Usualis.
The revised version of the responsory has been recorded at least eight
times, but always from later, less accessible editions. The first recording
of the monks of Solesmes in 1930 was sung from In nativitate Domini ad
matutinu,,/'; the rest were sung from In nocte Nativitatis Domini. 7

Around 830, Amalarius of Metz described three melismas on jabrice

(the "neuma triple x") and additional melismas sung at the beginning of
the verse and the doxology. The melismas had earlier been transferred
to Descendi! de caeks from the responsory In medio eccJesial' for the feast of
St. John the Evangelist. Dom Joseph Pothier commented on his edition
of the responsory in 1902.9 Dom Dominique Catta in 1959 described
the original text of the responsory with its patristic terminology, the Clu-

Facsimile published as PaIiographit [Link], series 2, no. 1 (Solcsmes, 1900) and Mon"nunla
Palatographica Gregoriano, Band 4/1 (Munstcrschwal".[Link], 119881).
2 Solcsmes, 1893; reprinted in part with neumes from the Hartker antiphoner., 1983.
3 Facsimile published as Paliographit [Link]/t, XII (Solesmcs, 1922-25).
4 Jerome F. Weber, A GngOriOIl Chant Dis(()grapl?Y (Urica NY, 1990).
5 SolcSmes, 1895.
6 Desclce no. 752; Tournai. 1926.
7 Dcsclee no. 753; Tournai, 1936. .
8 Schola Hungarica sings the responsory In mtdiD t([Link] with the prosa AllllllntpllJ on I-Iunga-
roton HeD 12950, "Gregorian Chants from Austria", recorded in 1987, issued in 1988.
9 Joseph Pothier, "R. 'Dcsccndit de caclis' de l'Office de Nod". &""t till Chant Grlgori,,, XI:5
(December 1902). 65-68.
1424- - - -- Jerome F. Weber
L -_____________________________________________________________

~
niac revised text with its theologically more precise text, and later sources
transmitting a mixed version of the text.\(J Hans-Jorgen Holman 11 and
Ruth Stejner l2 also wrote about the subject. The most extensive study of
the melismas and prosas is by Thomas Forrest KeIly. D
Professor Kelly transcribed five different mellsmas on fabrice from se-
lected sources. He tabulated all the melismas on fabn'ce and listed the
manuscripts in which he found them. He also tabulated the prosas found
in manuscripts mostly before the thirteenth century and tabulated nine
prosas for melisma A, twelve for B, seven for Cl, nine for C2 and four
for D. He identified the five melismas on fabn'ce as follows:

A the original melisma, taken from the offertory Glon'a et honore,

verse 2.
B a melisma similar in length to the first and invariably transmitted
with it.
CIa longer meJisma found in northern French sources and the
Worcester antiphoner.
C2 an even longer melisma than Cl, found in Aquitanian and Italian
sources.
D a melisma somewhat similar in length to Cl, found in Germ'an
sources.

Seven versions of this responsory have been recorded. (The sixth,

not released until late in 2000, was not available for the presentation, and
the seventh was not even recorded until 2001.) Until recent times, re-
cordings of Gregorian chant were usually sung from modern printed
editions. The trend of the last twenty-five years has brought to market
10 DominKjUC Catta, "Le Textc du Repons 'Dcscendit' dans Ics Manuscrits", Etudes Gregoritnnes
IlJ (1959), 75-82.
11 t fans-Ji>rgcn Ilolman, "Melismatic Tropes in the Responsories for Matins", jOJlrnal of the
American MlIsicological Society 16 (1963), 36-46.
12 Ruth Stein er, "The Responsories and Prosa for St. Stcphen's Day at Salisbury", Musical Quar-
ter!y 56 (1970),162-182, anJ "The Cregorian Chant Melismas of Christmas Matins", Essays
on Mllsit'for Charles Warren Fox (Rochcstcr: Eastman School of Music, 1979), 241-251 Both
articles have been reprinted in Sreincr, Stlldies in Gregoria1l Chant (Aldershot: Ashgatc, 1(98),
XII and X.
13 'l'homas j"orrest Kdly, "Ncuma Triplcx", Ada Mllsicologica LX (1988), 1-30. Kelly cites addi-
tional scholarly studies on p. 1, fn. 3.
 RECORDINGS OF NEUMA TRIPLEX

far more recordings sung from medieval manuscripts than was previ-
ously the case. This responsory has never been recorded from the Proces-
sionale Monasticum edition. Instead, each of the seven recordings repre-
sents a different manuscript transmission, and this suggested a reason to
play the five recordings then issued in one session, some of them not be-
ing widely available. Each manuscript had been transcribed especially for
the recording, and the five scholars graciously made their transcriptions
available for the handout, enabling those present to follow the music as it
was being played (the sixth version was also supplied to the author later).
Following is a description of the seven recordings.

1. St. Gall 390, interpreted from Einsiedeln 610 (14th c.). This was re-
corded by the monks of Einsiedeln directed by Roman Bannwart on
9 December 1963. It is band 3 of an LP disc titled "Musik aus Kloster
St. Gallen," issued by the Swiss label Communaute de travail in 1964 as
CT 64-1. The playing time is 6:57.
In this performance there are three fabrice melismas and two verse
melismas. There are no prosas on the recording, although SG 390 has
the two verse prosas and a prosa for melisma D, Auscultate omnes, copied
on a separate page, and Einsiedeln 610 includes the two verse prosas and
a late prosa Fabrice coeti on melisma D.
The format is Respond, Verse with the melisma on Tam-, repeat add-
ing melisma A, Gloria with the melisma on Glo-, repeat adding melisma
B, Respond adding melisma D. (In all of these descriptions, "Respond"
means the complete main section of the responsory, while "repeat"
means the latter part of the Respond, in this case from Et exivit.)

2. Zagreb, Univ. Libr. MR 8 (later edited for publication in 1981), edited,

by Benjamin Rajeczky.14 This was r~corded by Schola Hunganca directed
by Janka Szendrei on 6-10 April 1970. It is band 5 of an LP disc titled
"Magyar Gregorianum [1]" issued by Hungatoton in 1970 as SLPX
11477 and on a CD in 1986 as HCn 11477. The playing time is 4:41.
In this performance there are no fabrict melismas. Two verse mel-
isma/ prosas are sung in contrasting style, the first with the prosa sung af-
14 Magyar gregoriollJlm - Call/liS Gregorianlls ex Hllngorio, l:d. by Janka S]'cndrei, Lasz16 Dobszay
anJ Benjamtn Rajeczky (Budapest: Editio Musica, 1981), 26-27 ,
/426 -"--~ ____ _ _ _ _ _Je_rome F. Weber

ter the melisma, the other with the prosa sung on the melisma. As in the
Ljubljana and Salzburg versions below, the final repetition of the Re-
spond is omitted.
The format is Respond, Verse with the melisma on Tam-, repeat,
prosa lvIissus ab arce sung on the melisma, repeat, Gloria with the prosa
piae Trinitati sung on the melisma, repeat.

3. Ljubljana, Archiepiscopal Archives 17, transcribed by Jurij Snoj. This

was recorded by Slovenski Madrigalisti directed by Janez Bole in the
school year of 1988-89. It is on an LP disc titled "Iz srednjeveskih koral-
nih rokopisov na Slovenskem" issued by Ars Musica Sloveniae in 1989 as
LD 1547. I am informed that the playing time is 7:59. It is tracks 14-15
on numerous CD reissues: RTV Slovenija 105081; PiJz 160 258; Point
2671462; Tring CAD 022. On all of these CDs, the performance has
been edited to play 13:52 by repeating the entire central section of the
work from the Respond to the last prosa.
In this performance there are three fabn"ce melismas followed by pro-
sas, beginning early on the initial Respond (as also in item 5 below). Two
prosas are sung on the verse melismas. The final repetition of the Re-
spond is omitted.
The format is Respond adding melisma A, prosa Fac Deus munda on
melisma B, Verse with the prosa Missus ab arce sung on the melisma, re-
peat adding melisma B, prosa Familiam cuslodi on melisma A, Gloria with
the prosa piae Trinitati sung on the melisma, repeat adding melisma D,
prosa Facture plasmalor sung on me1isma D.

4. An Aquitanian version drawn from Paris, BNF lat. 781 (for the chants)
and Paris, BNP lat. 1118 (for the prosas), edited by Katarina Livljanic
with prosa text by Peter Dronke. This was recorded by Sequentia ensem-
ble for early music directed by Benjamin Bagby on 11 June 1996. It is
track 12 of a CD titled ''Aquitania'' issued by Deutsche Harmonia
MundUBMG in 1997 as 05472-77383-2. The playing time is 6:17.
In this performance prosas are sung on all three fabn"ce melismas. In
the verse melismas, following BNF lat. 1118, ten notes are omjtted after
the initial five notes, a variant not found in the other traditions.
 RECORDINGS OF NEUMA TRIPLEX

The format is Respond, Verse, repeat with the prosa Aurea stella sung
on melisma B, Gloria, repeat with the prosa Factor eeli on melisma A, Re-
spond with the prosa Fae domine deus sung on melisma C2.

5. A Salzburg version found in Antiphonale Pataviense (printed in 1519),

based on Vienna, ONB s.n. 2700 (from St. Peter's) and Nonnberg Cod.
26 E 1b, edited by Stefan Engels. This was recorded by Salzburger Vir-
gilschola clirected by Stefan Engels on 6-7 July 1996. It is track 16 of a
CD titled "Maria, keusche Mutter zart" issued by the schola in 1996 as
SVS 1996 01. The playing time is 6:06.
In this performance there are three fabriee melismas, beginning early
on the initial Respond. Two prosas are sung on the verse melismas. Or-
ganum at the fifth is added to the final fabrice mundi.
The format is Respond adding melisma A, Verse with the prosa Mis-
sus ab arce sung on the melisma, repeat adding rnelisma B, Gloria with the
prosa piae Tn'nitati sung on the melisma, repeat with the prosa Factflrae
plasmator sung on melisma D.

6. The Sarurn version, printed by Richard Pynson in 1502 as Processionaie

ad Usum Sarum (facsimile published in 1980), edited by Nick Sandon.
This was recorded by the Gabrieli Consort (with Salisbury Cathedral Boy
Choristers) directed by Paul McCreesh in October 1996. It is track 1 on a
CD titled "Missa Cantate Oohn Sheppard)" issued by Deutsche Gram-
mophon Archiv Produktion in 2000 as 289 457 658-2. The playing time
is 9:27,
In this performance the three fabrice rnelismas, which might be ex-
pected to follow the Worcester antiphoner as edited in Processioflale Mo-
nasticum, are not found in the 1519 printed edition, but the two verse
prosas are sung. This repeat of the respond is shortened on its second
appearance.
The format is Respond, prosa Felix Maria sung on melisma B, Verse
with the melisma on Tam-, repeat, pros a Famiiiam custodi sung on melisma
A, Gloria with the melisma on Glo-~ repeat (only from lux et decus), prosa
Te laudant aime sung on melisma C1.
/428
~ ---
Jerome F. Weber

7. After this presentation had been made, Descendit de caelis missus was re-
corded for the first time with the organum for two voices found in the
Florence manuscript of Notre-Dame polyphony, fo1. 65v-66, added to
northern French chant from Paris, BNF lat. 15181-2. This was recorded
by Red Byrd (an ensemble consisting of John Potter and Richard Wis-
treich), with the chant portions sung by Yorvox, a schola of six men, on
19-22 April 2001. It is track 2 of a CD issued by Hyperion in 2001 as
CDA 67289. The playing time is 12:42.
In this performance the opening words Descendit de caeiis and the
verses Tamquam ... and Gloria ... are sung in organum. Three prosas are
sung, but there are no melismas. The full Respond is sung as the second
repeat, but the final repetition of the Respond is omitted.
The format is Respond, Verse, repeat, prosa Fac Deus munda sung on
melisma B, Gloria, repeat, prosa Famiiiam custodi sung on melisma A, Re-
spond, prosa Facinora nostra sung on melisma C 1.

Hence we have a useful, even valuable, opportunity to examine an

Office responsory found in the earliest layer of chant, one that received
a remarkably early and specific testimony to its form, one that has come
down to us in a notably varied transmission history, one that has been
examined in detail by a number of modern scholars. Moreover, we can
hear interpretations of a diverse group of these versions, edited and re-
corded by distinguished scholars. They represent traditions from St. Gall,
Hungary, Slovenia, Aquitaine, Salzburg, England and northern France.
This is an unusually interesting demonstration of the value of sound re-
cordings in bringing chant scholarship to life.
 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 4291

Nicola Tangari COLLECTING AND LISTING:

REFLECTIONS ON
20'ffi-CENTURY CHANT INDEXES

The main aim of this paper is to cast some reflections on Plain Chant re-
search. Our purpose is to understand the characteristics of this research
l

during the century that has just ended. For this reason we have chosen to
focus on one of the instruments that has undergone the greatest devel-
opment and that has attracted the attention and interest of scholars,
namely the index.
When we ponder the' methods of scientific research, we can see that
such research often discovers ties with a past that both constitutes its
support and illuminates its present. If we periodically pause to c~nsider
our methods of investigation, our means and our purposes, we soon un-
derstand that while studying a matter in depth we can never be neutral in
our evaluation.
We know that the tools that we ourselves use" highlight the methods
and fundamental choices that, consciously or unconsciously, are the basis
of our work and influence it. Thus we can border upon a complete mis-
interpretation of the phenomenon or, on the contrary, become part of
the same cultural tradition that we are observing.
The general subject of this Symposium thus suggested these issues
and the choice of the index as the key for an attempted answer. Indeed it
seems extremely suitable for some observations on the · connectjon be-
tween past and present.
As regards' Plain Chant, we begin with the existing and now univer-
sally recognized link between" memory, oral tradition and written tradi-
tion. Christian Plain Chant is a repertory that, from memorization and
widespread oral tradition, evolved into the liturgical manuscripts that to-
day form the main sources of information for our research.
According to recent opinion~ (Ong: 78; Carruthers: 100-120) during
antiquity and the Latin Middle Ages, indexes were also closely related to
the following three elements: memory, oral and written tradition. The
~-- Nicola Tangari

modern positions of scholars set right some well-established ideas that

date back to the invention and the use of indexes, and change our opin-
ions about their function in the ancient and medieval world.
Before indexes were widely drawn up in the written form, progres-
sively achieving stabilization, they were included in the mnemonic tools
recommended by rhetoric. The word index itself could be the abbrevi-
ated form of index locorum or index Jocorum communium, meaning a tool for
suggesting the places in one's mind in which information needed can
be preserved and later retrieved. The essential element for the effective
use of such places in the memory is their arrangement in a fixed se-
quence of positions to be able retrace and retrieve the information we
need. An arrangement based on the alphabet goes side by side with a
hierarchical structure of categories, reproducing and expressing a par-
ticular vision of reality and knowledge. As WaIter Ong observes (Ong:
41), the alphabet covers both the field of oral mnemonic and that of
written mnemonic. In fact it was orally acquired in its fixed sequence, but
then, since at least the 13rh century, it became the stable basis for the ar-
rangement of written indexes.
The use of the written medium to permanently fix the places of the
mind and their sequence, often using dark mnemonic symbols, is cer-
tainly a very ancient practice. It is represented effectively by the image of
memory as a tablet of wax upon which everyone can write indelibly. This
metaphor can be found frequently from Plato to Quintilian and is also
often recalled in Middle Ages (Yates: 3-46). But the existing relationship
between written indexes and oral mnemonic techniques was not inter-
rupted, in favour of writing, until at least the beginning of printing. In
the age of manuscripts the index set out on paper was the visible expres-
sion of oral. mnemonic techniques and a valid support and aid to their
application. The index was not an independent tool for the occasional
and fragmentary retrieval of the content of texts, although it was closely
linked to the need for better and faster recall. Reviewing a text and writ-
ing an index was normally part of the complex activity of reading that,
on the contrary, did not include rapid reference for minimal and contin-
gent needs (Carruthers: 101-102).
We should make clear that, during the Mddle Ages, the index was
probably not known as we know it today and, in the same way, it was
 COLLECTING AND LISTING ...

rarely called an index. In fact tabula was almost invariably the only term
used, meaning a wide-ranging tool that is classified differently today: ta-
bles of contents, real lexical or subject indexes, concordances, collections
of texts and quotations, the so-called distinctiones of the Bible, collections
of glosses and comments. The borderline separating, for instance, a col-
lection of texts from a real index was not at all evident (Weijers: 11-12).
An effective distinction a posteriori of this complicated group of tools is
proposed by Malcom Parkes, who asserts that "two kinds of apparatus
evolved in order to facilitate both the study of a text and the location of
information within it. The first provided a form of hypertext, material
essential for the understanding of a text itself, which followed the order
of the text - the 'ordo narrationis'; the second kind of apparatus pro-
vided independent access to information, or subordinate topics' within a
text" (parkes: 24).
Furthermore, it should be emphasized that alphabetic order did not
succeed in imposing itself prior to the 13 th century, when it replaced a
systematic arrangement. Up until that time this was considered .closer to
the way of thinking of the age, more suitable in representing the world
and more effective for memorization. Alphabetic order was also not easy
to adopt since orthographic and pronunciation variations prevented its
general use (Cremascoli: 47--48). However, the functional capacity of a
standard order, free from any philosophical conception of reality and
knowledge, lacking in rigid ties with its source; eventually prevailed and
was universally chosen.
A wide group of aids was thus produced beginning with the activity
of intabuJare. These shared some general features leading to their collec-
tive recogrutlon:

'.
) a tabula was usually a text, an oucline or also a picture;
) it made reference to something else, almost always to another
text;
) it contained a remarkable mass of structured information, but
which was in most cases partial or fragmented as regards the
source to which it referred;
> it was arranged according to one or more ordering methods;
@2- - -- -
Nicola Tangari

> it was used to allow the retrieval of dispersed pieces of informa-

tion and their grouping according to principles of economy, that
is their statim invenire.

In this sense, medieval indexes can be considered a true literary

genre of complex articulation, closely comparable to florilegia.
We adopt this broad meaning of tabula when we analyse 20 th century
indexes of Plain Chant. Included in this category, therefore, are cata-
logues of sources, collections of texts and music, concordances, incipi-
taries and total or partial indexes. In our opinion, even today a rigorous
distinction between these different tools is impossible. On the contrary it
is often essential to adopt a certain flexibility in placing together all of
these kinds of aids in the group of the so-called "reference tools".
Between the end of 12th century and the first half of the 13 t h, we can
observe a quantitative increase in the production of indexes. According
to modern scholars, the reason for this must be sought first of all in a
change of the dominant mentality with regard to culture, and then in the
extraordinary increase in the number of texts for reading and analysis,
partly ignored and unknown up until that time. The need for organiza-
tion, the birth of universities and the considerable increase in texts,
books and people interested in reading and studying consequently led to
a multiplication of these types of reference tools in order to facilitate
reading, memorization, search and analysis (Weijers: 12, 22; Parkes: 23).
Is it conceivable nowadays to imagine a modern liturgical book such
as the Graduale Tn"plex or the Antiphonale Monasticum without their alpha-
betical index? We only need to recall that Willi Apel begins his short
analysis of liturgical books with a review of the alphabetical index of the
Liber Usualts and the Graduaie Romanum (Apel) to be convinced other-
wise. We now need to ask ourselves why the liturgical books of the Mid-
dle Ages. did not include alphabetical indexes, despite the fact that this
type of aid was already common and would have been as much of a cer-
tain benefit as it is for us today.
We believe that we can find the answer to this question in the struc-
ture of liturgical manuscripts and in the sense attributed to the genre of
indexes in the Middle Ages, the sense that we have pointed out above. In
 COLLECTING AND LISTING ...

fact, interesting analogies can be highlighted between indexes and liturgi-

cal-musical manuscripts from the point of view of their function. These
similarities can also become a key in analysing modern indexes.
In our opinion, liturgical-musical manuscripts lacked indexes because
they were indexes themselves, in the wide sense of a literary genre of the
Middle Ages. In fact a liturgical codex, like an index, contains a text re-
ferring to something else - a liturgical celebration - which includes a
remarkable amount of highly structured information. However, this in-
formation does not exhaust the object that it makes reference to - the li-
turgical celebration - which moreover includes a place, gestures, vest-
ments and various other elements. The text of liturgical-musical manu-
scripts is arranged according to one or more criteria, and above all helps
us to quickly recall the text and ~usic to be sung during the celebrations,
again according to an economic principle.
The order of these tools was not alphabetic. In fact it followed the
ordo naffationis which guided prayer during the liturgical day, week and
year. Like all commentaries and collections of glosses that followed the
succession of the text to which they made reference, liturgical-muskal
manuscripts used a sort of hypertextual system to be connected with the
celebration. The system of rubn·cae, more than a method to title texts, can
be considered to be a structure of links connecting what is written on
the codex with what is really celebrated, a sort of hypertext involving
several media. A confirmation of the function of the rubrics as a real hy-
pertextual link comes from their use as an aid to find information inside
the same manuscript. For example, a rubrica can refer to a piece of the
commune sanetorum contained in another part of the text or even in an- ,
other volume. The later habit of numbering the pages of manuscripts
shows a first liberation of the codex and one of the first signs of its ·in-
dependence from the rite. By now the [Link] established not with an
element of the liturgical ordo no"otionis, but with a position in the book,
lacking any contact with the celebration and even represented by a set of
digits. If the numbering of pages is a first .system of abstract, numerical
and codified reference, the rubrics and the glosses correspond to a real
hypertext connecting two or more texts by semantic or positionalliriks in
the page or in the manuscript (Harnesse; Saenger).
 Nicola Tangari

We should not forget a group of manuscripts that can be included in

the category of indexes that give access to information independently
from the ardo narrationis.
In fact the tonaries, with their ordering by mode and differentiae, show
how teaching and fast reference needs had an effective answer in plain
chant. Modal arrangement is not close to alphabetical order, but repre-
sents an unusual case of the classification of music accorcling to the ab-
stract parameters suggested by the musical theory of that age.
Another element ]inking liturgical-musical manuscripts to the indexes
of the Middle Ages is the table of contents, which - at least in ancient
manuscripts - seems to be absent. This tabula placed in front of manu-
scripts allowed the reader to ascertain the content of a book in some de-
tail, but above all it permitted him to think back to, and therefore recall,
what he had read shortly after doing so. Concentrating our attention just
on the carrying out of one activity, namely reading, we can ask ourselves
whether one of the functions of the calendars that often appear at the
beginning of liturgical manuscripts is similar to that of the tabula generalis,
the table of contents. Thus the purpose of the calendar had a twofold
nature: a concise table of the celebrations set out during the liturgical
year, and also a sort of memento of the prayer activity to which the manu-
script made reference. It had the aim of never losing contact between
what was written and what was being celebrated and, on the other hand,
of avoiding a surrender to the rigid abstraction of paper and the al-
phabet.
It is worth dwelling upon the abstraction and division caused by the
transfer of Plain Chant onto paper and the by convention of writing. We
will probably never succeed in having full knowledge of the intellectual,
as well as the manual effort required for the shift from an exclusively oral
tradition to a written one. Fitting a liturgical action into the narrow visual
space of the page meant fossilizing it, fixing it in a permanent but in-
c~mprehensible way, since partial and silent. To gain the advantages of
the written word it was necessary to move the liturgical action away from
its performance and to put its abstract image down in writing. One had
to bring about that division of the continuum that has often also been
identified as a particular feature of our contemporary world (McLuhan;
Ong).
 COLLECTING AND L1STING. ..

After the Middle Ages, we can look to the 16 th century as another

period that was distinguished by an increase in the production of in-
dexes, soon after the invention and spread of printing. The importance
of this conspicuous trend in indexing, and the widespread writing of
aids for studying and analysing texts, has been well highlighted by many
modern scholars. This tendency was connected, in this case also, with the
increase in the availability of books and the sptead of texts owing to the
introduction of printing (Steinberg: 23). The standardization caused by
printing, and in particular the capacity to produce many identical copies
of the same text, helped indexes to greatly increase their success and to
remarkably extend the sphere of their circulation. In the same way, al-
phabetical order was entirely successful in performing the criteria of in-
dex arrangement and became the principle for organizing and compiling
the first modern bibliographic catalogues. But these indexes were at the
same the time cause and effect of a change of mentality, of a quest for
clarity and organization which had a new impulse and which was a prel-
ude in the birth of the modern Europe (Eisenstein: 71-78). In -this pe-
riod, liturgical-musical manuscripts containing alphabetical indexes of
pieces appeared for the first time, probably due to the influence of print-
ing, but also in order to serve polyphonic music which used chant as raw
material for new compositions. In this case, the order adopted was not
alphabetical, but provided a subdivision according to the liturgical ftinc-
tion of pieces, like in today's liturgical printed books, and had within this
first classification an alphabetical arrangement.
With regard to Plain Chant, we all know that scientific research has
revealed, during the past century, a remarkable increase from both the
quantitative and the qualitative point of view. Nevertheless, scholars have
often emphasized that there is still much to do, above all in terms of di-
rect knowledge of handwritten and printed sources. This knowledge is
based on a meticulous collection of detailed and structured information
about the manuscripts and the pieces they contain. This information
constitutes the basic files from which we can begin subsequent analyses
of the repertory (Baroffio).
A basic opinion seems almost universally .held: one of the primary
concerns of scholars is that of compiling indexes of sources to different
levels of detail according to the type of manuscript or edition, to their
 Nicola Tangari

available means and to the goal they wish to achieve. A great effort was
made during the 20 th century in this direction, and it continues tc? be
made. We are therefore forced to refer to a few examples only, which we
will use as paradigms to confirm our observations.
A classification pointing out some peculiarities can be set out with
regard to the variety of reference tools produced in the past century,
with the word "index" understood in the broad sense that we have re-
ferred to above (fable 1).

INDEXES

TYPE POSITION

- Files - Attached to a facsimile

- Catalogues edition
- Bibliographies - A ttached to a philologi-
- Collections of cal edition
texts - Autonomous
- Concordances
- Incipitaries
- Indexes

OBJECT FORM

- Manuscripts - Handwritten
- Printed sources - Printed
- Analysis - Digital
- Texts
- Music
- Collection of texts
- Indexes

Table 1
 COLLECTING AND LISTING ...

Instead of commenting on all of these subdivisions, which every-

body can easily read and analyse, we think it helpful to highlight some as-
pects of this classification. First of all, the trend to a stronger organiza-
tion of information can be verified both in individual or general biblio-
graphic catalogues and in the collections of pieces drawn from one or
more sources. For instance, we can recall some classic catalogues for the
more ancient manuscripts, such as the volumes of Klaus Gamber, or
those of Pierre Salmon on the collections of the Vatican Library (Gam-
ber; Salmon). If we compare these tools with the recent Iter Liturgicum
Italicum compiled by Giacomo Baroffio, we see that from being a short
description in the form of a continuous text, we now find highly struc-
tured records. These have limited and rigidly separated fields, supplying
only the essential elements for identifying the-manuscripts and producing
a real tabula (Iter). In many cases, the articulated descriptions of Gamber
and Salmon do not supply a remarkably broader amount of information
than does the Iter Liturgicum Italicum - with the exception df the bibliog-
raphy, which the Baroffio volume lacks. Thus we must ask ourselves the
reasons for this different structure. .As in the past, the need for a stronger
structure is the di~ect result of a large increase of the amount of infor-
mation to manage. We know that awareness of the value of a_wide
group of sources, including more recent manuscripts and even unlinked
fragments~ is something that has been achieved in the past few years.
This awareness has produced a considerable rise in the need to ascertain
the greatest possible amount of new data. Moreover, as occurred in the
past with the spread of writing and parchment and later with the inven-
tion of printing, in our age too the introduction of new technological
tools has given a new impulse to the division, abstraction and structuring
of information: a new revival of indexing has begun, not only ill- 0ur
specific field. .
in
A comparable trend can also be found collections of pteces, par-
ticularly i~terms of an almost exclusive management of databases
through computers. Besides the features owing to the increase of infor-
mation, these files show,also a rising inclination to reduce the amount of
data of each record but to multiply the quantity of records collected and
above all to codify them according to conventional languages (Dobszay
- Proszeky; Cantus; et al.). The identification, using particular codes, of a
r:;-:-- -- --
l~ 8 Nicola Tangari

piece only by means of a textual inctpit and possibly an explicit, noting the
liturgical type of the piece and its position inside the celebration, the li-
turgical day and year, further fossilize the data of each single piece, sup-
plying an image of chant that is different to the original. Examples of
this trend are the attempts to codify the musical line in order to allow the
specific indexing and retrieval of musical information as well (Bryden -
Hughes; Baroffio - Kim; et al.). On the contrary, an index of the series
of neumes, from a paleographic point of view and using a particular sys-
tem of coding, still appears unusual.
Some other observations could be added to confirm the progressive
movement towards the abstraction of the repertory and the attainment
of a great number of its revisions in written or electronic form. Among
these we can cite the remarkable increase in the amount of indexes that
have been published independently (Melnicki; Bosse; Thannabaur;
Schildbach; Bryden - Hughes; Miazga; Sistema; Cantus; et al.) in com-
parison with those attached to another publication, i.e. a facsimile or a
critical edition. These publications are already so numerous that we only
cite two recent Italian examples (Cattin; Baroffio - Kim; et al.). Finally
we should note the advent of a group of reference tools that do not re- .
fer directly to the sources, but to a previous already published index. In
this case we have a new reading of a reference tool, achieving a sort of
self-reference (Ottosen; Tangari; et al.).
With regard to the arrangement of data, there exists a tendency to
favour absolute alphabetical order as opposed to subdivision into classes
or by ordo narrationis, that is according to the calendar. An example of
this is the reduction in the use of liturgical arrangement in indexes of
pieces which can, however, if recorded in a digital format, be easily
g~ouped and retrieved according to their liturgical class. By choosing to
use absolute alphabetical order, we can on the one hand more easily re-
trieve the information we need, while on the other we again encourage
an abstract vision of Plain Chant that is completely different from the
original, but no less prolific and creative. 'The remarkable production of
reference tools and indexes, besides favouring a more relevant acquain-
tance with Christian Plain Chant, demonstrates the fact that this reper-
tory is by no means lifeless or inert but vigorously alive, with its unend-
ing interpretations and revisions, its infinite series of readings that throw
 COLLECTING AND LISTING ...

new light on the phenomenon and attribute it with new meanings. Its
character today is deeply different from the past: almost completely dis-
tant from its original performance, sound and sacredness, it is nonethe-
less dynamic and active in our abstract architectute of data, information
and knowledge. Indexing today is not dissimilar to that of the scribes of
antiquity. They too were forced to abstract, to separate, to structure, to
connect in order to be able to set out their performance on paper. We
can therefore say that today we are directly linked to the same tradition
that has brought liturgical sources closer to us.
If these reflections seem audacious, it is because of the age in which
we are living. This age, with the advent of new technologies, has placed
us in a state of secondary orality, as Walter Ong wrote..This general state
is particularly difficult to understand due to the fact that we are still in-
volved in it, but perhaps, for the first time in many centuries,.it has set us
free from the static rigidity of the printed word. Today we can also high-
light in the reading of the past the fluency and lightness of handwriting
and memorized reading, as well as their connection with the physical ac-
tivity, with actual performance. Christian Plain Chant therefore waits in
expectation of further revision and new interpretations that will take ad-
vantage of the new technical tools. The near future holds for us the pos-
sibility of proposing new historical visions and correcting our perception
of the past by collecting and listing the same repertory in many other
ways. We can now use, for example, mark-up languages that could be
adapted to the requirements of the texts they codify and to the purposes
they are intended for. These types of languages will help us to coherently
acquire and process information of a varied nature (musical, litemry,
graphic, audiovisual etc.), again bringing Plain Chant closer to the merg-
ing of different media that characterized it in the past. ' But this' needs a
collective and interdisciplinary commitment, and perhaps this will be our
concern for the future.
 Nicola Tangari

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Cattin, Giulio, Musica e liturgia a San Marco. Tesii e melodie per la liturgia delle ore clal
XII al XVII seeolo. Dal graduale tropato del Duecento ai graduaJi cinque-
l'enteschi, 4 Vols, Serie IV: Collezione speciale per la music a veneta.
A. Monumenti, I (Venice: Fondazione Levi, 1990-1992).
 COLLECTING AND LISTING ...

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(Rome - Bari: Laterza, 1995).

Cremascoli, Giuseppe, 'Tabulae" di lessici mediolatini, in Leonardi - Morelli -

Santi, 43-55.

Dobszay Liszl6 - Pr6szeky Gibor, Corpus Antiphonalium Officii Ecclesiarum Cen-

tra/is Europae (= CAO-ECE). A Preliminary Rtport (Budapest: Insti-
tute for Musicology, 1988).

Eisenstein, Elizabeth L., Le rivoluzioni dei /ibro. L'invenzione deila stampa e la nasctta
dell'etd moderna, Biblioteca (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1995). Orig. edition:
The printing Revolution in earlY modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1983).

Gamber, Klaus, Codices Uturgici LAtin; Antiquiores, Spicilegii Friburgensis Sub-

sidia, 1 (Freiburg, Universitatsverlag, 19682); SII/Jplementllm. Ergan~
t!'ngs- und Registerband Unter Mitarbeit von Bonifacio (Giacomo)
Baroffio - Ferdinando Dell'Oro - Anton Hanggi - Jose Janini -
Achille M. Triacca, Spicilegli Friburgensis Subsidia, lA (1988).

Gregory, Tullio, IntrodNzione, in Leonardi - Morelli - Santi, 3-8.

Hamesse, Jacqueline, 11 mode/la delkz lettura "elJ'eltl deila Scow/ica, in Cavallo -

Chartier, 91-115.

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Leonardi, Claudio - Morelli, Marcello - Santi, Francesco eds., Fabula in tabula.

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tura mediolatina, 13 (Spoleto: Centro Italiano di Studi sulrAlto Me-
dioevo, 1995).

McLuhan, Marshall, GIi stru1fltnti del I:OmIl1ll&an, translated by Ettore Capriolo,

EST, 69 (Milan 0 : 11 saggiatore, 1997). Orig. edition: Undn-standi"g
media (New York: McGl"aw-Hill, 1964).

Melnicki, Margaretha, Das einstimmige ~e des latti"ische" Millela/tm, Forschungs-

beitriige zur Musikwissenschaft., 1 (Regensburg: Bosse, s.d. [1954]).
1442 __ _ Nicola Tangari

Miazga, Tadeusz, Die Melodien des einstimmigen Credo der rojmseh-katholischen lateini-
J{hen KirdJe. Eim Ulltersuchung der Melodien in den handschnftlichen Ober-
!ieferungen mit beJonderer Beriicksichtigung der polniJchen Handschriften
(Graz: ADV, 1976).

Ong, WaIter J., Orallid e seritlura. Le tecnologie de!1a parola, Intersezioni, 26 (Bolo-
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nologizing 4 the Word (London - New York: Methuen, 1982).

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Parkes, Malcom, Folia librorum quaerere, A1edieval Experience of the Problems if

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Steinberg, Sigfried Henry, Cinque secoli di stampa, PBE, 21 (forino: Einaudi,

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 COLLECTING AND LISTING ...

Thannabaur, Peter Josef, Das einstimmige Sane/us der riimz"schen Messe in der hand-
schriftli(hen 0 berlieJerung des 11. bis 16. Jahrhundert, Erlanger Arbeiten
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Yates, Frances A., L'arte del/a memoria. Con uno seTitto di Ernst H. Gombrich, Ein-
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The Art of Memory (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1966).

'-
 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 445 1

Ldst/rJ DobsZay CHANT THEMES IN THE

CONTEMPORANEOUS
COMPOSITION IN HUNGARY

Gregorian melodies appear rarely in the compositions of the Romantic

period and of the first half of the 20 th century, and they are manifest
citations at the point of culmination in a work. On the other hand, this
oldest of all European art music has left its mark on contemporary music
more frequently, at least in the works of some Hungarian composers.
The t~chnique and musical or extramusical motivation of this phenome-
non is the subject of this paper, based on musical analysis and on inter-
views with the composers. (All statements by the composers are taken
from these interviews.)
The names and year of birth of the composers mentioned in this pa-
per are listed in Table 1. Except Kurcig they were all born after 1940.
The list could hardly be extended even by including names of composers
already deceased.

Kurtag, Gyorgy 1926 Dukay, Bamabas 1950

Sary, Lasz16 1940 Serd, Zsolt 1954
Dubrovay, Lisz16 1943 S065, Andcis 1954
Jeney, Zoltan 1943 Gemesi, Geza 1961
Vidovszky, Lbz16 1944

Table 1

-I.
The compositorial methods are discussed in groups labeled with the fol-
lowing terms: quotation, structural integration, reminiscence. The divi-
sion is not rigid, and transition or overlap may occur between groups or
-subgroups.
 Laszl6 Dobszay

1.1.1.
The first possibility is a full, easily recognizable quotation of a Gre-
gorian tune. Good examples are the Dies irae in uszt's Totentan-:v the Lauda
Sion in Hindemith's Mathis der Mahler and some organ pieces by 20th_
century composers. The piece follows its own logic, and the cantus fir-
mus appears at a dramatically motivated point of the symphonic form,
quoted regularly in long notes surrounded by a stylistically very different
musical material. It sounds like the chorale melodies in many pieces by
Bach. The work emphasizes the nature of 'quotation', and provides a
programmatic or sacral meaning for it. The most popular melodies of
the repertoire appear in this way, mainly hymns or sequences.
This kind of adaptation is alien to the composers of today. In the in-
terviews, they mentioned examples of it only in a few of their early
works (so, for example, Jeney speaks about a Requiem-citation and Dukay
about another one in his first string quartet). Kurtig confesses that
"when I used a Gregorian tune in a direct way the musical material be-
came stiff and I had to transcend this method of using the material".
The case is different, of course, when the composer turns back to
the old "alternatim" practice and the Gregorian strophe alternates with
something freely invented by the composers, as in the Seven Hymns by
S06s. A special case is the Caput Trope by Jeney: the Holy Thursday anti-
phon Ante diem festum is sung by the choir and at the point of the Caput
melisma the composer inserts a new, instrumental two-part trope of
his own. Here the monophonic melody becomes the frame for a 20th-
century pIece.

• • •
An- te di- em fe- stum Pa- schae ... ce- pit 1a- va- re

~ · · · fr· Tropus ·1I"'··r · • • •

pe- des di- sci- pu- lo- -rum. Ve- nit ad Pe- tnlm... sed et ma-

~ .. • Tropus • 11

nus et ca- put -

L CHANT THEMES ... 447 1
I

•• - L~ (.G.

Ex. 1 Jeney: Caput Trope

1.1.2.
Slighdy different from this type is the case of "harmonized" Gregor-
ian tunes. We set on one side here the accompaniments made for liturgi-
cal use, though some of them display competent handiwork but without
the intention of creating an autonomous object of art. We find in this
group, too, works of artistic quality written by important composers, like
the Responsories by Liszt or the harmonizations of Erik Satie. The har-
monized piece might form, however, an introduction, a frame or a cru-
cial moment of a more elaborate work. Examples of this from the tIrst
half of the 20th century are the ·Hodie Christus. natus in Britten's- Ceremony
of Carols or Kodily's First Communion where an Ambrosian recitation is
rhythmicized, interpreted as a song.
The case is somewhat different in Jeney's Subvenite. It was originally
an independent choral work accompanied by chamber orchestra, but the
composer revised it later and included it in his great oratorio, the Funeral
Rite. Whilst the cantus firmus in Brittin's and Kodily's piece is accompa-
nied by free, modally conceived but triadic chords, Jeney's harmonization
[~48 Laszl6 Dobszay J
lacks any trace of archaicism; it is derived by a personal method of en-
coding in the twelve-tone system and alternates with instrumental verses
in the normal style of the composer.

.,... "~,o.t,~,Hi~, I'L,MI~Jla.

SoI~ b•. ~ s..1~
~~ ~~ I ~
.~.- ~

.v
'J'" "" ..~" . y ... Tv

f't -r""'",
... " 1 .. :: ~ .L. " .~. ,. ~

N~: y--- .. T..I

... T ___

.~

"'t --".

. . • +- • +
S"b- ve· ,i - h. S"~C' ~i De- i 0(. - (;.U/- .c-i-h. QII-~t-ti Dg·.,i- flj ,

{
Ef
b~"""
.H
$
......
""'~

?t
J1~

-<It
11
~

Ex. 2 Jeney: Subvenite

 CHANT THEMES ...

What all these cases have in common, however, is that the melody
remains unchanged, sung at full length and clearly separated from the ac-
companiment.

1.1.3.
The third type within this group is that of partial and pseudo-quota-
tions. Jeney's song En imddottam (My beloved) is a lament, first conceived
as theater music, but later enriched with orchestral parts and integrated
into the Funeral Rite. The rhythmic and tonal arrangement stands near to
the style of plainchant; many motifs remind one of the melodic language
of hymns. By extending the tonality and ambitus, using characteristic .in-
tervals and exaggerating the dramatic element, it transcends the border-
lines of the style, even if we disregard the accompaniment.

~Q,bl\ 'tlIu+oJ~~ - 'f~Ctssig""

,
( \tIt,RftS ro.:", ... ) !~ 1./tA_
l I

,
f.\ ,
• , , .'"
i
• • • , ,
•
as F,• :2. • ,=
• • •. .• • .
I

~4.. bits t! 0-ro \c. 1\: J" . u

, -
•
~
i
• i •
~~ ~C\d..
•\Ol •
ft •
• (?•
I .·
""\J). ro!'

:7?<-.
r':\

~i !
zs
• ; ! I
kCl,. J'~~. ~';{
 Laszl6 Dobszay

r.. ,..-.. ---... 1'\

• • • • • • .---,~

,
I
•
~J W hl'b~ I
se . ~~- G~ H. = t- iUt

• ..
I

r.-.
$~ ,
z
...... • I
-C'>

• •........ • • , : I
7
I I

sd, - ~ pun· t-O: . b~\.v ~i. hC\.· SMt c... ~. lttn I

............ n
•-----• • ; :s; •
<> I
• •
po

4~
III
• • ,
- " , • • • ~
t~- ro~ tb- ~tlo\. I ra. ~ • h- l'\~e - H;t
("\ n
z '" .z
&b • , • •.....,. • C' I • != •
•
a- ron,
+-../
Ic\. ......
•
hf- d.~ . t, hOI- d.a).~

&S' -.
~~

VH~ . ve
I

Ste",,·
•

ni·
(:\

• •
\,?a,.
.~
• • • •
V~~~ s~· 1y.L1I~· PO:
. ~.

l1k k - .ft-
I •

.
'" . I

,Z"S
1'\ r--r" /':',
.~
• • • • I • '.

r~. --------- ,•"""'•

• • • • • •
,
in e-

C!::. • • • • •
'- • +. •
, ; • •
z
.
'

[Link]>

--.-' ~~
'--'" ,
S-h\ ~.
"
..res
D
v~ . ,
r I.. _
~e? - .le
,/
-r
t
I •

Ex.3 Jeney: En imddottam ... [11y Beloved . .. ]

In his verset Dixit Dominus ad Noe Kurtag quotes motifs from a Gre-
gorian responsory. But at the same time, these are only fragments and
they are embedded in a two-part texture which Kurtig calls "apocryphal
organum. "
 CHANT THEMES ...

·,..····f1"r-W
Ec-ce A- dam quasi u·nus ex nobis fa- ctus est

Parlando-rube,o, COD alanc:1o

--------------------. ~,----
poco rin/.

[1"\) 6
(t:'\J ,
&) _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _- - - - - - v~-

a I J I
..1l. ~J.l I 1

~I
'-----'---

Ex.4 Kurtag: Versetto Dixit Dominus ad NOB

 Laszl6 Dobszay

1.2.
Quotation, harmonization and pseudo-quotation all mark off the
Gregorian tune within the work, and place it, as it were, between quota-
tion marks. In my next group a Gregorian melody or element functions
as coequal component of the musical fabric; we might say that it became
part of a musical language which follows its own law and logic. Here the
can/us ftrmus or musical element is built into the texture and is more or
less hidden from direct attention. We have mentioned above Bach's man-
ner of quotation; this second method reminds me rather of the age of
Palestrina: when the musical work is simply listened to innocently, with-
out prior analysis, the cantus firmus is buried in the texture of parts and
has both a constructive and a semantic function. The well-trained musi-
cian may recognize it if he cares, and will appreciate the presence of the
sacred melody, but it remains an immanent component of a composition
which is self-sufficient without knowledge of the reference. While the
"quotations" were relics of narrative of a Romantic type (except in a few
cases) the late 20 th -century composers favor the constructive way. With-
out making a sharp distinction we find three groups within this category.

1.2.1.
The Gregorian melodies can be manipulated in some way by the
composer. The full melody or a rather a long portion is used, but its
transformation suspends the separateness of the melody and makes it an
organic part of the texture. One possibility is the extension of the tonal-
ity by contrapunctal imitations. Gemesi in the Alleluja Ostende keeps the
Gregorian tune almost unchanged, but the three voices sing it in imita-
tion a major third apart. So a broad tonal field is opened, similar to the
case of small-range motives imitated at the interval of a diminished fifth
in Bartok's music. In addition, partial transposition of some melodic cells
cements the tonal interrelationship between the parts.
L CHANT THEMES ...

~ 1 r""f f fft I Tt-*,"tffT! 11

L. LII • .. L. L. L. _ • • G. ,- L. •

- ...
0- sten- de no- bis Do-
e ... • • - . • - 11 • • • • Lw •
0- sten- de no- bis Do-
,. a.,
l· ,- • • • I· .. .. • 1- • F - IF
0 - stcn- de no- bis Do-

mi- ne ml- se- n- cor-

;1i .. • I" a _ I_ la
ml- ne

I- • .. I- ... . . mi- se-

mi- ne mi- se- ri-

etc.
Ex. 5 Gemesi: AlIeluja Ostende
[454 _______ ______La_'s_z_lo_D_o_b_sz_a--'Y-_ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ---.J

Dukay in his antiphon "In sanctis ejus" splits the melody into seg-
ments and puts them into a hoquetus texture. The elements are allotted
to pairs of vocal parts disposed according to a chain of fifths. The text is
so distributed that the words appear as the joint product of the singers.

ANT[ PSALHUM
J•~10J"';n. (;on vn

I IJ I.
c. n~ - c\,r t - jus ,h. - le ])L

2
'lhJ
. Ih Ih
In san cl;t i.,r lw - -

j I I i ln
All In llU . d.~ cUI

2
It ch IDe [Link] liUl
,.
I I

~l Ite
I.
un·ctit t D, J. •. le Dc IU l
1cn
I"" I
1
I I
.-------
hn-ctil hu· .I. In Un

etc.
Ex. 6 Dukay: In sanctis

In the Glona by S06s the intervals of the chant melody are com-
pressed into small steps, In his AI/eluja Caro mea the jubilus is sung in an
echo-like canon, extended like a "neuma secunda" in the Old Roman
chant, while the unisono verse is simplified, reminding one of the Medi-
caean versions of chant melodies.
SA
[Link] 19')4
solo

AI'le- lu- p. AI-Ie- lu- ja.

~
(senza nncronill)

~. w ••
• W W •• - Ww - '\A7 • •••
Al- le- lu- ja.
(senza sincronila)

AI' le- lu- ja. etc.

 CHANT THEMES ... 45~

VERSUS
UnUono

Ca- ro me- a ve- re est ci- bus. et san- guis me- us ve- re est po- tus: qui man-

Ca- ro me- a ve- re est ci-bus. et san- guis me- us ve- re est po- tus: qui man-

Ca- ro me- a ve- re est ci- bus, et san- guis me- us ve- re est po- tus: qui man-

Ex. 7 Soos: AI/eluja Caro mea

Dubrovay, too, composed a trope for the "Caput" melisma of the

antiphon Ante diem fistum. The choir is divided into seven groups,. who
sing the full melody once or several times, at the same pitch, but each in
different tempo and dynamic; they follow each other in a gap of time
not defined accurately. The tonus finali, is added and modulated on a syn-
thesizer. So the tonality is not extended, but a a chord is composed out
of the combined notes, oscillating and vibrating for over ten minutes .

•••••
..... ;:.r'"' 'H·
\
Cc••
.I~I ij
"I I
i .-H,
• I I 'wr-; if I \
' ....+

:$ ,
6"
I ;& 'f I

#lL}
, I~//"

"1, ' ;; . F ,1,1

~
--
. ....
..... £~
I
tr• I
I ;;; J ,I

Ex. 8 Dubrovay: Trope Caput

 ~56 Laszl6 Dobszay

The "Futaki Song" of Vidovszky is the transcription of Prudentius'

famous hymn Inventor rutili for a Midi-Keyboard. The melody is played
three times, surrounded by more and more notes. At the beginning we
hear a 6-part canon with parts entering on the five semitones around the
dux. The composer, however, manipulates the tune by permutation of
notes, and the order of imitation is also in constant change.

. . . .
. ... ;....
'
. ",--I ';" '::,; 1"'. ,_.: I:':· ~":W' r" '''' .'
1- . 1--
I~· "1 .:['·) " ' ... . . '.
. r~h:".· ;.t'.i/ ~ '" I!:II>:-~ 1--' .

Ex. 9 Vidovszky: Inventor

The most curious method of treatment is when Jeney encodes the

text, transforming the letters into sounds; the resulting note-row pro-
vides the raw material for additional parts and instrumental accompani-
ment. The process of encoding first seems to be mechanical. But, ac-
cording to Jeney, it is only a starting point, given as an objective condi-
cion, whilst the piece as a whole is the result of personal decisions based
on control of actual sounds. Jeney explains how this procedure was justi-
fied when Vidovszky and he tested each other's decoding systems and
both were unable to produce in this way an acceptable piece suited to
their taste.

1.2.2.
The integration becomes still more organic by the techniques which
can be called "omnia ex uno". The composer derives the full musical
material from the Gregorian cantus firmus, in such a way that the prod-
uct is a composition fully characteristic of the end of 20 th century. In
Soos's hymn Isle confessor the Gregorian tune is the basic material of poly-
phonic imitations.
 CHANT THEMES ...

I'
.,;;:e. .. .. . ' .' I. • ••• .': e· ·
~
..... • M-M - .- ......
,...
'

I. I - lite Con - fu - sor 06- mi - ni SI - cri - hIS. fe - ,.. plcbl tu - iUl et - le - Int per or - hem.
J . Ad la - mIlD ell - ius tU-IIIII - lum fre-quia-Iet mcm - bn Im-pia- tIIm mo-do SI- ni • t6. ti.
5. Sit SI • IUI i1 - Ii. de -QII M' que vir - till. qlli su- p1I ca - li dena ca • c:Ii. nI-.· IDtD,

I!' p .. · • .. Hi •;
!Ill! .
~--
- it • - eft -
• ~; - :; I ;' ':='. • • •
an .
-- .' .' • I
-
-.
bO-di-e III -tua N la de re CII !i.
qu6 - Ii - bet
ai-li-us
IDIIt- bo
mIlD - di
N - • - rinl pa - "a - ti.
.m - chi -.u - ber - oat
re
tri
IIi
DU
- tu - liD - tar.
et u - Amen.
JU

MaMo • rt ?do
A

AI

A
J 2.r:p.
".Un -
I
pi
cle_ f--
- - \11,
w

IIIIIIe
JIN
DO
.
.
-
- .r
ct...

... ~ --...:::::: -
J2.~
AI 4'-.,
- -
•
4. Un - . -
pi.
de
- \11,

IIIIDC
pna
DO
-
- - ....
.deal.

I"' I
J 2.r:p. pi- - Ill. pru . -.
.
".Un - - - - de gmc no

J [Link] _ _ _ _ _ __
pi.
us. _ __ __ _ pnI dena._
IIIIIIC _ _ _ __ 1Iu_
•. UD de DO

•s
Cri/Se.

AI

- l.i - mi - Iia, pi . cl( - - cua. m - bri -

.. - c:bD - NI iD ho - a6 - - rem i - pili -
,
'--'"
I"
- 1111 aD- - .... pi! - cif - - ~--- l-/ 56 -
.
.. - cM. I\Ia in bo - n6 - - rim i

!AI
.,
deal,

-
III - la'. -
dJo - nil
Ha.
in
..
r

ho
-- n6cif -
-
r

.-
cu.
nm

mi Iia. 1* cif ' - to- '0

NI in bo a6 i -

Ex. to SODS: Iste confessor

 Laszl6 Dobszay J
Jeney in the I~meral Rite adduces many times over all the parts from
the same melody, which are added to the same Gregorian melody in rec-
ognizable form; they are contrapuntally treated, inverted , transposed and
retrograde versions of the basic melody.

s.
"
-.r
1\
C.a.
eJ
Coro

T.
"
~
Do-mi - nu! cw-(o-dil le ab om-m ma - 10: CU5

B.

107 Do - mi - nus cus -Io ·dil le ab om-ni ma 10:

n I'l .~~ P .. ..D..

•

--
-.l4i-.l • • ~~~ b~~ ~ ~ ....... -;j"'-u -.1-.1

III
1\

s.
..,
c .•. "
..,
T. "
tl lo-di-at a - ni-mam tu am Do mi - nw.

B.
fI , ,
III clU-lo-di-at a n, - mam tu - am Do mi- nus.

.- u_
-'" _u
_.--'"' -~ -~
-
Ex. 11 Jeney: Funeral Rite - Dominus (Ustodit
c===_________________C_H_A_N_T_T_H_EM__ES_.._.__________________4_5~91
At first sight these may seem to be theoretical and artificial forma-
tions. In fact, however, their adaptation depends on imagination and ar-
tistic decisions; they are the motors of the music's progress in time, and
provide compact organization for the texture. The composer's decision
determines whether the Gregorian tune proceeds in free or measured
rhythm, whether complementary rhythms are introduced or not in the
other parts, whether the melodic cohesion is supported by rhythmic pat-
terns or the notes are set apart rhythmically, representing different men-
sural levels etc.
The peculiarities of a melody may influence the whole musical sttuc-'
ture. I may refer to only one example here. The antiphon Absolve starts
on [and ends on~, consequently if its inverse starts from ~it will end on
f. In the closing item of the third part of Funeral Rite, Jeney combines
these two with their retrograde and inverted retrograde forms, which end
on the starting note. They are placed minor thirds apart and the 4 x 4
parts realize all possible forms: Since the parts enter in a canone propor-
tionata they finish simultaneously, resulting in a twelve-note chord, with
doubling of the initial four notes. This chord is the basis for the solo
parts which repeat partially the antiphon, and for the homophonic cho-
rale which closes the whole movement.

i S.2. S.3. A.1. A.3.

~ .. Du I" In I"
~
Et

"" e I' e 11 e e 11

~
== . I,
B.2. T.4. T.2. B.3.

~; Cl a Cl a ~II . II!"
::
u
11 ie 11

11NVI
i S.1. T.t. T.3. B.1.
~ .. e, I .. e bO b.. I. n ., e &,, -=II 11

IREV\
, 0.4. S.4. A.2. A.4.

IJ n &0 b" e e o o
11 ==
o &0 Cl 11

I REV - IN V. I
 Uszl6 Dobszay

0_
A
Ob..
O .. R. ~
~-:::=--f Mp - -
SI
.A "
oJ
1«'Of ) 3

S2
"
oJ
Ab .... ...
S3
"
III

1\
54
III

C.L I
"
.,
_....
C.a.l
III
p«ol
C.a. 3

C.a. 4
"
oJ

1\
Ab .... . -
Co -
~
IIIi - ..
III

1\
T. J
t'
1\

T.2
t' p«"f
A r-.. ,---... ~ ~ ~
T_ J
f
.A
Ab - .... -
I

"' Do- ... .

T.•

" ,.,Jf t~l1-

..
1.1
r--o.
All ....
1«01 ,.---..,
....
B.2
All .... . Do -
1.3

,. 1
B.• ,:;1<=--'
'--./ -
Do
[ CHANT THEMES ...

, s
piICOf .,......
1\
5t
.J Ah 101 .
A
1 l
.~ --. )

52
.J
Do ~
I
-
. DC

A
rtKOf 5

53
lb . -"" .
I
tI

11
,..f J J ) J

54
,.
«J 1, 101 . ......... 00":-1--'
A
Ca. I
.J

It
Ca. 2
.,

.-•
A

C.L]
Il
•
- ....
It
Ca..
-
Il
Ooro
. ....
T.t
,
,
A -
T. 2

J I I

,.. •
A I

T.'

T.•
,
. . .
- I . 0

.
. I

1.1
~
....1 - i
-=. , L_~ la ... ~ '1....-== :.a. J ~

•. 2
~ l ......
Do .
~ I
.- .
-
.L"'-: --..
.-. . DC
• -)
/«of J
JI!!:.
1.3
,.
A.b
I I
.
. ~ ...
I I
Do.

.
•. 4

~ ..r
DC
•
etc.
Ex. 12 Jeney: Funeral Rite - _4bsolve Domine
 §~ __ ~ _ _ _--=~~ ____ U.szI6 Dobszay

We have no place for further analyses, but it is clear that this kind of
structural use gives more importance to the cantus firmus than the sim-
ple quotation does.

1.2.3.
The cantus firmus can be combined with serial musical material of
the composer's own. Taking again an example from Jeney's Funeral Rite:
the introductory movement of the oratory is built on a 128-note row
which is the composer's own invention and which permeates the whole
oratono.

ZolUin Jeney
Recltativo (.= 94 _ 106)

Baritono solo

HoI volt. hol nem volt. tit cgy • szer clIY ma· lA . nyos

1R'p etc.

Ex. 13 Jeney: Funeral Rite. Beginning of the tone row

In the movement Circumdederunt me the autonomous polyphonic mo-

tion of this note-row generates the single notes of the cantus firmus,
too. The part holding the Gregorian melody may skip forward to the fol-
lowing note in the cantus firmus when it coincides with the note appear-
ing in the series. This means the cantus firmus picks out the Gregorian
notes from the twelve-tone fabric, it is adduced from the twelve-tone
material, instead of vice versa.
At another point a series of short sections based on the same note-
row build together a twelve-tone chord, where each note has its fixed
position within the whole gamut. The choir enters with the psalm De pro-
fundis and recites it in chords, similarly to late Byzantine practice. Each
part is permitted, however, to use only those notes of the great chord
which are positioned within his voice range. The recitation is thus em-
bedded in the chord, which for its part is the result of a serial process.
 CHANT THEMES ...

i. Psulmus ut): De l)rOrundis clamavi

190

s. " ". ~ ~ 1";'\

.., ad le, 00 - mi • ne:

1':'1
C.L
"
tl
Coro
"
.! TJ
ma - vi
:J ad
••
le, 00 - mi - ne:
r.
T, -
f ·cla ~ - vj ad
I';
...
B.
Id. '.... . - 1";'\ '
~~ ~-
cia nil - vi
190 De pro - (un - dj,
1\ ". ". l (( 'i =
.., ....
~~
4

- r 3 -,
r 3j
.. ~FF
3 ~
r-
-=
Il l ..
~ ~ ~ I~ I) I) It~ tit t I1I1
111 11',i ' i l i ii'~'ii
I~ ~ JI~ ~ ~ ~ ~
1111111
.~
l
. ~ .~
• l ...
J ~
1 l
~ ~
"_

194
A

s,
.., -
[Link] pro - fun - dis cI~ . ma - vi ad le, 00 - mi - ne: Do-mi-ne. c·llu, ·di

"
C.I,
.., ~
~
T T
[Link] fun· clis cia - ma - yj ad I~ Do·
-.t... mi • ne'
. 00 - mi - ne, e· JUlU - di

T.
11
... .

B.
" [Link] pro

-- - fun - dis cia -

.
ma - yi -' le, 00 . mi - ne:
•
Do - mi - ne, c-lIH-di

194 -[Link] pro - fun - dis ela ma - vi ad le. Bo-mi-ne: Do - mi - ne. e· UII - ~

" .... f 'S 8 8 8:

..,
f4- :
..... .- 'n :..:L

-
~ - - - -=11
,
.,. - -
~l: ·_u
- U _u
- etc.
Ex. 14 Jeney: Funeral Rite - De prT?{",ndis
 Laszl6 Dobszay

1.3.
The third group can be labeled by the word reminiscence. No Gregor-
ian elements are used in this case, but the compositorial thinking has
been influenced directly or indirectly by reminiscences of plainchant
(among many other things, of course). Since no Gregorian musical mate-
rial is present here the associations might seem subjective. We will speak
of such references only if the composer himself has pointed to a piece
or an element as having been influenced by Gregorian reminiscences.
The best examples of this type are in Kurtag's music. Kurtag had an in-
clination toward "elementary" musical motifs and gestures and toward
adopting ready-made elements even before he came into contact with
Gregorian chant, but the latter added a new impetus for him in the same
direction.

1.3.1.
The indirect Gregorian inspiration can be felt, first of all, in the
shape of the melody. In the music of Kurtag, condensed, short pieces
may be built on a restricted set of motifs. Frequently the work is cen-
tered on a two- or three-note formula, like an enigmatic Urmotif or quasi-
citation, which develops into a more complex structure in alternation
with contrasting material, or, sometimes, the two elements get gradually
nearer and nearer to each other until they unite.

.fJ. 'ea
n n

~ :;
rt
,
110, ,8" ~ ~
mp. indllferenie
" RE
poco Tint

.ue rct Urn vot na, ha U9J..an. Ncm voU Ug!j.

Jeh wiinschu ",hr. da/l ~s Ja ..aT'. Se ....".·s ....chi.
J .houId IIave lLW.:t. to
(n) n n [~

• pi)«) nnJ
 CHANT THEMES",

[ n'solldo)

Kc1- [Link]: Ugy, Ugy !eH, I

Bat
#~
uwerth
0
So ward'J. I
I
ic", olD,
• I
J asU:d; be it ~, So twar, I
I
" "
etc.
Ex. 15 Kurcig: S.K Remembering Noise (Op. 12) - The Sadness
of the Bare Copula

This music appears frequently in statu nascenti - its elements are relics
of one-time primary gestures, words, sighs, cries. One single note o~ in-
terval may emerge as materia prima at the beginning of the world's crea-
tion and then starts a slow, hesitating evolution. These primary motifs or
gestures are often similar to the motivic seeds of Gregorian chant.

Lo,,'.no• celwo .ppena KttItIo

A ~
• I I -... ~ ':'

- - .:. ......-. a--- -

.. : "pPp
I

·
I l 3 J •
i
..
ell
I

.
fI "!" •
I:

. A""""
Cl
I
•
0"
" . D_
I
•
o

...-. "PP
fI
10
" I
I
•
••
•
..
0
::;a

~
'g'-- .~ _'0 D
- 0 0-.. ........0

10
-. ~

-
~.' ~ ~, -

~ ....... •
r~
. , ~ "
J\
~--' ~

" it·
i ---',
e/
i. --------------~~-
*'~
I
~~~, I

A
~'o
" .. 0 •
I ~~

,.I'l"
-----
r:J "'''', ,
I
I
•
I

F'- • u
v'-- 0 0
11' r.. -y 1If~
etc.
'Ex. 16 Kurcig: 12 Mitrollldes (Op. 13) - Hommage aMihdfy
Andrds 5.
~66.______________ Laszl6 Dobszay

The basic motifs are frequently modal, and through a conjunct link-
ing of the modal elements a full twelve-tone system develops. (See also
Kurtag Games - Like the flowers of the field.)

Ex. 17 Kurtag: GameJ VII - Virdg az ember [Flowers we are ... ]

 CHANT THEMES ...

l]
r

Ex. 18 Kurcig: Hiilderlin-Fragmente (Op. 35) - An Zimmern

Kurtag feels that his favored melodic form, the one which turns: or
as he expressed it, curls into an embryonic state, is akin to Gregorian
[Link] formations. It reminds him of the conjunct melodic turns of
plainsong even when the musical material itself is built on a free dode-
caphony, or if the intervals become wide. Concerning Ex. 21. he de-
clared: "it would not exist if the Gregorian experience were lacking".
8 _____ _ _ L~szl6 Dobszay

Sebr leiH. iu8erst lanpam

.. ~ ....... '"

, -",-_ ...
,,
,

:..
"
con Ped. .. ..... ..

.. - .. ---- .....
v
'.
,, u U
T

- - ------'"
etc.

Ex. 19 Kurtag: Games V - Aus der Feme II

Traoquillo
"
tJ ~"!" I~
... IW 'I": I~ ". ~~
) [Link]/ct
~ 11.- I. stmprt dolu ~!r r-a ~_
PM. quui aJ fine poco marcato --====
pocoapoco
:::=--
piu man:DlO

"
III 'I~ I~ ". I~
D" 'I":'
~y
17'\
'"'
.. -~~~ .~ "> .'! etc.

Ex. 20 Kurtag: Games V - Dialogfor the birlhdqy of Andrds 7(Jh

Mihtify, or: how can one answer to the same 4 sounds with onlY 3
 46---'91
CHANT THEME_S,_ ,,_ _ _,_ _ _ _ _ _

pp~

Ex. 21 Kurtag: Atil/a Jozsif Fragments (Op. 20), Nr. 20

Parenthetically, this effect of "do'sing back'~'p-ears for Kurcig in

the B-A-C-H motif, too, which [Link] in"ris wo'~ks instinctively, without
. the intention of a citation. Neither was he c'onscious of using this m~- .~
tive precisely at the word "Bach" in the following piece:

etc.
Ex. 22 Kurtag: Hiilderlin-Fragmente (Op. 35) - ... Und wenig
1VlSsen ...
~o-- Llszl6 Dobszay

Other composers mentioned above also make use of small-range

motifs and circling gestures reminiscent of plainsong, even In cases
where there is no direct borrowing in the composition.
,..,,,
.,
A
El
---- ex sui la viI spi

.,
A
~~
Et
----"'"
ex .~ " ~
sui la
. ~ "'-----
v~

.., Et ex . sui la vit

Et ex . sui· la viI

Ex. 23 S06s: Magniflcat sexti toni

1.3.2.
A second area with links to Gregorian chant can be discerned in the
treatment of the text, recitative sections, speech-like shaping and also
melismatic parts.

-
4.
) •J

.,----------
• - <;p1-
~
tf5r j V, f 1~} J
rr£::l2.'1.. - - - - -,- -

Ex 24 Sary: lYrie
 CHANT THEMES ...

In the Lauda anima mea by SODS, improvisatory polyphony is built on

parts with very few notes that are to be performed as a simple pronun-
ciation of the words. In his Alma Redemptoris unmeasured rhythms and
undefined pitches appear. Zsolt Serei says that Gregorian .influence ap-
pears in the tonal arrangement, in the unregulated rhythms of the mel-
ody, and the flexibility of the through-composed agogic in the purely'in-
strumental melody of his Arch.
This influence is at its clearest in Kurdg's compositions, who often
leaves it to the performer to regulate the length of note, as directed by
the speech-like rhythm, or psychological inspiration. This may happen
either when the small-range, "embryonic" motifs predonunate or when
the melody is shaped in extended melodic gestures.

Esltancfo
,. .
pppp Ionccrno
....- t ...........

..
11
thed kcl)

.... -... ------ ........

'"--'"'
WlJ - rill·' . theu .
..
led .•.

/"
- ~
.
I

I
fI
j. (n, ( -"!'
:' 1/ ·· \
I
11
" ·
tI -.0/ ,.
-----_ .. -..-" ~-
- :

11 ,... -..

tI
thud - j~d ... el ket ...

Ii (.) .....,;,iiiii------------
. . ... -------
\ ~
.. ... .
~
v ..... .....
,. PPPJII'

.,
Ex. 25
~
--- /"

Kurtag. Three Old Insmptions (Op. 25), Nr. 1

~--
I
Uiszl6 Dobszay I
- - - -- '--- -- -- - - -_ _ _----.J

bc:>

i1W Mdij'

Ex. 26 Kurtag: Fragment/rom PetOft: Tundirdlom (unpublished)

No doubt Kurrag had inclined to this speech-melody also before he

studied Gregorian chant; moreover, he started these studies just because
of his interest in a new way of treating the text. The importance of per-
sonal inclination is, of course, decisive. Jeney, for example, remained
almost untouched by the rhythmic freedom of the plainsong: since he
was interested in the contrapuntal manipulation of elementary motifs,
and possibilities of structural integration, a strict rhythmic coordination
of the material was essential for him.

1.3.3.
The new appreciation of unaccompanied melody can be hardly un-
derstood without the influence of Gregorian chant and other ancient
music cultures. As Serei expressed it, we have to rely on the strength and
purity of the monophony, the incredibly rich and various potentialities
of expression realized by the simplest means. His Arch, which is, accord-
ing to his own statement, the piece of his most influenced by Gregorian
music, is simply one long melody for solo viola.
These potentialities of monophony have been widely explored by Kur-
tag. As he himself declared, not only the vast corpus of his unaccompa-
 CHANT THEMES ...

nied songs but also many of his piano works could not have come into
existence without his experience of Gregorian chant. Monophonic pieces
can be found also among Vidovsky's and S06s's compositions. But since
monophonic pieces do not generally exhaust the Gregorian material, and
the meaning of the monophony may differ greatly according to personal
imagination, the influence of chant remains latent and can be only be
guessed at rather than demonstrated in the musical texture.

.p'~~~
I~"!i:> ~, I
~~!./J
rh 4.f. mwr. Cl, ,
i rr ~ ~.~. Jwl&...
, . .. ,...J -
.w,

Ex. 27 Kurtag. Atilla }ozsef Fragments (Op. 20), Nr. 15

11.
Our next question is: what is the musical motivation for this encounter
between the most modern and most ancient music of Europe?

11.1.
I suppose it was the decline of forms based on the principle of mo-
tivic development which made it possIble to incorporate Gtegorian ele-
ments in contemporary music beyond the level of "manifest citation".
Gregorian music as well is itself open for such an absorption into new
1474 Laszl6 Dobszay
~.--------.

constructions, being composed from small basic elements. As Jeney re-

marks: "1 approach the melodies of Mozart or Verdi in quite another
way, and they influence me much less, because they are too organized if
compared to Gregorian chant. Bach inspires me in respect of apparatus
and musical thinkjng, but his music stylistically blocks me. I am inclined
to look at the twelve-tone system as integrated modality, and Gregorian
melody as an 'extract' from it." The easier it is to split a given music into
its elements, the better it can be built into the texture of the modern
music. In all musical styles after Gregorian chant such dissolution is al-
most impossible, because of the close interrelationship of their super-
structured components. In Dukay's formulation: "the less specialized
something is, the easier it can be adapted in different styles. But this de-
pends on the nature of the technical and intellectual background of the
given compositorial direction".

11.2.
Regarding the most important component of this complexity - that
is the melodic surface, the tonality, the set of notes -, it is true that "whilst
music history arrived at the twelve-tone system its opposite also ap-
peared, the use of a limited set of notes. One consequence of this trend
is the restrictions in minimal music, inspired partly by the meditative music
of the East" (S06s). It seems perfectly appropriate that Gregorian chant
should coexist with such a musical orientation. Tonal and melodic struc-
tures became more and more complex during the history of European
music, and it became difficult to integrate this complex structures into a
radically different context. The situation has changed during recent dec-
ades. Kurtag, with reference also to Ligeti's Musica fieta, tells how deeply
interested he is in the potentialities of one single note. When he takes
the note.£ alone, or a three-note motive, he tests step by step within the
given piece for the possible transformations and links with other ele-
ments. As he says, one may progress also by doing less than one's prede-
cessors. (See also Ligatura y in Games.)
 CHANT THEMES ...

- - - - - - - - -- -- - - -- -
Sosknulo

m. d. ~JJJJJJJ
con ped.
A :r J A lJ 1 A J J ' ). J J'
quasi teo
sonon. dolet. stmplice. ttnuto

COIm prlntIJ -
~:uJlJlt
ij,'tJ j J A~U Jay Ut
poco a poco
eantlJbik

crtsc.
lenulo cantabile

etc.
Ex. 28 Kurtag: Games V - In memonam Gyiirgy S zoltsdnyi

For Jeney a melody becomes suitable for use just by virtue of its
hesitations, modal vagueness, ambiguous meanings. Dukay adds a se-
mantic function to this: "The Gregorian melody has a thousand faces,

Mar_'

Ex. 29 Dukay: Mist Hovering over the Face of the Deep ...
I.;n;----- Laszl6 Dobszay
~--- - -

and still moves within a closed &amewor~ remains within a limited range,
while manifesting its incredible variety. It defines a territory which is
filled without leaving it and in this closed field various events can be ob-
served permanently. Doing so it makes something palpable beyond
earthly time." For Dukay a musical piece with small changes may reflect
this "something beyond time" even if not a single note or element of
real Gregorian melodies is adapted.

11.3.
After late Romantic music had blurred the clear-cut shapes of the
measure by the simultaneity of different inner divisions of bars, the obli-
gation to constant measures and arithmetically fixed rhythms ceased com-
pletely in the 20 th century. Modern composers frequently use either freely
breathing music, unmeasured rhythms, or pseudo-rhythms of different
bme-values derived from melodic energy. And the monotony of perma-
nent motion is able to break the feeling of rhythmic periodicity.
S06s regards rhythmic freedom, unmeasured progress and the use of
not precisely defined note lengths as a contact point between contempo-
raneous music and Gregorian chant. The demands of self-expression, the
introduction of aleatoric constructions, liberated music from mathemati-
cal rigidity and opened again a broad field of rhythmic imagination closer to
Gregorian chant. Kurtag was interested earlier in the irregular succession
of small measures learnt from the Solesmes theory and, accordingly, in
splitting the motion into very small sections. Later, however, his interest
turned towards a system based on shorter or longer individual notes
regulated only by the inner energy of the melody. For Dukay also the un-
regulated rhythm of Gregorian chant has a semantic meaning: it is an
image of a non-dramatic music world which directs us over to a purer
epic or lyric expression.

11.4.
Flexibility of form is an extension of the same dimension. Periodic-
ity was already a burden for late Romantic music, and composers searched
for other directions of formal evolution. Gregorian chant, at least, does
not resist the wiJJ of the composer in this respect, and there is no need to
abolish a ready-made formal structure if the aim is to incorporate it into
 CHANT THEMES ... 47!l
his own style. Kurtag describes the first time he had to go back from
large symphonic forms to small dimensions (here Anton Webern's inspi-
ration was of decisive importance), and so to learn how a piece moIds a
form for itself. "Now my forms are growing, but in the same way as in
the case of short ones: I feel that something is going ahead and the very
moment when it stops that is the end of the piece."
Gregorian chant meets this demand not only with respect of a simi-
lar process of formation. Its variability, too, was a great experience for
both Kurtag and Jeney. "The same types or formulas may occur in the
most different places and context", said Jeney. "The melody is composed
in such a way that one feels the material is quite open for achieving crys-
tallized form only at this moment and only for this moment. The case is
similar to that of musical performance: a given piece can be performed
in many different ways, but at a given concert only one performance will
sound. The listener does not know the many different possibilities, only
the one which is performed at that concert. The authenticity of the per~
formance lies in convincing the listener that the piece is this one which is
actuafly played. We see the same in the Gregorian chant. Studying the
repertory as a whole, it moves us by its variability, but listening to one in-
dividual piece, the whole range of variations is condensed into the only
form, valid for this piece." Kurtag, too, has spoken about the impact of
the importance of variability in Gregorian chant, with other words, but
with the same sense. And, in fact, many of his works have alternative
forms and others are also ''variations'' of the same or a similar idea.

11. 5.
We have spoken already about the problem of text treatment. Ac-
cording to S06s "the harmonic thinking that dominated recent centuries
determined also the text-music coordination. In the second half of the
20 th century a narratiye way of presentation emerged again, which is in
harmony with the tonal tensions manifested in the intervallic steps of the
monophonic melody. Appropriate techniques are explored in the sphere
of ~fferent kinds of Sprechgesang, adopting freely the pitches and rhytlun."
It was the treatment of text which first impressed Kurtig in Gregorian
chant. After having studied the recitatives of the 18th-19th -centuries ora-
torio and opera, he wanted to compare it with the Gregorian method of
[LmC--- . Laszl6 Dobszay -'J
------- ----------------------------

texting. He was moved by the simple tonus lectionis, the beauty of reciting
text on one pitch. "So I came to Gregorian chant and memorized a lot
of pieces at the time when I was working on my 'Peter Bornemisza's
Sayings'."

Ill.
But as Vidovszky explains: "The question is, whether Gregorian chant
has a message over the centuries, such as folk music had at the turn of
the 19 th and 20 lh centuries. Such a message cannot be a merely musical
one. I think of the cult of the Greeks in the Renaissance or the incli-
nation to everything 'old' in the 19 th century, including also a bit of op-
position to their own age." Can such extra-musical motives account for
the interest in the use Gregorian chant by the late 20 th -century compos-
ers, and especially here, in Hungary?

111.1.
I think we cannot leave out of consideration the indirect influence of
Bartok, whose music proves that inclusion of inherited material is not a
sign of artistic weakness but may offer an impulse to creative power.
At the same time, the generation after Bartok and Kodily seemed to
exhaust the possibilities of ethnomusicological orientation. As Dukay
said: "The previous generation was unable to free himself from the pres-
sure of Bartok and Kodily. A new generation then grew up and these
things began to seem very distant to them. This kind of music composi-
tion became very alien for me, not in the sense that folk music and folk
culture were not lovely to my heart, but as a composer I could do noth-
ing with it."
Political motives might also be inferred: a wish to get free from in-
wardness, a turn towards Europe. Gregorian chant means the same for
Europe as folksong to Hungary. A kind of universality, among other things,
might be discovered in Gregorian music, in the same way as Bartok and
Kodaly discovered the roots of national music culture in folk music.
Dukay says that for him Gregorian chant presents the great chal-
lenge of meeting music that was the basis of European music for over
six of the ten centuries of its history. As Jeney says: "In last resort, it is
 CHANT THEMES ...

something universal, that could be joined when casting off provinciality.

Though I never felt myself provincial in this sense of the word, and
when I first got out to Darmstadt, everything that happened there was
obvious to me."
The new approach changed the meaning of folk music, for both
Jeney and Kurtag. As Jeney says: "The way I bring folksongs into the
Funeral Rite would have been unimaginable for me thirty years ago. Gre-
gorian chant was acceptable, and it also brought back folksong in quite
a new way." In Kurtag's pieces, too, folk music allusions appear in a
uniquely new style, not different from the Gregorian chant associations.

111.2.
"Objects re found" (objets trouves) play an important role in "post-
modern" music, similarly to other fields of art, more importantly than in
any other historical period. Vidovszky speaks of a musical "wall-paper"
which surrounds us. Earlier or distant musical cultures become more
alive today than they could have done in the homogenous cultures of the
past. Music composition, which went ahead at full speed through the last
centuries, now stops and looks around, scrutinizing this "musical mix-
ture" for the parts which can be utilized today. In this regard Gregorian
chant means the same for a composer oriented to Europe as do the
Asian or African musical cultures for other composers. In Dukay's narra-
tive the succeeding layers of historical periods began to merge into each
other, and all kinds of music from the beginnings up to recent times
become present simultaneously. This mixture, though no more than an
escape for the untalented composer, might be a source of inspiration for
new creaoons.
Jeney, together with Vidovszky, declares that the objet trouve be-
comes totally transformed into something personal in the creative proc-
ess. "In my case", says Vidovszky, "one cannot speak of an elementary'"in-
fluence of plainchant: the techniques and musical nature of these pieces
are not different essentially from other instances, where I allude to other
sorts of musical material".
According to Jeney: ''After certain encodings the objet trouve results
in effects which would not otherwise have occurred to my mind; their
adaptation is, however, the outcome of an autonomous decision". At
 Laszl6 Dobszay

any rate, the desire to look farther (to distant regions) or back (to distant
ages) became vitally important for young composers of the '70s and '80s.
Many of them (like Kurtag, Jeney, Vidovszky, Gemesi, Dubrovay, S06s)
joined the Schola Hungarica, and during the five or six years when they
were singing in the choir they acquired a practical and deep knowledge
of chant. On the other hand - as Kurtag, Jeney and Dukay explained -
the Schola Hungarica played a special role in the musical life of those
decades by calling the attention of a broad sphere of listeners, including
professional musicians, to this music and made a large repertory accessi-
ble for them. As Kurtag put it concerning his song Fnedn'ch Holder/in:
An .. . : "This piece would be impossible without experiences in the
Schola".

111.3.
In the interviews, composers pointed to the properties of Gregorian
chant among "refound objects". An ancient musical culture may appear
to represent forgotten or neglected values, and may express a deficit in
the given society, as Vidovszky formulated. He goes on to say that any
art whose spiritual message has fallen out of the memory of a society
may take this role. In his opinion Gregorian chant never ceased to be a
living practice and so it does not express some missing value.
But Dukay is convinced of the opposite: "All vocal music is con-
ceived in the context of sacrality, and whoever is interested in Gregorian
chant wishes also to restore the distorted balance. Plainchant presents
something universal and genuine; it evokes the feeling of a depth which
contains not one or two, but many millennia. After the conflict of West-
ern rationalism and Eastern emotionalism, plainsong symbolizes a new
meeting point, a new balance, the chance of rising up into the sphere of
the timeless." "Gregorian chant expresses nothing", he goes on, "but
emits something infinite. This restoring feeling of distance is enhanced
by the Latin words." Dukay is speaking here, of course, of his individual
experiences. But Gregorian chant may in fact embody contrast to the
music of recent times, and hold up to our age an objective, ancient and
universal order.
 CHANT THEMES ...

And yet one may be permitted to ask if the influence of plainchant

has not been overestimated. Certainly, its impact is ephemeral and can-
not be compared with its basic role in the 12th or 15 th century. It came
forward at a given point of music history (and in one geographical en-
vironment) because of peculiar historical and musical reasons. This con-
nection to one given part of the past was exceptional; after its possibili-
ties had been explored, it fades back among its many other companions
and affected future epochs only through the mechanism by which music
history as a whole influences them. The composers emphasized that they
came into contact with this music just when they were looking for their
own voice. Dukay remarks, in a tone almost of protest: ."I don't regard
these pieces as stylistic exercises. They are organic parts of my oeuvre,
they are my own." As Jeney explains, any motive coming from outside
can be a starting point for the composer; but the work itself is created
through personal decisions. The result depends on the talent of the com-
poser, and the adaptation of Gregorian tunes (like any other reflection)
may either remain a curiosity, a sign of eclecticism, or become something
assimilated in the creative process by compositorial imagination; I can
find no more appropriate words to close this paper than those of Vidov-
szky, who, after speaking rather skeptically about the importance of Gre-
gorian quotations, goes on to say: ''At the same time the Gregorian .rep-
ertory, because of the incredible richness of its compositorial means,
remains an inexhaustible source, which probably casts a spell over all
composers coming near to it. But these experiences, similarly to the
study of other old masters, belong to the more intimate sphere of a com-
poser and cannot be generalized at alL"
 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 483 \

Pawel GancarciJlk CANTIJ5 PLANUS MULTIPlEX

IN POLEN: VON EINER
MONDLICHEN TRADITION
ZUR NOTENSCHRIFT

Es gibt in der Musikgeschichte einige Phanomene, die eh er se~ten auf

Seiten der Biicher oder synthetischer Bearbeitungen auftauchen. Sie blei-
ben meist auBerhalb des iiblichen thematischen Hauptflusses, der von
groBen ~amen und beriihmten Werken vorgegeben wird. Diese, gewis-
sermaBen unbemerkte Musikpraxis, ist oft von nicht so hohem kiinsderi-
schen Wert. Manchmal kann sie aher zur Quelle interessanter Beobach-
tungen was z.B. ihre soziologische Rolle betrifft oder die Notation an
sich, werden. Man sollte sie also als einen wichtigen und integralen Be-
standteil der Musikkultur betrachten, ohne dem das Bild unserer Vergan-
genheit unvollkommen erscheinen und verfilscht wiirde. Zur solchen
Phanomenen in der Musikgeschichte aus der Zeit zwischen dem Ende
des Mitte1alters und dem Anfang der Neuzeit gehort eine Richtung in
der Mehrstimmigkeit, die von Alberto Gallo (nach Prosdocimus de Bel-
demandis) mit dem Terminus cantus planus binatim belegt wurde1 und von
anderen Wissenschaftlern als einfache, primitive oder retrospektive Mehr-
stimmigkeit bezeichnet wird. Ihr Naturell wurde bis jetzt noch nicht zu-
friedenstellend gekHirt. Ebenfalls ist es schwer ihr Wirkungsbereich, Cha-
rakteristika und Funktionen zu bestimmen. Del gegen~artige Stand des
Wissens erlauht jedoch zwei Merkmale der cantlls planus binatim hervorzu-
heben:
1. Die. Einfachheit der musikalischen Bearbeitung, die in deutlicher
Disproportion zur den damals aktuellen kiinstlerischen Richdi-
nien steht, die sich unter anderen durch' den Gebrauch von nota
contra no/am Technik zeigt, ferner durch Wiederholbarkeit gangiger

Alberto Gallo, "Cantus planus binatim. Polifonia primitiva in fonti tardive", in: QllodtiviNIII
VII (1966),79--89.
 Pawet Gancarczyk

melodisch-kontrapunktischen Formeln und einen gewissen Mi13-

brauch von Intervall-Paralellismen auGert.
2. Das haufige Auftreten von Gemeinsamkeiten mit dem Choral,
und das sowohl in genetischer Hinsicht (Choral als die Grundlage
der mehrstimmigen Komposition) wie in der Art der Notation
(Choralnotation oder Choralnotation ausgestattet mit Mensural-
elcmenten), sO\\t1e in funktionaler Hinsicht (angeschlossen an die
Liturgic, eventuell mit der Theorie der musica plana).

Beirn Hervorheben des engen Verhaltnisses zurn Choral konnte man

jene Phanomenc als Choralpolyphonie bezeichnen, in dem man sie der
mensuralen Mehrstimmigkeit gegenubersteUt. Irn Tirel dieser Arbeir wur-
de jedoch ein Terminus, vorgeschlagen von Miroslaw Perz - cantus planus
mllltip/(}x benutzr, der sich auf den Terminus cantus planus binatim von Pro-
doscimus de Beldemandis bezieht, wobei sein Bedeutungsbereich urn
drei- und vierstimmige Kompositionen erweitert wurde. 2
DICSC Art der Mehrsrimmigkeit wird erst seit kurzer Zeit erforscht.
Die erste grofkre Besprechung, die diesem Thema gewidmet wurde, war
die Arbeit von Arnold Geering (1952).3 Eine wichtige Stel1e in der For-
schungsgeschichte des cantus planus multiplex nimmt die Arbeit von Theo-
dor GoUner: Die mehrstimmigen fiturgischenusungen (1969)ein,4 sowie eine
Sammlung der Studien von def Konferenz Le polifonie primitive in Fn'uli e
in Europa, die 1980 in Italien stattgefunden hat. 5 Relativ fruh und umfas-
send widmete man si ch dieser Problematik in Polen. Den Beleg dafiir lie-
fern die Vorkriegsarbeiten von Maria Szczepanska6 sowie die Edition
von MirosfaW Perz (aus den 60. Jahren), die Faksimile und Transkriptio-
nen damals bekannten Kompositionen im cantus planus multtplex-Stil vom

:2 Miroshw Per%, .,Polifonic primitive in Europa oricntalc", in: Le polifonie primitive i,l Friuli e in
Ellropa. Alii del congresso interllOzionale Cividole del Frillli, 22-24 ogosto 1980, Hrsg. C. Corsi,
P PetrobelLi (Rom, 1989), 99-106.
3 ArnolJ Gccring, Die Organo IInd mehrstimllJigtll ConriNctllS in de" Handschriften dIJ dlN/schm
Splt1l:hgebieleJ /Jom , 3. bis 16. ]nhrhllnderf (Rem, 1952).
4 Theodor C;ollner, Die mehrstrmmigm lilllrgischen Leflmgm, Hd. 1-2. (rurzing, 1969).
5 Sichc I"ufinote 2.
6 Z.H.: "Do historji mlizyki wiclog/()sowci w Polscc z konca XV wicku", in; Kwarlolnik [Link]-
'!y VIII (1930), Nr. 8, 275-306,
 CANTUS PLANUS MULTIPLEX IN POLEN

Gebiet des sog. Kleinpolen (Malopolska) beinhalten. 7 Die gegenwartige

Untersuchung basiert auf neuesten Forschungen, deren Ziel Katalogisie-
rung und Beschreibung aller gegenwartig bekannten DenkmaIer der pol-
nischen Choralpolyphonie darstellt. 8

I.
Polnische Denkmaler des cantus planus multiplex sind verhaItnismaBig zahl-
reich und eignen sich 1"elativ gut ftir vergleichende Untersuchungen. Bis-
her war es moglich 35 Handschriften, die diese Art der Polyphonie auf-
weisen, zu katalogisieren. 9 Die Datierung dieser Quellen ist ziemlich un-
terschiedlich. Das alteste Beispiel von cantus planus multiplex stammt van
Ende des 13. Jahrhundert (pL-WRu 411), das jlingste aus dem Jahre
1621 (pL-Kc 3609-11), was einen imponierenden Zeitraum van 350 Jah-
ren darstellt. Die Mehrzahl der Handschriften stammt jedoch aus dem
15. und vam Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts (17%), was allerdings nicht be-
deuten muB, daB diese Art von Musik sich einer besonderen Popularitat
in diesem kankreten Zeitraum erfreute. Es handelt sich hier meist urn
[Link], die in die Kategorie von liturgischen Manuskripten geho-
ren, insbesondere urn Graduale, Antiphonarien und Cantionale. Deren
Mehrheit entstand in klosterlichen Zentten, hauptsachlichbei Zisterzien-
sern, Claryssinen und Augustinern (49%). Bine besondere Stelle nehmen

7 "Sources of 1>olyphony up to c. 1500. Facllimiles", in: Alltitptifalts M"HCIJI ill PoJollia, Bd. 13.
(Warschau-Graz, 1973); "Sources of Polyphony up to c. 1500. Transcriptions", in: AnJiqIli-
lales [Link] in Pololfio, Bd. 14. (Warschau-Graz, t 976).
8 Pawd Gancarczyk, "Cantus planus multiplex. Chant Polyphony in Poland from the Thir-
teenth to the Sixteenth Century", in: No/at [Link] tIrlis. Musicol Notation in Polish Sotmts
111J._16'b Ce"tllry. Hrsg. E. WitkoWlika-Zaremba (Krakau, 2001), 349-401.
9 Dariiber hinaus kann man zu den {onhIJ pkmNJ I1IN/~Itx-DcnkmaIcrn Druckc dreicr (polm-
schcr) theorctischcr Traktate dazurech~cn. welche Beil>pielc einfacher mehrstimmiger Kom-
positionen beinhalten, uod die sich durch bcsonderc Einfachhcit der Bcarbcitung sowic ei-
ner Choralnotation auszeichncn. Das Besondcre dabei is.-, das alle drei Werke der IIIlInen
pla"a gewidmct sind .. Ell handelt sich hier urn: Georgius Libanus: Dt acctflfNlflll milsiasticlJt'IIIII
exqllisita rationt, Krakau ca 1539, vcroffcndicht bei M. Scharffcnberg und: D'IIINSicdlIaNtJiim.s
oratW cbenfallti von Libanus, Knkau 1540, vcrOffendicht b(.'; J. Halicz sowie Sebastianu6 Fel-
- stinensis: OpWCllbtm [Link] t:JHJtPilobmi 1IOfIiI1r. Kmbu 1517. veroffentlicht bei J. Hailer. Unter
den 35 DenkrnaIcrn dcr catlW PhwllS '1IINIlipIex in Polen befindcn sich vier verschoUene Hand-
schriften. Siche auch Pawel Gancarczyk, tip. al., 352-360.
[(86 ~-_----- --=~=- ------~ef Gilncarczyk

hier auch Diozesan-Handschriften ein (40 % ). Interessant erscheint eben-

faJls die territoriale Herkunftsaufteilung der einzelnen Handschriften. Bis
auf eine, die aus Pommern stammt (pL-PEs 19) ist der Ursprung der
restlichen I\1anuskripte in Kleinpolen und Schlesien zu suchen. Man
k6nnte es also riskieren eine Hypothese aufzustellen, daG die Popularitat
des cantus planus multzplex si ch auf jene Gebiete, die mit dem bohmischen
und deutschen Kulturkreis unmittelbar benachbart waren, beschrankt.
Dies wurde das "restliche" Polen ausschlieGen. Den speziellen "polni-
schen" Charakter unterstreichen besonders jene Handschriften, die aus
Kleinpoien stammen. Aus diesem Gebiet stammen auch die meisten
Handschriften (66%), unter denen sich auch die jungsten Stucke befin-
den, die in das 16. und vielleicht sogar in das 17. Jahrhundert zu datieren
sind. Jedoch aufgrund der Tatsache, daG es in der Mehrzahl Handschrif-
ten aus der Krakauer Diozese sind, kann man behaupten, dan der Haupt-
ort der Kultivierung des cantUJ planus mu/up/ex in Polen eben die vorher
erwahnte Dibzese war.
Das Repertoire der besprochenen Mehrstimmigkeit umfaGt momen-
tan 53 Kompositionen, die mehrheitlich mit der Liturgie verbunden sind.
Am [Link] treten Bearbeitungen von Messiesungen, insbesondere
des Anfangfragments des Evangeliums nach dem Ht. Mathaus, begin-
nende mit den Worten: Liber generationis (1, 1-16). Diese Perikope ist in
12 Versionen erhalten geblieben, was wiederum uber die Halfte der Eu-
fopa weit erhaltenen mehrsummigen Bearbeitungen dieses Textes dar-
stellt. Einer ahnlichen Popularita.t erfreute sich der Fragment der Prophe-
zeiung des Jesaia: PopuluJ gentium (9, 2,6,7) mit dem Tropus Laudem deo di-
cam, der in sechs schlesischen Handschriften uberliefert wurde. Eine
wichtige Position im Repertoire des cantUJ planus mu/up/ex in Polen neh-
men auch die Bearbeitungen von Benedicamtls domino und den mit ihnen
verbundenen Tropen ein. In einigen Quellen tauchen auBerdem mehr-
stimmige Sequenzen und Teile des ordinan'um missae auf. Bezeichnend ist,
daB wir in cler Mehrzahl der Eille mit Kompositionen zu tun haben, die
mit den wichtigsten Festen der kathouschen Kirche verbunden sind, also
mit Weihnachten und Ostern. Die Einfuhrung dieser einfachen Mehr-
stimmigkeit in die Liturgie soUte also offenbar die besondere Bedeutung
jener Festtage unterstreichen, andererseits deutet wenig darauf hin, daB
die se Art \(on Musik im Alltagsgeschehen aufgefuhrt wurde.
 CANTUS PLANUS MULTIPLEX IN POLEN

Bei der Charakterisierung des polnischen Repertoire des cantus planus

multiplex soUte man unterstreichen, daB er eine starke lokale Eirbung auf-
weist. Es wird schon dabei sichtbar, wenn man das Repertoire der schle-
sischen und kleinpolnischen Handschriften vergleicht. Fur die ersten ist
charakteristisch das Auftreten von mehrstimmigen Bearbeitungen der
Lesung Populus gentium, ftir die zweiten - der Lesung Liber generationis und
verschiedener Sequenzen. Das poInische Repertoire weist direkte Ve~­
wandtschaften roit dem bohmischen und - ein wenig indirektere - mit
deutschen und osterreichischen Repertoire auf. lll Das Fehlen deutlicher
Beziehungen zur italienischen Kompositionen zeigt, dail der Wirkungs-
kreis dieses Repertoire sich auf Mitteleuropa beschrankte.

11.
Der Ursprung des can/us planus fIIultiplex ist nicht ganz eindeutig. Die Wis-
senschaftler zeigenjedoch, daB diese einfache Mehrstimmigkeit mit def
Praxis der mundlichen Oberlieferung verbunden ist, deren Hauptmerk-
mal in ihrem improvisatorischen Charakter beruht. Sie basiert aui, eigen-
tlimlichen verzieren von Choralmelodien, zu denen nach den Regeln der
einfachen Mehrstimmigkeit eine oder mehr Stimmen hinzugeftigt wur-
den. Der U rsprung dieser Praxis ist vermutlich in der Volksmusik zu su-
chen, wobei war sie, insbesondere in def spateren Zeit, fur Einfllisse der
Errungenschaften der Mensuralmusik offen. Flir die se These spricht
der Umstand, daB jegliche Anzeichen flir eine Verwandtschaft zwischen
dem can/UJ planus multiplex-StiI und den Formen der fruhen Mehrstimmig-
keit fehlen. Die Praxis, von der hier gesprochen wird, ist nicht eine se-
kundare Erscheinung des Noire Dame-Organums oder anderer Mehrstim-
migkeitschulen, sondern stellt eine Konsequenz aus einer lebendigen
Tradition dar, die sich fernab jeder schriftlichen Fixierung entwickel~ hat.
'-
Dies schafft, was deren Erforscbung betrifft, eine nicht alltiigliche, aber
auch gleichzeitig ziemlich riskante Situation. Wir analysieren das, was in
10 Siehc: Jaromir Ccrny, "StreuQveicy vicehlas v ccskych zcmich", in: Mist-ellollM MfUicoloica
XXVlJ-XXVIII (1975) , 9-116; Arnold Gcering, op. cil.; Rudolf Flotzinger. "Non-Mensura!
Sacrcd Polyphony ("discanrus',) in Medieval Austria", in: Lt poliJonie primititlt ... 8.0., 43-61.
Die J\utorCll sctzten andere Kriterien bei der Bestimmung von der "retrospektiven" Mehr-
stimmigkeit cin, was die DurchfUhrung der Vcrglcichc zwar crschwcrt, macht sie jedoch
nicht unmoglich .
 Pawet Gancarczyk

der mundlichen Tradition exjstierte, und dies uber ein Prisma von Nie-
derschriften, rue meist nur cin zufalliges und nicht reprasentatives Bild
einer vergangenen Praxis darstellen. Es ist jedoch ein Problem, mit dcm
die Musikwissenschaftler schon seit geraumer Zeit zu kampfen haben,
urn es hier nur die Arbeiten von Leo Treittler oder Helmut Hucke zu er-
wahnen. 11
Polnische Denkmaler des ({'mlus plallus mu/ftplex liefern einige Bewcise
fur den mundlichen LT rsprung dieser Musikpraxis. Als cin besonders ge-
eignetes Beispiel kann hier die Niederschrjft eines Fragments des Hym-
nus Glon'a iaus et honor (pL-Wn 8054, f. 177v) clienen, der sich am Rande
des beruhmten Krasinski Kodex (urn 1440) befindet, welcher an und fUr
sich ein sonst sehr ambitioniertes Mensuralmusikrepertoire beinhaltet, so
z.B. unter anderem Werke von Johannes Cicorua und Nicolaus de Radom.
An def uns interessierenden Stelle wurde, im ubrigen ziemlich ungenau,
eine Choralmelodie noticrt, bei der eine Bemerkung steht: "In quinta
incipiendum est simplex cantus", Dementsprechend wurde jenes Frag-
ment des Hymnus also zweiscimmig aufgeflihrt, wobei rue zweite Stimme
lediglich eine Verdopplung in Quint der Hauptstimme darstellt. Ein der-
art einfaches Mittel bedarf keinerlei genauerer Notation. Man kann da-
her meinen, daB in ahnlicher Weise - also in parallelen Intervallen - auch
andere Choralmelodien verziert wurden. Die Mehrheit der polnischen
cantus planus mu/tiplex Denkmaler soUte man daher rucht als vollendete
und abgeschlossene Stlicke betrachten. Ihre Niederschrift ist oft weit von
VoUkommenheit entfernt, oft handelt sich hier lediglich urn eine kurze,
beilaufige Notizen.
Als Beispiel daflir kann hier der H ymnus Ave mans sle/la dienen, der
auf einem Pergamentblatt aus der Handschriftensammlung der Jagiello-
nischen Bibliothek (PL-Kj 320, f. IIIv) steht, dienen. Seine Choralme-
lodie erscheint in der Hauptspalte des Textes [Link] mit weiteren,
einstimmigen Hymnen (Beispiel 1). Die [Link] Stimme wutde viel

11 Sichc bcsondcrs: Leo '['reitier, .,»Camus planus binarimte in ItaJy and the Question of O ral
and Written Tradition in General" , in: Le polijonie primitive ... s,o" 145- 161; J...eo Treitie r,
"Oral. Written and) ,ltcrarc Process in the Transmission of Medieval Music ' , in: SpeCIIlum
LV I (1981 ), 471-491; Helmllt lJucke, ,,Dcr Obergang von miindLchcr zu schriftlichcr Mu-
s ikliberlieferun~ im Mittcbltcr" in: &port tif the Twtljih Congress Btrktky 1977, Hrsg, D
Hcartz, B. Wade (Kas!>c1 I:hsel- London. 1981 ), 180-191.
 CANTUS PlANUS MULTIPLEX IN POLEN 489J

Beispi 11 K.rak6w, Biblioreka Jagiellonska, Ms. 320, Fol. IIIv

Ave motis stdia. 14. und ] [Link]., Malopolska (Kleinpolen)
§i__ ____ Pawef Cancarc:zyk

spater dazugeschrieben, und zwar uber dem Text und das in einer derart
ungenauen Art, dan sie das prazise Ablesen sehr erschwert. Den Aus-
gangspunkt bildet also der Choral, [Link] in einer exakten schriftlichen
Form, zu dem eine neue Stimme hinzugefugt wurde, jedoch in einer der-
art spontanen und freien Form, cia!) sie keine prazise Niederschrift erfor-
derte" Ahnlich Beispiele lassen sich nahezu belie big aufzeigen; z.B., in der
Handschrift aus der OssoLineum Bibliothek in Breslau, der eine Bearbei-
tung des Liber gemrationis beinhaltet (PL-WRo 3070, f 26v-28v), in der
die einzelnen Stimmen der mehrstimmigen Kanstruktion zwar prazise,
was die RichtLlng des Fortschreitens der :Nfelodie betrifft, niedergeschrie-
ben wurden, jedoch ist die Hohe in der sie natiert wurden falsch angege-
ben worden (supen"or und medium tauchen urn eine Sekunde zu hoch auf;
Beispiel 2). Der Versuch einer Entzifferung des mehrstirnmigen Ab-
schnittes wird dadurch ein wenig erschwert, es scheint jedoch, dal3 es
ahnlich wie im Falle der fruhen Niederschriften des Gregorianischen
Chorals auch hier nicht urn eine Fixierung der absoluten Tonhohe ging.
Die Auffiihrenden wul3ten offenbar, wie man dieses Werk auffUhren soil
und die Niederschrift sollte lediglich die Richtung anzeigen, in der die
Melodie sich entfalten sollte. Verrnutlich sind aus diesem Grunde die
Schlussel von dem Schreiber nicht besonders beachtet warden. Bis auf
den Anfang des Evangeliums tauchen sie spater nicht mehr auf.
Die Beziehungen zwischen dem t"antus planus multiplex und der mund-
bchen Auffuhrungstradition zeigt sich nicht nur durch ihre spezifische,
nicht logische, vom Standpunkt der schriftlichen Tradition her gesehen,
eigene Niederschrift. Die wechselseitigen Beziehungen sind auch in der
musikalischen Struktur der untersuchten Stucke sichtbar. Als das beste
Beispiel hierfur kann die Weise def Bearbeitung der Libergenerationis-Lesung
dienen - die wie ich bereits erwahnt habe - in Polen in einer besonders
grol3en Anzahl erhalten blieb. Bereits die eigentliche Textstruktur rueses
Stiickes scheint stark durch ein orales Prinzip gekennzeichnet worden.
Das Liber gcnerationis beruht auf Aufzahlung [Link] Ahnen Christi, begin-
nend mit Abraham, in dem stets das gleiche Schema verwendet wird:
AbraIJam autem genuit Isaa0 lsaac autem genuit Jacob, Jacob atflem germit Judam et
Iratres eius, etc. Jene Wiederholbarkeit, welche einen immer wahrenden
rhythmischcn due/tu etabliert, soUte erleichtern das auswendig zu lernen.
Die Art, in cler die Genealogic Christi zusammengesetzt wurde, ahnelt
 CANTUS PLANUS MULTIPLEX IN POLEN .___._ ___ ~iiJ

Beispie12 \"Xiroda\v, Biblioteka Zakladu Narodowego im. Ossohn-

skich, Ms. 3070, Fol. 27v
1~be1-gcllerationiJ, ca 1450-1470, 1vlalopolska (Kleinpolen)
 Pawcl Gancarczyk

anderen "rnundlichen" Genealogien anderer Kulturkreise (z.B. in Afrika).

Der textlichen Beschaffung folgt die rnusikalische. Das Liber generationis
ist in 14 Segmente eingeteilt wurden, von denen jedes eine identische,
viergliedrige Struktur aufweist. Man kann daher dieses Werk auf ein
Schema zuriickfuhren, daB bis zur Erschopfung des Textes immer wie-
der wiederholt wurde. Es reichte also eine verhaltnisrnaBig kurze Forme!
zu lernen urn die ganze, urn sieben Minuten dauernde Komposition auf-
zufiihren. Erganzend laBt sich sagen, daB nach dern identischen Muster
auch die das Uber generationis vorausgehende EinfUhrung (Dominus vobi-
scum, Et cum spiritu tuo, etc.) vorgetragen wurde. Ahnlich konstruierte
Schemen wurden daruber hinaus auch anderen Evangelientexten, wie
auch zum Gloria-Text hinzugefiigt.12
Vorn Gesichtspunkt unserer Betrachtungen her ist auch der innere
Aufbau einer so1chen Forme! wichtig. Wie bereits erwahnt, besteht sie
aus vier Abschnitten. In einfacheren Bearbeitungen des Liber generationis
wurden die ersten drei Abschnitte einstimmig von drei aufeinander fol-
genden, einze!nen Sangern aufgefUhrt. Erst der letzte Abschnitt, der eine
Art von Kulrnination darstellt, erhie!t eine mehrstirnmige Gestalt (Bei-
spiel 3/a). In komplexeren Bearbeitungen dieses Evangelientextes trat
Mehrstimmigkeit auch in andern Abschnitten auf, jedoch immer so, urn
den abschlief3enden Kulminationspunkt zu unterstreichen (Beispie! 3/b).

3. Mathan autem genu it 4. Jacob

2. Elcazar autcm genu it Mathan 4. Jacob
1. EliuJ autem genu it Elcazar 4. Jacob

Beispiel 31 a

2. Eleazar autem genuit Mathan3. Mathan autem genu it 4. Jacob

3. Mathan autcm genu it 4. Jacob
t. Eliud autem genu it Eleazar 2. Elcazar autem [Link] 4. Jacob
2. Eleazar autem genuit Mathan3. Mathan autem genuit 4. Jacob

Beispie13/b

12 Siehe: Theodor Collncr, op. cit.~ Manfrcd It SchmiJ, "Ein dreisrimrruges Clona im Lektions-
ton Zum Tiibinger Fragment einer deutschcn Ifandschrift des 15. Jahrhunderts", in: Archiv
for MuIiktvissenschoJi XLVIJI (1991), N r. 1,37-63.
L -_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ___~_U.S__puw
CAN ___U_S_M_u_L_n_PL_E_X_IN__P_O_LE._N____________ ~

Das stetige Wiederholen dieses Konstruktionsprinzips erinnert ein wenig

an Sysiphos Aufgabe: Stets wird der Kulminationspunkt erreicht, urn ihn
immer wieder zu verlassen und am Ausgangspunkt zu gelangen. Bezeich-
nend ist hier auch clef Aufbau der mehrstimmigen Abschnitte. In einfa-
cheren Bearbeitungen des Uber generationis kann man ihn auf vier Klange
zusammenfiihren: Quint-Oktav-Klang, zwei QuintenkHinge, und erneut
eines Quint-Oktav-Klanges (identischen mit dem ersten). Diese Abfolge
von vier Klangen wird jeweils zwei mal prasentiert. Die Unterschiede
zwischen den einzelnen Versionen des Liber generationi! beruhen im We-
sentlichen auf der Art der Stimmenfiihrung. Die Hauptregel der Abfolge
der bestimmten Klange bleibt unverandert (Beispiel 4/a). Nach' dieser

Al Ai A2 A) A2 A4
,.,;

• • • • .. .... .. ,. . X.. --.

• .... .. .... .. ... • .... ,. ..

-
......

Beispiel 4/ a

Regel ist auch das letzte Fragment des Uber generationi! aufgebaut worden,
der auf dem Wort Christus basic::rt. Es scheint eine ziemlich ausgebaute
Struktur aufzuweisen, jedoch beruht es im Wesentlichen auf den steten
Wiederholungen der gleichen Klangsequenzen (Beispiel 4/b). Was diese
Abfolge klanglich bereichert ist die Technik des Stimmtausches. Beim

,., A2 A4 81 A2 Cl A4 C2 B2

• .. .. .... • ,. .. .......... ,.
'X 'X
• .... ,. .. ............... • .................
....
Bei8piel 4/b
~ ---

~9_4_ _._ _ _ _ _ _ __ ___

Pa_w~ Cancarczyk

Aufbau einfacherer Liber generationis Versionen wurden also fur mundli-

che Uberlieferung zwei typische Mitre1 eingesetzt: die Rege1 der Wieder-
holung und der Redundanz. U Ein Zeugnis dafur, daB wir hier letztend-
Iich mit dem Einflul1 von mundlicher Tradition zu tun haben, be1egt
auch der Umstand, daB es unter den 12 polnischen Uberlieferungen des
Liber generationis keine idencischen Versionen gibt, trotz dessen, daB sie
alle mit den gleichen Formeln operieren. Der Gewahrleistung von identi-
schen Version en ware nur durch Abschriften von einer Handschrift in ei-
ne andere moglich gewesen. 14

Die von mir angefercigte kurze Ubersicht laBt vermuten, daB can/us
planus multiplex eine jener Erscheinungen der Musikgeschichte darstellt,
in welcher es zur einer Koexistenz von alten und neueren Elementen
kommt. In diesem Fall handelt es sich urn eine besondere Kaexistenz
der mundlichen Uberlieferung auf der einen und der schriftlichen Kultur
auf der anderen Seite. Der "Nebenstrom" der Mehrstimmigkeit, der als
cantus planus multiplex bezeichnet wird, stellt mit Sicherheit eine konserva-
tive Richtung dar, die am Rande der gro{)en Ereignisse der Musikge-
schichte steht. Seine bis heute uberlieferten Zeugnisse saUte man jedach
als eine gewisse Art von Avantgarde betrachten; sie stellen einen Versuch
auf Pergament das zu ubertragen, was gewohnlich ohne Schrifttum aus-
kam.

Obersetzt van DJ Schwider (M.A .), Miinchen

13 Siehc: Waiter Ong, Orality and Uler(1(Y, The Technologlzlng of the Word (London-New York,
1982).
14 Siche: Leo Treitler, "Canrus planus . " S.o, 150
 CANTUS PLANUS MULTIPLEX IN POLEN

Verzeichnis der zitierten Quellen

PL-Kc 3609-11 Krak6w, Biblioteka Czartoryskich, Ms. [Link], [Link],
[Link] [drei Stimmbiicher];
PL-Kj 320 Krak6w, Biblioteka Jagiellonska, Ms. 320;
PL-PEs 19 Pelplin, Biblioteka Wyzszego Seminarium Duchownego,
Ms. L 19;
PL-Wn 8054 Warszawa, Biblioteka Narodowa, Ms. III.8054 [olim Kras 52];
PL-WRo 3070 Wrodaw, Biblioteka Zakladu Narodowego im. Ossolillskich,
Ms. 3070;
PL-WRu 411 Wrodaw, Biblioteka Uniwersytecka, Ms. I F 411.
L IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 4971

Sevenne Grassin CISTERCIAN POLYPHONIC

REPERTOIRE OF THE 14TH
CENTURY:. PAST, PRESENT,
FUTURE

It is often still thought that the Cistercian order objected to the very
practice of polyphony. t The reason for this prejudice comes primarily
from the fundamental principles of the Rule itself and the successive
general chapters of the 12th, 13th and 14th centuries which dealt with
music: these consistently emphasized that the values of ~adition and
authenticity would be best represented by a pure pral:tice of plain song. 2
However,: we should note that the practical reality was different from the
theory: one of the best examples of polyphonic practices within the Or-
der IS undoubtedly the Spanish repeftoire of Las Huelgas [Link]
the late 13th century3 and, as Sarah Fuller has noted, polyphonic practices
wefe already pre~ent in some English monasteries in Dore and Tintern
during the 13th century:~ What are the reasons for this gap between the-
ory and practice?
We might argue that the Cistercians have been the victims of their
own success: it is principally because of the rapid diffusion and develop-

1 Claire Maitre, "Un traite cistercien d'Ars N,va", Aspf~ts tit 10 llll1siqNl lilltrgiqll, till Moyell .Au,
cd. Christian Meyer (Paris: Creaphis, 1991),284.
2 Claire Maitre, La riforllll cislminl1lt d1i PIoi,,-chtillt, ihlm d'"" IrtJili thiOrilJlII (Brecht Abdij Naz-
areth, 1995).
3 El Codex llfllsiCIJ/ tit LIs HIH~, ed Higinio Angles, 3 vols. (Barcelona: AMS, 1931)~
4 S~h Fuller, "An Anonymou~ Treatise didNs tit Sando Mmtiall: A New Source for Cistercian
Music Thc~ry", MIISita DistiplillO 31 (1977), 26; quotation and commentaries ..on Joseph
Marie Canivez, SIdIIIla Capilohmllll G",,,a!Umt Ordillis Cistminlsi:r sis ob a"II' 1t t 6 ad a"lIIIJII
1786 (Louvain, 1933), Vol. 1, 472. Concerning 13r11 -century Cistercian musical sources, see
Mark Everist, "A Reconaltructed SoU1'Ce for the Thirteenth-century Conductll", c;.rrJ." AIM'
[Link] (1929-1981) i • .,.,,';l1/li (Henryville: Institute of Medieval Music, t9(4); 97-118
and the forthComing article kindly communicated by his author, Manuel Pedre Ferreita.
"Early Cisterc1an Polyphony: A Newly-discovered Soqrce", P,stsdwiJI Robnt SIrO~ ed. David
Crawford.
 Severine Grassin

ment of the Order across Europe that the principle instituted by Ste-
phen Harding in the Cha11a Charitatis: lIuna can'tate, una regula, similibusque
vivamtus moribus''5 became difficult to respect. In fact, monasteries were
more often influenced by their local and temporal surroundings. 6 This
applies to both an intellectual and a musical point of view.
During the fourteenth century, the general chapter of the Order still
repressed polyphonic practices in favor of authentic monody, as wit-
nessed by the. general chapter of 1320. 7 At the same time, sophisticated
ars nova polyphony was taking root in the Parisian academic circle. These
polyphonies were repressed by the Church, especially by Pope John
XXII in his decretal of 1324 which favored simple, "improvised" po-
lyphonies. In this context, what was the musical reality within the Order,
and more specifically, what kind of polyphonies did the Cistercians per-
form?
In fact, the Cistercians were practicing what scholars have designated
variously as "simple", "archaic", "primitive", "early" or "organal" po-
lyphonies. All of these terms emphasize a polyphonic reality character-
ized by a survival of polyphonic traditions from the 9 th through 13 th cen-
turies: namely, the organal practices as described in early polyphonic trea-
tises such as Musica Enchiriadis and Micrologus, the repertoires of ((Saint-
Martial", Las Huelgas and the French motets in the Montpellier manu-
script. The Cistercian pieces also constitute a precursor to a larger poly-
phonic repertoire diffused in Germanic-speaking areas in the 14th, 15 th
and 16 th centuries. Therefore, the Cistercian repertoire of the 14th cen-
tury represents an important transitional point between the tradition of
early polyphonic practices and its transmission. Consequently, I should
like to address several points regarding the process of composition in
such a repertoire and in particular, the re-writing and re-interpretation of
past polyphonic traditions during the 14th century.
Firstly, I will begin with an overview of the manuscript sources and
genres of pieces involved, thereby demonstrating the rather ambiguous

5 Charta Cantalis. Joseph Mane Canlvez, op. crI.; Vo!. I, XXYlI, chap. IV.
6 Chrysogonus WaddeU; "The Origin and Early Evulution of the Cistercian Anttphonary. Re-
flection on Two CistefClan Chant Reforms", The Gslercian Spm/: A SymposIum in Memory oJ
Thomas Mer/on, cd Basil Pennington, Cistercian ~tudics Series 3 (Washington, 1973), 220.
7 Joseph Maric Camvez, op. cif., Vu!. III, 320.
L_____________c_
s_T_E_Rc_
_A_N_~__~_p_H_O_N_'_c_R_E_PE_R_TO__IR_E_.. _. ___________~_4_9~9
links that this 14th -century repertoire keeps with its past, its present and
its future.
Secondly, I will outline the transmission of each constituent piece
that wiil allow us to better understand how and why such a repertoire
deals with its past and its future.
Finally, I will present the analysis of the musical material and of the
different processes of composition involved which will allow us to de-
fine more precisely how past musical traditions and present musical prac-
tices intertwine to form this 14th -century Cistercian "repertoire".

As seen in Table 1, this Cistercian repertoire is contained in five

main manuscripts, 8 which originate from five different Cistercian monas-
teries located in the region extending across modern-day Alsace, Switzer-
land and Austria. Each source presents such codicological and paleo-
graphical particularities that it is rather difficult to establish the perime-
ters of this repertoire.
For example, the two non-musical manuscripts of this repertoire -
the Wilhering source and the Psalter of Colmar are dated respectively to
the 12th and 13 th centuries; yet, the polyphonic pieces, added Dn later fly-
leaves date to the beginning of the 14th century. The three other manu-
scripts are Graduals dated to the 14th century. The polyphonic pieces
contained in them - either "added" on later flyleaves or "integrated"
among the monophonic pieces date from the early 14th through early 15th
centuries. From a paleographical point of view, two main types of nota-
tion are represented: first, the motets "added" to the 12th_ and 13th-cen-
tury manuscripts are in mensural notation: in Wilhering, the notation is
of a rudimentary type. For the Colinar source, the notation is that of the
ars nova. The notation in the three other manuscripts is primarily unmeas-
ured, 14th -century square notation with some regional char~cteristics
such. as three-note ligatures, typical of the Swiss area. Interestingly, one
piece contained within the Oxford manuscript - a Kyrie dated to the 15 th

8 Sources CJuoted from Claire Maitre, "Un traite cistercicn d'Ars Nova", ASPltlstit la IIItlSiqNI
/illlrgiqllt 011 Mf!Jtn Age, cd. Christian Meyer (paris: Creaphis, 1991),284. Concerning other
Cistercian sources, set: SCverine G rassin, "Sur la pratique polyphoniquc chez les Cisterdeos",
EllIdes grtgoriennn 29 (2001).
~o Severine Crassin

SOURCES CONTENTS PROVENANCE PIECES

Colmar, Biblio- Psalter Abbey of Pairis f' A: M. .. .comburitur

theque Municipale, (Alsace), 13th c. passus celos - T. Sanete
352 (RISM B IV /2, Laurenti martir
161-162.) f' Av: M. Hmi Sanete
Spiritus - T. Veni pater
divine spiritus
fO 132: M. 0 inestimabi-
le - [T. rlos filius eius]
.f 132v: 0 mana via vite
Fribourg, Biblio- Gradual Abbey of fO 14Ov-141: troped
theque de la Mal- Hauterive (Swit- Agnus Dei Cnmina tol-
grauge,4 zerland), 14th c. lis
(RISM B IV /2, 63.) fO 156: Kyrie V
Luzern, Kan ton ale Gradual Abbey of fO 182: Sanctus
Bibliothek, P Mscr. St. Urban (Swit- f' 183: Kyrie
25 fol. (RISM B zerland), 14'h c.
IV /2, 65-66.)
Oxford, Bodleian Li- Gradual Abbey of fO 104-1 04v: B.n Ni-
brary, lat. lit. d. 5 Hauterive (Swit- cholai Soflempnia
(RISM B IV /1, zerland), 14,h c. f' 106: B.D. Catholieo-
539-540.) mm mnclO
f' 115: Kyrie
f' 123v: B.D. Ad can-
tum fetitie nos invitat
f' 127v-128v: Ave
vIrgo mrgtntum
\X'ilhering, Stiftsbib- Sermons by Abbey of Wil- f' 1: M. I nperatrix
liothek, IX. 40 St. Bernard hering (Austria), supernornm civium
(RlSM B IV /1, 81.) on The Song rf 141h cen tury
Songs

Table 1

century - is notated in both square notes and minims. The voice arrange-
ment is also a point to be emphasized: most of the pieces of this reper-
toire have their two or even three voices arranged in score. Only the
 ClSTERClAN POLYPHONIC REPERTOIRE ... 5011
S anctus and F;ytie in the Luzern source, and three motets of Colmar have
their voices arranged successively. Finally, the Wilhering motet is a single
voice (the duplum) arranged in a separate part.
Thus, by considering just the sources, with their various codicologi-
cal and paleographical particularities, we begin to understand the rather
ambiguous state of this repertoire with respect to its temporal implica-
tions. The past, the present and the future are all involved in this 14th
-century repertotre.
Moving beyond the sources to the pieces themselves, we can observe
that the types of polyphonic settings are highly representative of 14~­
century musical practice: three Kyrie, one Sanctus, one Agnus dei, four
troped Benedicamus Domino, four motets and one conductus constitute the
polyphonic corpus. From a liturgical point of view, this polyphonic rep-
ertoire is completely contemporary with the so-called sophisticated ars
nova repertoire. For example, no difference~ in terms of genre and litur-
gical function can be distinguished when this repertoire is compared with
the contemporary repertoires practised in elite circles such as Northern
Italy and at the papal court in Avignon. 9 In this way, the Cistercian reper-
toire is truly included in its present.
Establishing the genesis and transmission of each piece involved will
'help us to sort 9ut. the complex relationship this repertoire has with its
past and its future. Examining the different influences, whether geo-
graphical or institutional, will emphasize the relationships of this reper-
toire with its past; and considering its later diffusion will illustrate its link
with its future. It is through the comparison of concordances for each
piece that the point of transition will be established. The fourteen pieces
constituting this repertoire can be classified into two main categories:
those which are witnessed in earlier repertoires and those which are first
witnessed in the Cistercian repertoire and sometimes in other contempo-
rary 14th -century German sources.

9 Italian Sarred [Link], cd Alberto Gallo, Kurt von Fischer, l)olyphonic Music of tbe Fourteenth
Century 12 (Monaco: L'Oiscau-Lyrc, 1976); [talion Somd alld CfflIIIontai MIlJic, cd, Alberta
Gallo, Kurt von Fischcr, Polyphonic Music of the Fourteenth Century 13 (Monaco: I,..'Oiseau-
Lyre, 1987); Frtllch Sacnd MIlJic, cd. Guilio Cattio, Francesco Facchin, Polyphonic Music of
the Fourteenth. Century 23 A and B (Monaco: L'Oiseau-Lyre, 1991).
 Severine Crassin

There are four pieces which represent the former category. Among
these four, there is one which has its roots in the Aquitanian repertoire:
namely, the troped Benedicamus Catholicomm concio; two which have their
roots in the English polyphonic repertoire of the 13 th century: the ron-
dellus Cnmina tollis, which is a troped Agnus dei, and Ad cantum letitie; and
one which belonged to the French motet repertoire of the 13th century:
the motet Inperatnx supernorium Clvium. Certain of these pieces can also be
found in the Las Huelgas repertoire. All of them can be found in later
sources except the Wilhering motet.
There are ten pieces which are first witnessed in the Cistercian
sources or in contempory 14th century German sources. Based upon the
known surviving sources, six of these ten pieces presumably do not have
a written transmission beyond the 14th century. These six include two or-
dinary settings from the Luzern source and the Kyrie from the Oxford
source; the troped Benedicamus Ave virgo virginum; the motet Sancte Lau-
renu' Martir and the conductus 0 j\1aria via vite. The remaining four pieces,
the motets, veni sancte spin/us and 0 Inestimablle trielinium; the troped Bene-
dicamus Nicholai sollempnia and the Kyrie V continue to be diffused
through the 15 th and 16 th centuries.
The two distinct categories of pieces demonstrate very well how this
repertoire as a whole is a transition between the older, learned poly-
phonic traditions of the reglon west of the Rhine and the larger poly-
phonic repertoire of the German-speaking area to the north-east. This
Cistercian repertoire therefore acts as both a transmitter of past poly-
phonic traditions and creator of new polyphonic practices. This particu-
lar characteristic is principaJly due to the geographically-strategic situa-
tion III and institutional standing of this repertoire. First, this Cistercian
repertoire emerged at the crossroads of the two main cultural currents of
the medieval world: I1
- the flow between North and South, which witnessed the exchange
of improvisational practices through the transmission of musical trea-
tises from Northern I taly to the Rhine area and the English tradition
transmitted from the Netherlands along the Rhine;

10 Dorothc;J Haumann. " SchwciL". MGG 8 (1994), coL 1184·[185.

11 Ludwig [;in,;chcf, "J)cut~ ch[aml", MGG 2 (1994), col. 1178.
 ClSTERClAN POLYPHONIC REPERTOIRE .. . 503 1

- the flow from the West to the East, which linked influential centers
of the West, like Paris, with secular and regular clergy of the eastern
population.
The transmission of this repertoire was also facilitated by the special
Cistercian system of mother and daughter houses. In this way, the Cister-
cians were able to convey their predominantly French culture and tradi-
tions to German-speaking area. For example, the French abbey of Char-
lieu in the diocese of Besan<;on constitutes the founder and mother
house of the monastery of Hauterive. 12
These geographic and institutional factors contribute to the recep-
tion of various outside influences, and in particular, french influences
within the Cistercian milieu. Furthermore, the diffusion of this reper-
toire is in a large part due to the particular prestige and power of influ-
ence that the Cistercian order held in the entire Germanic-speaking area.
All of these elements contributed together to form this repertoire en-
compassing past, present, future.

After having tried to further understand why such a repertoire was

so involved with its past, its present and its fixture, I should like now to
understand how its past, present and future are involved in the musical
material itself I will now demonstrate through the comparative analysis
of several pieces how the compositional processes of the Cistercian rep~
ertoire dealt with past traditions, present practices and future diffusion.
According to my previous classification of the pieces - depending
upon whether or not they were witnessed in older repertoires - I will fo-
cus on two main types of compositional processes: first, the case of an
older polyphonic piece being "repracticed" by 14th -century Cistercians

12 J-P Renard, "Hautcrive", Die Zisterz;enser IIltd Zislerzienserinntll, die &jormierttll Bmhardinm,,-
nen, die Troppisten Imd Troppislillll'" 11"" die WillJll1liten in "" Schwei~ cd: Rudolf Henngder, .
Helvetia Sacra 3/1 (Bern: Franckc, 1982), 176.; Egbert Friedrich von Mulincn, HelveJia Sotra -
orkr &ihtnJolge der kirchlichtn Obern IInd Oberinltttl in tkn ehlll/aligm IInd noth [Link]"tkn inntrhalb
rkm gegenwarligen UmJangt de,. S chweiZtrischtn Eidgenossmschaji gel'!,,,,," Bisthiilllffll, Colltgiatstiftm 11.
Klosfern, Vol. I (Bern, 1858), 177. The monal:ltery of Saint-Urban was also founded in 1148
by the abbey of LuceUe located in the diocese of Basel in Alsace. See also l~ Justin, Gumy,
FJgis/re rk I 'abbtryt rk HdNlmvt de l'ordlY de Ci/taNx. DepNis sa fontiaJion en 1138 jtlSqN'" la fin tiN
regne de I'abbi d'Alfry 1449 (Fribourg: Irnprimcric de l'<r:uvre de Saint Paul, 1923), XIII and
Dd-krchtold, Hisloire tIN callton fit Fribollrg 1 (fribourg:]-1.. Pillcr, 1841),27.
12_04________ .___ _____S_e_'v_e_ri _ne_ G_r_as_s_in_ _ _ _ __ _ _ __ _ _---.J

and di ffused in the 15 th century. Second, the case of pieces being newly
composed in the 14rh century and poten tially diffused in the 15 th and 16 th
centunes.
As noted earlier, four pieces are witnessed by an earlier repertoire.
None of these earlier pieces have been received by the Cistercians in an
unaltered form, and all are unique versions of preexistent pieces. What is
altered? What remains constant? Here, it would be impossible to general-
ize about these pieces, for each seems to relate to its tradition in a differ-
ent way. Consequently, I will consider the pieces individually in order to
demonstrate the relationship of each with its past repertoire.
Let me turn first to the troped Benedicamus Domino Catholicorum
conclo (Example 1/ a), a piece which is first witnessed in the Aquitanian
repertoire and which is also witnessed in the Las Huelgas codex.13 Sig-
nificant variants can first be detected at the level of the tenor: the Cister-
cian tenor differs from the other two versions by inverting notes (ex:
ODOCO FED versus DDDDC FED), by adding passing tones or
moreover, by adding ornamental notes which move against the upper
voice in parallel fifths (Example l/b). The organal voice of the Cister-
cian piece also differs from the Aquitanian and Las Huelgas versions. For
example, in the Aquitanian version, the organal voice is melodically very
independent from the tenor. It is highly melismatic and moves frequently
beyond the interval of an octave. In the Cistercian version, however, the
two voices in the Cistercian polyphonic version are more dependent
upon each other. A maximum interval of the octave is respected be-
tween the tenor and organal voice, and the organal voice is less melis-
matic: besides the first syllable of each phrase, a maximum of three for-
mulaic notes (ex: AGA, CBe) in the organal voice are placed against one
note in the tenor. Both counterpoints are based upon note-against-note
motion of consonances of fifths, octaves and thirds, but also fourths
and sixths. All these variants emphasize a different way of embellishing a
preexistent melody. This version is simply one among several versions of
the same musical object.

13 Sce also the analysis made by Leo Trcttler In "SymposIum 'Pcriphcric' IInd 'Zentrum' in der
Geschichtc der CIn- und mchrsrimmigen Musik des 12. bis 14 Jahrhunderts". Bencht iiber den
lnlernarionalen MllS1klJ/iss~lIf{baftlichtn Kongms Berlin 1974, cd IleUmut Klihn, Peter Nitschc
(Kasscl: Hiircnrcitcr, 1980) , 66. 70, 71, 73.
L .- -- -----------------------
ClSTERClAN POLYPHONIC REPERTOIRE ... 505 1

F-StA, f044v (according to Treitler)

!t

• ....
11
,- ......
- ..... ,. w ......
• , , ... "
~""
I

~
~
,-

GB-OxiB, fOl06 (according to Geering)

• -
I

"
:'\
~
,
•. ---~
.. ... .-. • ....
WoUI
-"-
,.,
In 0
u ,. " ~
..
,.
IJ

1 .
(6.,.
• .~ .. • ...
D

Example l/a

f\ , - , ..... .. *'.+•.-..,...... r-..

F-StA. f044v (according to Treitler)

... ------
"--A "
~~
~
;.
•
.. ... -
-. ---- -'"
~

""
GB-OxtB, fO 106 (according to Geering)

• --- a
-
~
~
J -
,. n.
\If

It
_
• ......
. ~~
LA"
•
r
u-
.~

Ill ....
-g
.
Example lib

Now, concerning the two Cistercian pieces which take their roots in
the 13 th -century English repertoire: the rondellus Crimina to/lis, a ttoped
Agnus dei, does not show significant melodic variants in comparison to
its earlier versions. The minor variants that do exist, can all be linked to
the process of oral transmission, and therefore, they do not fundamen-
tally change the essence of this three-voiced piece. From a textual point
of view, for example, some rhyme words are exchanged in different ver-
 - -- -_.
~
--~-

506 ___________S_e_v_e_ri_n__e _G_ r_a_ss_in_______________________ ~

---- -

sions without altering the general meaning. It is rather from a liturgical

point or view that the status of this piece changes. It is no longer the
trope of Agnus IX, a song for Marian feasts, but the trope of Agnus
XVII, a song for Sundays of Advent and Lent time. It is under this new
liturgical affectation that this piece is henceforth transmitted by the Cis-
tercians. For example, the version of the manuscript Engelberg 314 is
also the trope of Agnus XVII.
The troped Bcnedicamus Domino Ad cantum letitie is a new version
of a 131h -ccntury Engbsh piece which had already been so called "re-
composed" by the Dominicans in the beginning of the fourteenth cen-
tury 14 This plece has often been classified as a rondellus or as a conductus lS
because it is rather difficult to identify the cantus prius Jactus: the tenor and
upper voice seem to have been composed simultaneously. In fact, the
musical material of the Cistercian version is composed of the third poly-
phonic phrase of the English version (Example 2/ a). These two melodic
key-patterns constituting this phrase are exchanged with one other be-
tween the two voices. The so-called "tenor" presents an interesting vari-
ant: the four-note tenor motive that opens the first three phrases of the

GB-Cb 17, f' 3v (according to Liitolf)

... . ." "......-. ..- ...

-' ...
• • • 1 .....
• 1
...'
..
.
.... -
8
.,
•
~- .....
...... • •
• •
...
I
.---......
' . ......
' ..... "'
...

----
11

r1&,."
SS,• , ~5' 1 ~
. ..
"CB> ® ......
• •
. . •
I , ~
-

... --. • --. ---.-

"'\
-..,
11·
f, .. , -.
cut. 1t.1':' c:. to ~A.,d&. '- eta.-. .bi..&. u..I&. at.i.
Example 2/a

14 Sce c: hri~tophcr
.\llworrh. "The M cdieval ProcessIOnal: Donaueschmgen MS 882", Ephe-
me rides 84/2,3 (1970), 170-179.
utf(rgiror
15 Johll Bergasel. "The I)racrisc of con/t/J planllS bina/im in Scandinavia in the 12,1, to 16,h cen-
tury". U po/ijonit primitive in Fn,,!i e in Ellropa, cd. Ccsare Corsi, Picrluigi PctrobcUi (Rome:
torrc J'Orfco, 1989), 74 , 79. Sce also I '~dwm hcdenck FlindcU, "Conductus In the Later Ars
A/J/iqlld'. Gordofl Alho/ A/lrie1'SoJ/ (1929-7987) ill memonom. -VO'I selnell Studelllen, FmmdeJJ lmd
Co//egen (Ottawa : Institute of Mediae-val MusIc, 1(84), 137
 ClSTERClAN POLYPHONIC REPERTOIRE ... sW]
D-Don, F225v (according to Allworth)

Example 2/b

,.
.
GB-OxfB, F127v
.,.. ,
....
•. I
... ,. ~...
• ...
.... .. '1
.... •
....
I
•
.,.
•
~
"
............
~

~Sf' 55 ns :I~"' le ,. '"

I• ..
..... .
' '"111 ..
... .-
....;. .~
,-
i I

I
\,

...
---
.-
.. •• _D
~
-A ~
~

.. ~~
••

Example 2/e

piece is consistently presented in the English version on the pitches

GEFD; the Dominican alter the semi-tone to a third: CACG, keeping
this pattern for all three repetitions (Example 2/b). Curiously, however,
the motive is less stable in the Cistercian version (Example 2/c). That is,
in the first two phrases, the motive is sung on CABG, but in the third
repetition, the internal [Link] mutates to a third: CACG. In any case,
the upper voice remains unaltered. So, what does this mean in terms of
transmission of this piece? Which voice or "key-pattern'" is transmitted? "-
Upon what is the compositional process of this piece based? What can
we understand by "polyphonic piece"?
The other interesting variant between the versions of this piece con-
cerns its notation: that is, the Cistetcian written version in no way takes
note of the voice exchange consistently demonstrated by later sources.
Does this effectively reflect how the Cistercians would perform this piece
~-~-~- - ­

~~B Severine Grassin

or is the notation simply a reswt of a same sounding reality? A particularity

in the Cistercian version might help us answer this question, namely at
the place last phrase where in the Dominican version the two voices sing
in unison, the Cistercian version notates a single voice. We might there-
fore assume that in the Cistercian sources the written testimony of this
piece is more a blueprint of a sounding object than a performance indi-
catlOn.
Finally, the remaining piece is the motet Inperatrix supernorum civium.
The moter as it is found in the earlier Montpellier manuscript is "re-com-
posed" in the Cistercian version to feature to the duplum alone, pre-
sented in a single separate voice. Does this Cistercian version represent a
change from an earlier polyphonic tradition to a new monophonic one?
This supposition has been made by Marie Louise Ganner concerning
other Motets especially from the contemporary source Munich, Bayeri-
sche Staatbibliothek, Clm 5539. 16
In summary, by analyzing the traditional pieces belonging to this rep-
ertoire, we can more fully clarify how such past polyphonic traditions
have been dealt with by 14th -century Cistercians:
- Pieces already composed on a cantus pius factus have their variants in
the way in which they embellish a pre-existent monophonic melody;
- Pieces whose voices were initially composed simultaneously have
been transmitted either intact musically or "re-composed" to serve the
current style.
The variants concern not only the liturgical function, the text itself
and the musical notation but also the musical material. Regarding this
last aspect, the musical "re-composition" of these pieces is based upon
a rather different aesthetic affecting both the organal and tenor voice:
note-against-note counterpoint favoring perfect consonances, a reduced
interval between voices to the octave and the use of the voice-exchange
principle. These new versions seem better understood as "one poly-

16 Marie J..ouise C;oUner-Martinez, "The Transmission of French Motcts in German and Ital-
ian Manuscripts of the 14'~ Century", Le polifonie primitive in rnllli f in ENropa, cd. Cesare
Corsi, Pierluigi Petrobelli (Rome: torre d'Orfco, 1989), 170-175. See also her edition The
manuscript cod Lal. 5539 of the Bavarian Stole Library with an Edilion of Ihe on!Jnal T realises and of
Ihe Two-voice organal 5 ellings, cd. Maric-J Aluise GoUner, Musicological Studies and Documents
43 (Neuhauscn-Stuttgart I~Janssler, 1993).
 I
L ------------~.
ClSTERCIAN POLYPHONIC REPERTOIRE. ..
---.------~
509 1
phollic voice" rather than as polyphonic pieces composed of several
VOIces.
Let us now turn to those Cistercian pieces newly composed in the
14th century. The well-known polyphonic Kyrie V Cistercian version
does not show any melodic variants compared to contemporary wit-
nesses. I t is a two voiced piece composed according to the simple princi-
ple of note-against-note parallel counterpoint on the perfect conso-
nances of the unisson, octave and fifth. The three other Ordinary set-
tings of this repertoire are composed according to the same composi-
nonal process: by adding an organal voice to a cantus prius factus according
to the counterpuntal principle of note-against-note, perfect consonances.
The only main difference concerns the writing down of these pieees:
some of the pieces have their two voices arranged successively; but for
others, the Cistercian scribe has written the organal voi~ under the
chant, as opposed to the contemporary practice of notating tenor under
the organal voice. These notational particularities can be linked to earlier
polyphonic practices as they are described in treatises such as Musica En-
chinadis which were still being diffused in the entire Germanic speaking
area in the 14th and 15 th centuries.
. The Cistercian piece Nichoia Sollempnia has been dated to around the
same time as the building of the St. Nicholas chapel at the Hauterive
monastery in the 1320s. This could be the cause of its musical composi-
tion.17 In this piece (Example 3), thec41ltus prius factus could b~ recog-
nized through the tenor which is composed by two different phrases re-
peated once. However, it is the third [Link] of the upper-voice which is
only transmitted in the later versio~s of this piece. What can ·we con-
clude about the compositional process of this piece? In all the versions -
of this piece, it is more the sounding result of the D mode which re-
mains intact. Both voices are composed according to the same musical
rpateriaL Both move within an octave (the range from D to cl), emphasiz-
ing the pitches ·D-F-a-c-d, with perfect consonances of the fifth, unis-
son, and octave as ·well as sixths and thirds.

17 Severine Gratlsin, PolJpho1lirs improvism! ecrills do"s tits JOIlrn! 1IIt1t1I1!mlts all 14- sildl. EbItiI
d'IIn riptrtoire ann-tim, Memoirc de Maitrise (fours: University Ftan~ois-Rabelais, 1999),
66-69. For another citation of this piece, see Manuel Pedro Ferreira, ~. tit.
 . _ - - - - _ ._ -
0
i S1 Severine Grassin
~- - - -- - - - -- -

GB-OxfB, £0 104 (according to Geerin.P':::::~_ _ _ __

is! S - -

Ni. t...~ .r'." ""'tr-~- Lt:

I-CF 56, f'254v (according to Gallo-Vecchi)

CH-SGs 392, £0103-104 (according to Fischer)

1', 01..I nAl. f.'

..
11
a
•
11

.. •
.I.
..I n.
I
.. .. :
lit.

••
,...

... T
f'-

,
.... -
~S 13 5 , It " 5 ~ 53 1.-35 n ~ . ..
•
"-
n
"
.
•
.. .. • ..
l' I
- ... .. • . .... '"
l"I. rl (1 I.
In I
.I' I
J.
'"
•
"
• •
, .. I
1 I"
rl
&TT&
T

..
I •
r.....
I"" • .. a ~ .1

y" w.r.
~ ~

~ Ii. te.k. AI t...A. .-~~ .Jt, IIi

D-B-T-190, F29v

,. .. .. •... .. - ....
.,..
•• ,.1.".a T'"
n
:1
'"'"•• '"~ . ........
~

Iit'. W'O

r, "
j~

••"' • .......
...
.'
,. A'" ..,.....
,
.
, ....
11
r, •
~5_3L5.i~~
•
.
a'
...., '-.....~-
r
1,[
... ... .. . .. •• ••
!w""W
~ .....
.. .... w ..
. ........
::....

~ (~~ M 1- r-" ~ t""tt. r-.J.:..,

Example 3
[ ClSTERClAN POLYPHONIC REPERTOIRE ...

Finally, concerning the motets newly created by Cistercians, I will

only give an overview of the issues which merit future investigations.
What I wish only to emphasize is the implication this notation has for
understanding the notion of the present in this repertoire. From a musi-
cal point of view, comparisons have been made by Wulf Arlt between
the motet Veni Sancte spiritus and some melodical formulas taken from
French motet tradition. IS It must therefore be concluded that an evident
direct link exists between past French and Cistercian motet repertoire.

By identifying some musical elemen ts of these newly composed

pieces, we can remark that these pieces do not differ substantially from
the "re-composed" traditional pieces: .
- at the level of liturgical function, Ordinary settings, troped Bene-
dicamus Domino, and motets are still being composed;
- at the level of written transposition, the newly composed pieces
feature both score and successive notation;
- at the musical level: older, "recomposed" pieces and new 14th-cen-
tury Cistercian pieces seem to be made according to a common aesthetic
which is characterized by a preeminent respect for text comprehension,
the use of note-against-note counterpoint favoring perfect consonances,
the use of both parallel and contrary motion, a small interval between
the voices which makes them indistinguishable from each other, the use
of common compositional processes: the addition of an "organal" voice
to a cantus prius factus, and the composition of the polyphonic piece as a
whole according to the principle of voice-exchange. The repertoire takes
its unity in a common polyphonic style which is characterized by a strong
oral dimension rather than by a compilation of fixed pieces. The border
between Past, Present and Future seems to blur, giving way to the peren-
niality of oral practices.

In conclusion, what can we infer from this repertoire and its rela-
tionships with its past, its present and its future?

18 Wulf Arlt, "Rcpcrtoirefragen 'pcriphercr' Mchrstimmigkeit: das Beispiel des Codex EngeJ-
bcrg 314". Alii del XIV Congrmo del/a Soneta lnternozionale di MJlsic%gia: Transm1snone 6 Rmzi-
Me tie/le Forme di Cu/t1lra 1H1Isicaie, Bokgno, 1987, cd. Angelo Pompilio et al (forino: Edt, 1990),
\lol1,117-119.
 Severine Grassin

First, sources of the present 14th century and of its past contained
both present and future pieces. Secondly, pieces belonging to the past stand
next to future present pieces and finally, musical material of the past is still
used, re-used or re-composed in the present 14 th century and beyond,
into its future.
Past, Present and Future are closely intertwined within this Cistercian
repertoire: the present past repertoire also constitutes the present of a
future repertoire.
Such temporal considerations involved in this Cistercian repertoire,
defined as a whole, raise further questions as to the particular issue of
"repertoire". That is, which musical criteria are invoked by the particular
idea of "repertoire", when such a concept is applied to polyphonic prac-
tices of the 14th century?
These questions constitute the future challenging issues of poly-
phonic practices in the late Middle Ages.
 ClSTERCIAN POLYPHONIC REPERTOIRE ... 513iI

Abbreviations
CH-SGs 392 Saint Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, Cod. 392
D-B-T 190 Berlin Tiibingen, Staatbibliothek, Stiftung Preussischet Kultur-
besitz, Ms. Germ. 8° 190
D-Don Donaueschingen. Fiirstlich Ftirstenbergische Bibliothek, 882.
F-StM-A Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, fonds latin 1139.
GB-Cb 17 Cambridge, University Library, Ff. 1. 17 B.
GB-Oxf B Oxford, Bodleian Library, lat. lit. d. 5
I-CFS6 Cividale del Friuli, Museo .Archeologico Nazionale, Cod. LVI.

References
Allworth, Christopher, "The Medieval Processional: Donaueschingen MS 882",
Ephemerides Uturgicae 84 (1970), 179.

Fischer, Kurt von, "Neue Quellen mehrstimmiger Musik des 1"5. Jahrhunderts
aus schweizerischen Klostem", Rtnaissance-Muziek 1400-1600,
Donum Natalidum Rent Bernard Lenaerts (Leuven, 1969), 300.

Geering, Arnold, Die Organa und mehrstimmigen COllductus in den Handschrifon des
delllschen Sprachgebietes vom 13. bis 16. Jahrhundert, Puhlikationen
der shweizerischen Musikforschenden Gesellschaft 1 III (Bern:
Paul Haupt, 1952), 92-95.

I piu antichi monumenti sacri itaiiani. I: Edizioni foto!:ftlfiche, II: Parte storica, ed. AI-
berto Gallo and Giulio Vecchi, Monumenta Lyrica Meii .Aevi
Italica Ill: Mensurabilia (Bologna, 1968), pI. LIX-LX.
1

Liitolf, Max, Die Mehrstimmigen Ordinarium Missae - Siilze von ausgehenden 11. his
zur lIIende des 13. ~m 14. JahrhNndert (Bern: Paul Haupt, 1970),
Vol. 2,207.

Treitler, Leo, "Symposium 'Peripherie' und 'Zentrum' in der Geschichte d~

ein- und mehrstimmigen Musik des 12. his 14. Jahrhunderts",
Bencht iiber den 1nternationailn [Link] Kongress, Ber- .
fin, 1974, ed. Hellmut Kiihn, Peter Nitsche (Kassel: Birenreiter,
1980), 70.
 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 515

Rudotj Flotzinger ZUR MELODIEBILDUNG DER

NOTRE DAME-ORGANA

Obwohl seit einiger Zeit urn den Begriff NOlre-Dame l eine Diskussion im
Gange ist und da dies fur den vorliegenden Zusammenhang kaum von
Belang ist, sei - auch ohne vorangesteiltes "sogenannt" - mit Nolre-Dame-
Organa das bekannte Choral-gebundene zwei- bis vierstimmige Reper-
toire bezeichnet, das im spaten 12. und fruhen 13. Jahrhundert entstan-
den, in mehreren Handschriften des spateren 13. Jahrhunderts iiberliefert
ist und ttaditionellerweise mit den Namen Leonin und Perotin sowie
Zeitgenossen verbunden wird. 2 Es ist in neueren Ausgaoen3 zuganglich.
Innerhalb dieses Repertoires soil aber zwischen dem zweistimmigen sog.
Magnus iibel auf der einen sowie den drei- und vierstimmigen OrganaS
auf der anderen Seite unterschieden werden.
Sofern die Oberlieferung alteres und jiingeres ~aterial vermengt,6
liegt bereits darin ein Fall von "Altem im Neuen", doch braucht dem, da
relativ gut erforscht, hier nicht naher nachgegangen zu werden. Interes-
santer ware schon, daB, da Organa ja stets nur als eine besondere Aus-
fuhrungsweise des Chorals verstanden wurden, der "alte" Choral nicht
nur den "neuen" Organa der Notte Dame-Zeit als Tenoe zugrundeliegt,

1 Man benennt damit heute kaum mchr cine Epoche, sondern chcr ein herausragendes "Er-
cignis".
2 Oer vorliegende Text versteht sich lcdiglich als Werkstattbericht, der Vortrag war durch 'fei-
tere Notenbeispiele unterstiitzt (die hier wiedergegebenen sind dem Aufsatz von Schmidt
entnommen).
3 Von Heinrich Husmann (1940), William G. Waite (1954). Hans Tischler (1988), Roesner und
Thomas G. Payne (1996).
4 Den man nach dem Zeugnis des Anonymus IV CoulOlicmaker mit Leonin in Zusammenhang .
bringt und dem man auch sp~tcre Bearbeitungen, Erweiterungen, Clauseln usw. zuordnen
kann.
5 Die man nach iihnlichen Oberiegungen Perotin und weiteren Zeitgenossen zuschreibt.
6 Vgl. neuerdings Max Haas, Dit Orgono tier NOlrt-Dt1HINChlll" in: MGG 7 (1997), Sp. 870-874.
7 Dieser Begriff stammt aus der etwas spateren Motctten-Te;minologie. Ihn (z.B. anstelle von
"cantus prius factus") auch in den Notre-Dame-Zusammenhang zu projizieren, bringt ge-
wisse praktische Vorteile mit lOicli.
11___
51-6 _----- Rudolf Flotzinger
____________________________ ____.______________________
~ ~

sondern als Rechtfertigung fur dieses Neue diente. Im folgenden soli es

jedoch urn eine nochrnals andere, narnlich die wohl am wenigsten be-
kannte unci noch nicht hinreichend greitbare Ebene def Melodiebildung
gehen.
Bereits vor langerer Zcit waren in den neu-geschaffenen Oberstimmen
der Notre-Dame-Organa unterschiedliche Gestaltungsprinzipien nicht nur
beobachtet, sondern auch zu erklaren versucht worden: 1931 hielt Hel-
mut Schrnidt, eine altere Beobachtung von Friedrich LudwigB aufgrei-
fend, irn Magnus liber zwei Arten der Melodiebildung auseinander ("die
eine eher freistrbrnend und die andere eher gegliedert"),') die er mit den
Persbnlichkeiten Leonin bzw. Perocin verknupfte. 1tl Und in vergleichbarer
Weise sprach Heinrich Husrnann 1940 innerhalb der drei- und vierstirn-
migen Organa von einem neueren und alteren Gestaltungsprinzip, die er
einerseits mit der zeitgenbssischen weltlichen Lyrik und andererseits mit
der Gregorianik in Zusammenhang brachte. 11 Es liegt auf der Hand, daG
letzteres ein hinreichendes Wissen urn die gregorianische Melodiebildung
voraussetzen wurde. DaB Husmann deren Prinzipien auch nicht so weit,
wie man sie damals sah, naher referierte, kann ihm angesichts des Publi-
kationsortes (irn Vonvort seiner Gesamtausgabe) kaum zum Vorwurf ge-
macht werden. Nicht ubersehen soUte man schlieGlich, daG die beiden
Autoren unterschiedliches Material im Auge hatten und somit ihre Hy-
pothesen nicht einfach gleichgesetzt werden durfen. Sie sind jedoch An-
regung genug, die Frage erneut anzugehen. 12

8 I :ricJrich [Link], MHsik des Mitteioilers in der Bodischen 10mslhoije KorLsruhe, in: ZjMw 5
(1922/23),434-460, bes. 439,
9 Jacques llandschin, MlIsikgeschichte im Oberblick ([Link], 1948), 176.
10 I ldmut Schmldt, 2"r MelodiebiMlIlIg uonins "nd Ptrotins, in: ZjMw 14 (1931), 129-134.
11 ['lcinrich I ru~manll. Die drei· IInd vierstimmigen Notre·Dome-Orgono, Kritische Gesomtollsgtibe
(Leipzig, 1940). XXVII-XXX
12 I':s 1St auch nicht ohnc Pikantenc. dat) bcide /\utorcn ihrc (im ubrigen wcitgehend komple-
mcntaren) Dtsscrtationcn ~ozusagcn im Hintcrgrund hatten: Schmidts Aufsatz van 1931
1st un Exzcrpt aus seiner im Jahr zuvor approbiertcn Wiencr Dissertation (Die Orgono tltr

NOIre-DomeS elm/e), dcr zweJ Jahre spater ein Buch uber Die drei- IInd vierstimmigen Orgono fol-
gcn solltc (vg!. Richard Schaal, Verzeichnis rielllschJprochiger mllsilelVissenschoftlicher Disstrtotionen
1861-1960 [Kassd etc., 19631. 113), Unu auch Husmanns Hcrliner Disscrtation von 1932,
(Die dreistimmigen Orgono der NoIre Dome-Schllk mit besonderer Beriicksichtigllng der Hondschrifttn
Wolfenbiiltelllnd Montpeliier) ist nur in cincm Tcildruck crschienen (1935), 1940 gefolgt von
der besagtcn C;csamtausgabc dcs mchr- als zwcistimmigcn Materials. DaB cs nicht unbc-
 ZUR MELODIEBILDUNG DER NOTRE DAME-ORGANA 517 1
---------'

Von vornherein ist das gesamte Repertoire als geschichtet zu anzu-

nehmen: zumindest gemaB der unterschiedlichen Verbindlichkeit der zu
dieser Zeit neuen Modalrhythmik. Johannes de Garlandia halt drei Gat-
tungen auseinander: organum purum (oder per se, nicht modal), copula (nur
die Oberstimme/ n modal) und discantus (Oberstimmen und Tenor mo-
dal). DemgemaB ist zu erwarten, daB sich dies auch in der Melodiebil-
dung jeweils niederschlagen wird.13 Somit haben wir in unserem Reper-
toire mit insgesamt vier unterschiedlichen Melodietypen zu rechnen:
Choral und drei Oberstimmengattungen. Allerdings sind letztere nicht
leicht von einander zu trennen. Ja, dieser Frage unabhangig von Interpre-
tationsproblemen naherzukommen, stellt ein wesentliches Motiv fur die
folgenden Dberlegungen dar.
Auszugehen ist davon, daB die Melodik des Chorals im Tenor, die
wir als Melodietyp 1 bezeichnen wollen, auf bloBe Diastematik reduziert
ist, da die metrischen (Langen-) Verhaltnisse in unterschiedlicher Weise
verandert und die rhythmischen (Betonung, Takt) entweder vollends aus-
gefallen sind (in organum und copula) od er (im discantus) ein vollig neues
System erhielten. Eine Choralmelodie muBte also gelaufig sein, urn im
Tenor uberhaupt wiedererkannt zu werden (weil ihr eben wichtige Mo-
rnente ihrer Physiognornie genommen waren). Im Gegensatz zu alteren
Organumpraktiken 14 erscheinen die Einzeltone sowohl in diesem· orga-
. num- als auch im copuia-Satz stark degradiert: namlich zu Haltetonen, de-
ren Linge sich an der/ den Oberstimme/ n orientiert. Insofern sind sie
sogar geringfugig unterschiedlich: unabhangig davon, ob man die Halte-
tone als wechselnde Borduntone ansiehe s oder nicht,16 sind ihre Langen-

dingt das glciche sein muB, wenn zwei Verglcichbarcs angchen, ist dne uralte Weisheit, hier
abet uncrhcblich.
13 Denn eine Melodic ist nicht nur cine Folge von Tonhohen, sondcrn auch durch Momente
wie Tonalitat oaer Rhythmik gepriigt.
14 In denen cs bereits zu weitgehcnder Gleichbchandlung der EinzeltOne gekorrtmeo war, zu-
mmdest seit dem Satz Note-gegen-Note der rliaphonil1 (vgl. Jammers, D" I1IitItll1/t"liehl Chortll,
60).
15 D. h. daO sic in instrumentaler Wcise auch wahrend aIlfilliger Atem- oder Gestaltungspausen
der Obcrstirnmen wciterklingen.
16 D. h. daB sie, dcm Gesang angcpaBter, jene Pausen mitmachen und die fchlendc Notierung
der so entstehenden Tonwicderholungen im Tenor nur [Link] "verlorengegangene Selbstver-
standlichkcit" darstcUt.
 - -
Rudolf Flotzinger __J
verhaltnissc I7 im orgal1um-Satz unregelmaBiger als beim copula- 18 oder gar
discanttls-Sa tz.

j , .------:-, 1-' I I r--:ll-' I , r--:l

Notenbeispiell (nach Schmidt, 133)

Dieser Unterschied ist also durch die Oberstimmengestaltung be-

dingt. Diese selbst pflegt man im Fall des organum-Satzes als einen relativ
freien (d.h., wie bei jedem Bordun, von klanglichen Rucksichten auf den
Tenor weitgehend unbelasteten), ornamentalen und frei-rhythmischen
FluB zu beschreiben, der allenfalls durch einzelne Sequenzierungen l9 ge-
wisse Strukturierungsmomente erhalten kann. Deshalb lief) diese Art -
wir wollen sie als Melodietyp 2 bezeichnen - no ch immer an Choral (ge-
nauer: Choralimitation) denken.
Im Fall der copula ist die Oberstimmenmelodik (= Melodietyp 3) zwar
ebenfalls aufgrund des Bordunprinzips von klanglichen Aspekten weitge-
hend 2i1 unabhangig, jedoch andererseits durch die (idealtypisch) regelma-
f3ige Modalrhythmik gepragt. Deshalb mu} sie gegliederter, strukturierter

17 Unabhang1g davon, dafi c~ ~ich nur um /\usschnitte aus den bctreffenden Gesangcn handelt.
18 Bcsondcr~ wcnn man von dcr I ntcrprctation mit Tonwicderholungen nach Pauscn ausgeht.
wovon I Tusmann ubcrzcugt war uno was sich mcincr Mcinung nach auch nachweiscn hillt;
vgl. Rudolf FlotzlOgcr, Der DiscantJlssalz im MagmlS liber IInrl seiner Nachfolge. Wiener musik-
\Vi,s. Rcitrage 8 (Wien, 1969), 83f.
19 Ich untcrschcidc ocr Einfachhcit halbcr zwischcn dcr Tcxtgattung Scgucnz und dem musi-
kalischcn Gestaltun~mittcl Scqucnzicrung.
20 Namlich bis auf /\usgangs- und Ruhcrunktc .
 ZUR MELODIEBILDUNC DER NOTRE DAME-_O_R_G_A_N_A_ _ _ _S_1-----J91

sein und wird sie infolge einer stark wellenformigen Melodiebewegung

auch meist als engschrittiger empfunden.

WIS ~ EFrI: S sri Gr SF IG ; G, ~ ,

r--I j I r--, r-:--1 1'---' 0-11- I r------,

{~ n ItU SS

Si S 3 (b) I I

I' DOl

•
Notenbeispiel 2 (nach Schmidt, 130)

In Hinblick auf die ebenfalls modalrhythmische Bindung konnte

man versucht sein, dies em Melodietyp auch die Oberstimmenmelodik
des discantus-Satzes (z.B. Abschnitt }lestote (( in Notenbeispiel 1) zuordnen.
Man wiirde dabei allerdings die gewissermaBen verscharften Bedingun-
gen ubersehen, die sich durch die zusatzliche klangliche Relation zum
(nun auch bewegteren) Tenor ergeben. Man kann lediglich davon ausge-
hen, daB der Melodietyp 4 dem Typ 3 ahnlich ist. In Hinblick auf die Te-
nores konvergieren demnach organum und copula starker und in H' nblick
auf die Oberstimmenmelodik der copula- mit dem discanlus-Satz. In bei-
den F~illen schlagt die Oberstimmengestaltung auf den Tenor dutch, je- ,
doch in unterschiedlicher Weise: dessen zeitliche Komponente erhalt nur
im discantus-Satz ein vollig neues Bezugssystem,' er erreicht somit gegen-
uber dem Organalsatz das andere Extrem. Und in verschiedener Hin-
sicht stellt die copula ein Mittelding, eine "Verbindung" zwischen organum
 1520 ---. Rudolf Flotzinger
-----------------------~

und discantus dar.21 Oder anders (dem Generalthema entsprechend) aus-

gedruckt, erhalt im Discantussatz die alte Melodik des Tenors eine neue
Rhythmik und Metrik. 22
Die formclhafte, ja "maschinelle Durchfuhrung eines rhythmischen
Schemas", die in ganz besonderer Weise dann die Oberstimmen priigt,
hat Handschin als eine "Maltratierung der Melodie" bezeichnet, zu wel-
cher sich der Komponist verhalte "wie zu etwas Fremdem oder Totem,
zu etwas, das nur offiziell und nicht real da ware".23 DaB dies jedoch kein
bloHer Nebeneffekt, sondern beabsichcigt sein konnte, ist z.B. jenen Fal-
len zu entnehmen, in denen bei Tenor-Wiederholungen 24 rhythmische
Verschiebungen herbeigefuhrt werden,25 sodaJ3 die einzelnen Tenortone
in den verschiedenen DurchIaufen (cursus) jeweils unterschiedliche Lan-
gen und Betonungen erhalten,26 d.h. dieselbe Tonhohenfolge deutlich
unterschiedliche - und abermals sei betont: relativ neue - Melodien her-
vorbringen.
Daf3 Musiker des Hochmittelalters in unserem heucigen Sinne "histo-
risierend" gedacht hatten, ist auszuschlieBen. Aber daB sie si ch der Ver-
anderungen des Chorals durch die Mehrstimrnigkeit bewuBt waren, ist
gewiB. Dies auch nicht zuletzt deshalb, weil sie jene ja gegenuber Ob rig-
keiten verteicligen muBten. 27 Ebenso kann man davon ausgehen, daB ih-
nen die je spezifische Gestaltung der einzelnen "Stimmen" bewuf3t war,
da sie diese ja - zumindest theoretisch - sukzessive zusammenstellten
("kom-ponierten'').
Es liegt nun auf der Hand, daf3 es ebenso problematisch ist, be-
stimmte Melodietypen roit einzelnen Pers6nlichkeiten in Verbindung zu

21 Rcckow, Die Copula, passim.

22 Vielleicht ist hier der [Iinwcis nicht ganz ubcrt1ussig, clafi in def Modalrhythmik die Uingen-
und Aetonungsverhaltnisse durchaus, wenn auch engstcns mit einander verbunden, geregelt
sind
. 23 I-Iandschin, MlIsikgeschichle im Oberblick, 175.
24 Die bci Diskantparticn uno -Clauscln von Anfang an schr hauflg vorkommen und den An-
satzpunkt fur die spatere lsorhythmik darstcllen.
25 Was sogar in der Mchrzahl der l'a11e gcschicht und wenn notig durch Einschub fremder To-
ne herbeigcfiihrt wirJ.
26 [<,Jotzinger, Discanlllssali; 159.
27 Sic stcUten sic wohJ so dar, da13 wmindcst die Diastematie als Wesentliches erhalten bliebe
und nur Ncues him:ukamc.
 "

ZUR MELODIEBILDUNG DER NOTRE DAME-ORGANA 521]

bringen, wie aJlzu einfach von einer Melodieform auf eine andere zu
schliefkn.2B Ebenso unbestritten sind die Unterschiede zwischen der Er-
findung einer selbstandigen Melodie und einer solchen, die von einer an-
deren abhangig ist (indem sie gewisse Bedingungen des Zusammen-
klangs erfiillen muG). SchlieGlich kann man bei dem Repertoire, um das
es hier geht, nicht einfach von dem Choral sprechen, auBerdem waren die
Spezifika der Gesangsgattungen zu berucksichtigen (Offiziumsrespon-
sorien, Graduate und Allelrga der Messe sowie Benedicamus domino). Unbe-
streitbar dUrfte aber auch sein, dan trotz der Arbeiten von Peter Wagner/9
Dominicus Johner/o Bence Szabolcsi,31 Ewald Jammers 32 u. a. Analyse-
methoden fur die hier skizzierten Probleme no ch nicht zur Verfugung
stehen; denn sie taugen bestenfalls zu Beschreibungen, aber nicht zu Dif-
ferenzierungen. Moglicherweise kann es eine fUr alle Melodietypen ge-
meinsame auch nicht geben. 33 Trotzdem sollen erste Ansatze zu einem
moglichst unvoreingenommenen und schrittweise aufzubauenden Zu-
gang skizziert werden, [Link]. zunachst versuchsweise anhand eines einzi-
gen Beispiels: 34 des ersten Gradualresponsoriums des Magnus liber (Vi-

28 Indem z.B. Husmann vorschlug, die Obcrstimmc des organulII pUrtllII "am besten" so zu
ubertragen, "daB sich ein moglichst glcichmilliger FluB crgibt. der sich der gregorianischen
Rhythmik annahert" bzw. "moglichst W('1lig von der a1ten grcgorianischen unterscheidet";
Hcinrich Husmann, uomJl, in: MGG 8 (1960), 648; Einjiilmml. i" di, [Link] (Hei-
delberg, 1958), 186.
29 Peter Wagner. Grtgorianischt Fortlltnkhn. Ei,,1I choralischt StilkllnM. Einfiihrung in die gregoria-
ni~chen Mclodicn 3 [Link], 1921), Kap. 2jIIJ, V-VI, bcs. 327.
30 Dominicus Johner, Worl "lid TOil illl Choral (Leipzig, 1940), 2. Kap. Sie bestatigen die enge
Verbindung mit dem Text a1s Ausloser und Rkhtschnur im Detail, z.B. ihr lineares Wesen,
den Unterschied zwischen auf- und absteigenden SOMe die Spannkraft von groGeren Inter-
vallen, daraus resultiercnqe Tonartencharakterika, die Scltenheit von nur aus Selrunden be-
stehenden Gesiingen, Intervallfiillung, Bewegung, usw.
31 Bence Szabolcsis Bmu/ti",,, Z" ti,," G~JthichJI dtr Mtlbtlit (dt. Budapest, 1959).
32 Ewald Jammcrs, Du ntilllloll"licht Choral ArJ IInd H"luInjt (Mainz, 1954).
33 In dieser Unmoglichkeit scheint sich zunachst sogar die Unterschiedlichkeit der hier in Rede
stehendcn Formen zu zeigen und paradoxerweise konnte man gerade dies auc:h a1s Aspekt
eincs gcwissen ehrfurchtsvollen Umgan~ mit dem Choral ansehen; vgl. auch Jammers, D".
",;1I,lollerliche Choral, 11.
34 Als weitere Bedingungen legen sich nahe, dirckt bei den thcoretisch zu cl'w.!,l'tenden Mdo-
dietypen anzusetzen, mit ciner Erfassung def Diastematik a1s jenes Aspektes zu beginnen,
der den drci genanntco Mclodietypcn gemcinsam it;t und crst dann zwecks Differenzierung
zu wciteren fortzwchrciten .
~22----- -~~-=--_- _-_--__ _u_d_o_lf Flotzin_g_er_ _ _ _ __ _ __ _ _ ~
R _

derunt omnes). Es scheint in allen groBen Handschriften auf und miiBte

mit seinen verhaltnismaBig wenig unterschiedlichen, jedoch charakteristi-
schen Versionen JS hinreichendes Anschauungsrnaterial enthalten.
DaB die Verteilung der einzelnen Tone nach der Version F zunachst
nicht mehr als Selbstverstandlichkeiten erkennen laf3t, verwundert kaum:
im Tenor (= Choral) finden si ch 34,84% c, 24,59% a, 11,48% j, je 9,83%
d und g, 4,92% h und 2,86% b sowie 1,63 % e; in der Oberstimme: 8,86%
c, 13,33% a, 18,75 % j, 17,1 0% g, 15,56% d, 4,83% b und 1,30% h, aber
20,16 0/0 e. Die Tone erscheinen somit in der Oberstimme insgesamt et-
was allgemeiner verteilt, der Wechsel zwischen b und h ist etwa analog,
trotzdem sind (siehe nicht zuletzt die extrem unterschiedliche Anzahl der
e: im Tenor am seltensten und in der Organumstimme am haufigsten) die
verschiedenen Lagebereiche der beiden Stimmen sichtbar. Ebenso auf
der Hand liegt, daB die durchschnittliche Anzahl der an den einzelnen
Worten beteiligten Tone im Choral deutlich niedriger war (15,4) als sie in
den Oberscimmen ist (34,37) und daB Tonwiederholungen im Tenor hau-
figer (bis zu fiinfmal) sind.
lnteressant erscheint auch die Suche nach charakteristischen Tonfi-
guren: es fanden sich solche, die nur (z.B. cac 9 X, acca 5 X, fac 5 X) oder
eher im Choral (z.B. ac 26/6 x , adc 9/4X) vorkommen, sowohl im Tenor
als auch in den Oberscimmen zu finden waren (z.B. acd 4/3 X, agfg 2/2X)
und wieder andere eher (z.B. edcc 1/6 X) oder schlief3lich nur in letzte-
ren ([Link] SOX, fide 21x, edc 1/28 x ,lfed 31X, agfed 18x, edef16X,gfede
l1 X ,fedef10 X). Nur die Arten 2--4 konnten allenfalls an Vergleichbarkeit
denken lassen, und kaum zufallig sind die zuletzt genannten durch diato-
nisch absteigende Tonfolgen (die Anonymus IV currentes nennt) gekenn-
zeichnet. Es erweist sich also, daB es spezifischere Einsatze der Tone zu
erfassen gilt.
Auch der nachste Schritt, die Verteilung der mit ihrer Hilfe gebilde-
ten Intervalle, stellt noch einen recht mechanistischen Zugang dar. Er ist
jedoch zum einen durch die erwahnte Entkleidung des Chorals von wei-
teren Melodiekomponenten (insbes. rhythmischen) erzwungen. Zum an-
dern werden die Daten getrennt nach den angenommenen Gattungen
wiedergegeben, urn zu sehen, ob sich u. U. bereits auf diese Weise eine
35 Di~ Intonation ist in alien drci w~itg~hcnd glctch, der \'cr~us in Wz i~t deuruch [Link] und
b~~itzt and crc Discanrusparticn ab In W, unu F
 ZUR MELODIEBllDUNG DER NOTRE DAME-ORGANA 5231
U nterscheidung zwischen ihnen entwickeln liefk. Dariiber hinaus k6nn-
ten auch noch and ere Aspekte sichtbar werden (Angaben wieder in %):36

CHORAL ORGANUM COPULA DISCANTUS

1 21,07 15,51 8,84 8,61

~2 22,60 32,51 33,15 27,70
2 19,54 42,31 39,84 39,50
~3 17,24 3,38 6,23 8,99
3 16,47 2,43 7,69 6,76
~4 0,76 1,34 1,44 2,00
4 1,91 0,29 1,01 0,19
1'5 0,63 0,79 3,63
5 0,38 0,37 0,67 1,63
~6 0,16 0,57
6 0,42 0,19
1"7 0,51 0,32
1'8 0,19

Zunachst ist nochmals festzuhalten, daB diese Daten bestenfalls ge-

troffene Vorentscheidungen (nach denen ausgezahlt wurde) stiitzen, aber
nicht ersetzen kbnnen (d. h. noch nicht zur Differenzierung taugen). Im-
merhin unterscheiden sich die drei Oberstimmenwerte deutlich vO'n de-
nen der Choralgrundlage, die Nahe zum Choral dilrfte also nichl' allzu
groG sein. Dariiber hinaus scheinen sehr wohl in~erhaJb der Gattunge,n
gewisse Unterschiede sichtbar zu werden, auch wenn oft je zwei gegen
andere stehen (z.B. copula und discantus bei Einklang, Terz und Quint).
Andererseits iiberrasc;:ht die relative Nahe des Organums zum Choral
(insbes. bei Einklang und Quint) nicht. 37 Wahrend im Choral die ersten
36 Die Auszahlung erfolgt, da cs ja noch immer nur um gewisse T~ndenzen geht, ;eweils nue
~ach einer bcstimmtcn Version (Mittclwcrte aus allen drei zu bildcn, wiirdc wohl nur zu ge-
ringen Verschiebungen nach dcm Komma fuhrcn). pur die lntervalle liind einfach Zahlen
eingcsetzt (1 = Einklang, 2=Sckund usw.), [Link]. aufstcigende sind mit dem Zeichen l' von
den absteigenden unterschicdcn.
37 Kehrscite diescr Beobachtung ist, dafi kein Wert des Diskants an den Choral angenahert ef-
scheint.
r- - - -----.-. . --- - ~----­

l~ 24 ___. __ __ _.. ____ __ . _~LJd~~~~tz_

ing~r__ .._ _ _ l
drei lntervalle annahernd gleich vcrteilt sind, stetgen deren Werte in den
drei Gattungen zunachst unterschiedlich an, urn d~nn wieder abzusinken.
Wahrend das Fehlen der grof3eren Intervalle im Choral nicht uberrascht,
ist festzuhalten, daG sie auch in den Oberstimmen selten "echte" Melo-
die-Intervalle, sondern fast nur (bei Sept und Oktav ausschlief3lich) bei
Pausen zu finden sind. AuBerdem wird man die Tatsache, daB es vorwie-
gend groBe Aufwartsschritte sind, in Zusammenhalt mit dern nahezu
konstanten Uberhang von absteigenden gegenuber den aufsteigenden
Sekunden zu sehen haben (siehe die sog. currentes).
SchlieGlich durfte sich bereits auf die se Weise zeigen, daB die musi-
kalischen Abschnitte eine re!ativ grof3e Selbstandigkeit be sitz en. D.h.,
daG die musikalische Gliederung fur die Analyse wahrscheinlich wichti-
ger ist als die nach Textworten: Der zugrundeliegende Choral besteht aus
6+9 Abschnitten, die durchschnittlich 17,4 Me!odieschritte enthalten.
(Dabei sei daran erinnert, daB davon nur 1+ 7 Abschnitte, also kaum mehr
als die Halfte, mehrstimmig ist.) Auch die Oberstimmen kennen ver-
schieden lange und deutliche Einschnitte. Im Falle der Intonation sind es
etwa~H 17, die durchschnittlich 12,35 Tonschritte enthalten (also urn na-
hezu ein Drittel kurzer sind), irn Versteil enthalten die 49 Abschnitte
durchschnittlich 10 Tone. D.h., daB sie jedenfalls vie! haufiger sind als im
Choral. Man wird daher kaum fehlgehen mit der Behauptung, daf3 eben
aus dem Choral als ,gesungenem Gebet' bereits eine mehr und mehr mu-
sikalische Angelegenheit mit einer gewissen Eigengesetzlichkeit gewor-
den ist.
Deren hervorstechendstes Element ist wohl der Rhythrnus und man
kann daher davon ausgehen, daB die im 12. jh. vollzogene rhythmische
Einebnung des Chorals (zurn cantus planus) und die Rhythmisierung der
Mehrstimmigkeit (hin zur Modalrhythmik) komplementare Bewegungen
darstellen (und daher auch: die Modalrhythmik kaum eine punktuelle Er-
findung ist).
Ahnlich interessante Einblicke gewahrt die abermalige Suche nach
charakteristischen Mclodiefloskeln (ab nun unter Berucksichtigung der
musikalischen Einschnitte). So kornmt die Intervallfolge Wechselnote-
Terz abwarts (z.B. ch ca) , die Baker-Heil als ein "Lieblingsmotiv der ars
38 Dicsc UnSlchcrhcit crgibt sich JUS der hagc. ob man sop;. susriria mitzahlen sollc; ich habe
cs nlcht gctan.
 ZUR MELODIEBILDUNG DER NOTRE DAME-ORGANA

subitilor" ermittelte/'} dreimal im Tenor (= Choral) vor und in der Ober-

stimme viermal: je zweimal als fefd und gfge, d. i. in der Oberquart und
-quint. Da es nicht einfach Parallelen zum Tenor sind, mag man an eine
Anspielung an den Choral denken, doch wurde dann auch jede andere
Transposition in Frage kommen (und nicht nur die beiden im q~asi orga-
nalen Abstand). So einfach durften die Verhaltnisse also nicht liegen (ob-
wohl auch die analoge Viertongruppe mit der Terz in der Mitte je einmal
als dag im Tenor und als deed in der Oberstimme vorkommt, also eben-
falls im Quintabstand). Immerhin scheint sich bereits so zu bestiitigen,
was iibrigens auch nach den Arbeiten von Max Haas M) zu erwarten ist:
daB derartige Untersuchungen zielfuhrend sein durften.
Dazu nur mehr eine Beispielgruppe: die dreitonige, einfach abstei-
gende Forme! fed kommt nur in Oberstimmen vor: 37X innerhalb und
10x am Ende einer Phrase, die Transposition gfe zwar relativ haufiger
(41 X), steht aber nur einrnal am Phrasenende. Hingegen sind die Erwei-
terungsformen gfed mit 24 bzw. 7maligem und !fide mit 6 bzw. 4maligem
Auftreten erwartungsgemafi eher schluBfahig. Deren weitere VerHinge-
fungen kommen nur innerhalb von Phrasen vor: die sechstonigen agfede
10 x, ggfede 4x, fddee 3 X und egfedc bzw. dgfedc je 2 x, die siebentonige bagfedc
immerhin noch 4X und je einmaI sogar ein Oktav- (bl-h) und Undezimen-
lauf (b '-j). Es sind dies abermals abwartsfuhrende currentes-Figuren, die
fur die Copula als SchluBfigur charakteristisch sind und daher auch im
Discantussatz als angehangte SchluBformeln eine RoUe spielen. 41 Sie sind
also fUr die Differenzierung dieser Gattungen nicht geeignet. Ahnliches:
zeigen iibrigens die harmonischen Formeln (harmonic progressions), <lie.
nach Karp sowohl St. Martial als auch Notre-Dame gemeinsam sind: et-
wa die Halfte sind absteigende currentes gekennzei1::hnet. 42 Da sie jedoch
zweifellos nicht nur unter melodischem Gesichtspunkt gesehen werden

39 Norb<.:rt Hoker-l icil, "Ein Licblin~motiv Lice ars subtilior?", in: Festschrift Woiong Reh1'1l ZHm
60. Gebllrlstog (Kasscl etc., 1989),9-14.
40 Max J laas, "Ober cinige Moglichkcitcn licr computcrgcstutitcn E rforschung IiturgitKher
Ein~timmigkcit", in : Max Uto!! z"m
60. Gebllrtslag. Feslschrift, hrsg. v. Bcrnhard Hangartner -
Ur" fiischcr (Hasel, 1994),75-97.
41 Fritz Rcckow, An0'!Ymlls 4; Dcrs., Die Copula. Ob" einige ZilSommmhange ~sche!1 Setzwtist,
FormbiUung, P0Ythmlls Nt/d Vortragsstil in tier MehrsfimmigktillJOn Notrt-Dol1lt, Abh. d . gcistcs- u.
sozialwiss. KJ. Idefl ,\kadcmic dcr Wisscnschaftcn und def Litcratur (Mainz, 1972), bes. 29;
Florzingcf. Disconlllssoli,: 180, 185f, 217.
 Rudolf Flotzinger ~
.---------~------------ ~

konnten, bleiben sic hier ausgekJammert. Daf3 sie in eine Gesamtanalyse

einzubeziehen waren, die Probleme aber durch den harmoruschen Aspekt
potenziert wurden, liegt auf der Hand.
Immerhin ergibt sich so eine weitere wichtige Beobachtung: Beruck-
sichtigt man die musikalischen Einschnitte (pausen) und laBt alle Ab-
schnitte mit lingeren currentes-Formeln beiseite, sind in der vorLegen-
den Srichprobe kaum Melodiesegmente zu finden, die mehr als zwei
oder gar drei Tone umfassen und ofter vorkommen - es sei denn ent\Ve-
der wiederum in so unterschiedlicher und unspezifischer Weise, daB sie
als soIche auch nicht gehort werden konnten, oder aber in sehr spezifi-
scher Form und auf engstem Raum (d.h . unmitteIbar nebeneinander
oder wenigstens innerhalb desselben Abschnittes, wodurch sie umso bes-
ser erkennbar werden, also wohI auch diese Funktion haben). Das durfte
bestatigen, daB gerade dies zu den wesentlichen Gestaltungsmomenten
gehort und daB die solcherart entstehende Periodizitat (RegelmaBigkeit)
der Melodik ein gewichtiges Unterscheidungskriterium darstellt. 43 Die
Charakteristik der Me10dietypen 3 und 4 muG jedoch auf andere Weise
zustandekommen: offenbar durch a) Ahnlichkeit (Sequenzierung, Varia-
tion) neben Gleichheit (Wiederholung) sowie b) allgemeinere (iiberge-
ordnete) Gestaltungsprinzipien, wie: Engschrittigkeit (Bevorzugung von
Sekundschrittfolgen); Umkehr der Bewegungsrichtung spatestens nach
drei Tonen - mit der Ausnahme von bis zu 4 absteigenden currentes (die
dann aber auch entsprechend mit Rauten notiert sind); haufige Rich-
tungswechsel und Wechsel zwischen Sekund- und Terzschritten. Die in
den Obertragungen haufig entstehenden Zweitaktgruppen (oder deren
Vie1fache) sind als Pendants und Ergebnis der idealtypischen modi zu ver-
stehen. Von den vier zuletzr genannten Gestaltungsprinzipien aber wa-
ren, sollren sie sich bestatigen lasseo, nicht aUe neu: darunter befinden
·sich zumindest zwei unter geanderten Bedingungen weitergewalzte alte,
namlich die Gegenbewegung (occursus) Guidos unci der Klangwechsel des
sag. Alteren Neuen Organums (der Ad organumfaciendum-Traktate).44 Da-

42 Thcodorc Karp. The POfyphOII)' of Saillt Mm1ial and Santiago de CompoJ·'e/a 1 (Oxford, 1992),
219f
43 V gl. auch Rcckow, Die Copllla. 26.
44 V gl. r lans IIcinrich (':ggcbrccht - Fncdcr Zamincr, Ad organum faciendum, N cue Studien zur
Musikwisscllschaft 3 (l'vtainz, 1970).
 ZUR MELODIEBILDUNC DER NOTRE DAME-ORCANA 527 1

mit waren wir unversehens bei einem weiteren Fall von "Altem im Neu-
en" gelandet (in dem nur det Altersunterschied nicht mehr so groB ist
und sich lediglich eine Trivialitat bestatigt: daB in der Geschichte stets
Altes und Neues ineinander verwoben sind). Die eben gewagten Hypo-
thesen zu bestatigen abet und all en falls um zu weiteren zu ge1angen,
wird es sowohl einer Ausweitung auf das gesamte Untersuchungsmateri-
al als auch noch weiterer Methoden bedurfen. Immerhin scheint sich mit
einer deutlicheren Differenzierung des Organum purum ein wichtiger Schritt
zu einem besseren Verstandnis der historischen Verhaltnisse im Paris des
12. Jahrhunderts abzuzeichnen.
 IMS Intercongressional Symp~sium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 5291

AGENDA OF THE SYMPOSIUM

WEDNESDAY 23 AUGUST
9.00-18.00, Music Academy: Registration

18.00, Music Academy Concert Hall: Opening Session

Lasz16 Somfai, President of the IMS:
Opening Address
G:ibor Klaniczay, Rector of Collegium Budapest:
The Past in the Present-A Case Sttu/y: the Many Middle Ages
Ludwig Finscher, Past President, IMS and Professor Emeritus
of Musicology, University Heidelberg:
The Past in the Present - Musical Aspects

Concert by the Amadinda Percussion Group

Amadinda - traditional music, Uganda
Lukas Ligeti: Pattern Transformation
Zoltan Vaczi: RECONSTRUcnON - beFORe ]OHN6
Olea - traditional music, Tahiti

Reception

22.15-23.00, Music Academy Smaller Concert Hall: Night concert

Mozart: Canons
Liszt: Responsories
KodaIy: Fang
Satie: Kyrie from the Messe des pauvres
Schumann: Four Fugues Ope 72
Mendelssohn: Prelude and Fugue in F minor Ope 35/5
Mendelssohn: Prelude and Fugue in B flat Ope 35/6
With: Ars Longa Chamber Choir (artistic director: Andras S06s), Andras
Kemenes (piano)
1 --
530 AGENDA OF THE SYMPOSIUM

THURSDAY 24 AUGUST
9.00-12.00, Music Academy: Parallel Sessions
Parallel Main Session 1 - Cantus Planus Study Session 1: 'The Past is alwqys
Present" - Chant survival/ retJizJal in the 201/) Century

Parallel Main Session 2: Links A cross Time in the 18!/! Century

Parallel l\1ain Session 3 - Cantus Planus Study Session 2: "Shaping the Study
of Medieval Music" - Histon'ograpf?y of the Middle Ages

Parallel rvfain Session 4: "Pet:ronal and National Nostalgia" - Great Britain

Parallel Main Session 5: "Creating a Past for the Present" - Folk Music in
"Usual" Music Practice

14.00-14.25, Old Music Academy, Concert Hall:

Lunch-time concert
Recital by Peter Kocsky (piano)
Liszt: Rl)apsody 1Vo. 15
Bartok: 2 Romanian dances
Liszt: No. 104 Sonnet of Petrarca

15.00-18.00: Plenary Session

Plenary Session 1: {Recovering the Past" - The Hen'tage of the Middle Ages

15.00-: Guided Tour in the Liszt Memorial Museum

by Director Maria Eckhardt

19.30-21.30, Music Academy Concert Hall:

Concert by the Symphony Orchestra of the Hungarian Radio
Bach in the 20 th Century:
Bach-Stravinsky: Canonic Van'ations (BWV 769)
Bach-Webern: Ricercar a 6 (Musikausches Opfer, BWV 1079)
Bach: The Art of fugue - counterpoint 14 (BWV 1080:19)
(Reconstructed by Zoltan Goncz)
Bach-Schoenberg: Prelude and fugue in E flat (BWV 552)
Bartok: The MiraculoNs Mandan'tJ - suite
 AGENDA OF THE SYMPOSIUM

With: Ars Longa Chamber Choir (artistic director: Andras So6s).

Conductor: Lisz16 Kovics

22.15-23.00, Music Academy Smaller Concert Hall: Night concert

Duos for Violin and Gardon from Gyimeskozeplok, Romania.
With: Jinos Zerkula (violin), Mrs. Jinos Zerkula (gardon)
Stravinsky: 3 songs
4 Russian songs
Cat's cradle songs
With: Krisztina J6mis (vocal), Gibor Csalog (piano), Csaba Klenyan, La-
jos Rozmin, Zoltan Szucs (clarinet)

FRIDAY 25 AUGUST
9.00-12.00, Music Academy: Parallel Sessions
Parallel Main Session 6 - Cantus Planus Study Session 3: ~ New Role for
Old Chant 5ryle JJ
Regional Chant Traditions
/

Parallel Main Session 7: (The Editor as Teacher" - Reinventing EarlY Music .

Parallel Main Session 8: ~ktualisierung der Musikgeschichte" - 20th -Century
Composers
Parallel Main Session 9: Old Wine in New Bottles: Recycling Across the Millen-
mum

Parallel Main Session 10: Folk Music- Symbol of the National/Ethnic Past

14.00-14.25, Old Music Academy, Concert Hall:

Lunch-time concert of Balazs Szokolay, Etna Feher, Maki Vagi, Vera
Virhalmi (piano) and Boldizsar Keonch (vocal)
Piano music and songs by Liszt

15.00-18.00, Music Academy: Parallel Sessions -.

Parallel Main Session 11 - Cantus Planus Study Session 4: (Virect and Indi-
rect Injluences of Chant on Art Music"
Parallel Main Session 12: (Pulling the &des" - Counterpoint in, the 16th-19f t.
Centuries
 AGENDA OF THE SYMPOSIUM

Parallel Main Session 13: TiJe Pastfor tiJe A1usician if the Future - Lisztiana
Parallel IVIain Session 14: Hlston'c-istJJ and Repertory in France

Parallel Main Session 15: ((Old 1I1usic Goes to the Movies"

19.30-21.30, Budapest Puppet Theater:

Performance of the Puppet Theater
Bartok: The Wooden Prince
Ligeti: Aventures
Vidovszky: Etudes/or MIDI Piano
Stravinsky: Petrttshka

22.15-23.00, Music Academy Smaller Concert Hall: Night concert

Kurtag: Jatekok (Games)
Kurtag: Transcriptions to four hands

Early Music on Modern Wind Instruments:

G. Machaut: {My end IS my beginning" - rondeau in the form if a crab
J. Senleches: La harpe de melodie - virelai
J. Senleches: En attendant esperance - ballade
J. Senleches: En ce gracieux temps - virelai
Josquin des Pres: Proportional canon
F Landino: Amarsi glt' alIi - madrigale
J. Ockeghem: Ma maistresse - chanson
J. Ockeghem: L'aulre d~4ntan - chanson
J. Ockeghem: Ma bouche n't- chanson
With: Gabor Csalog, Andras Kemenes (piano), Csaba KJenyan, Lajos
Rozman (clarinet), Gyorgy Lakatos (bassoon)

SATURDAY 26 AUGUST
9.00-12.00, Music Academy: Parallel Sessions
Parallel Main Session 16: (1-ooking Back at Progress" - The l ltb_18 th Century

Parallel Main Session 17: Historiasm in the 19th_20il) Century Slavic Opera

Free Papers 1 - Cantus Planus Study Session 5

 AGENDA OF THE SYMPOSIUM

Round Table 1: Iconography - Round Table

14.00-14.25, Old Music Academy, Concert Hall:

Lunch-time concert. Piano recital by Kilman Ddfi
Piano Music by Liszt

15.00-18.00: Plenary Session

Plenary Session 2: HCompromise between Old and New"

SATURDAY 26 AUGUST
20.00-24.00, Hall of the Museum of Applied Arts:
A Ball with the Music of Johann Strauss
Strauss Orchestra, conducted by Istvan Bogar

SUNDAY 27 AUGUST
10.00: Optional Morning Programs
A) Institute for Musicology of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (di-
rector: Tibor Tallian, 1. Castle Hill, T:incsics M. u. 7.):
Visit to the Museum of Music History (director: Zolcin Falvy):
. Exhibition: In Bartok's Workshop
B) St. Stephen Cathedral Church (V. Szent Istvan ter 1.):
Roman Catholic Mass with Gregorian chant according to the medieval
use of Esztergom/Strigonium
Celebrant: Peter Ullmann O. Praem, Prior de regimine
With the participation of the Choristers of the Capital City, conducted
by Zoltan Mizsei
C) Lutheran Church 01. De:ik ter 4.):
Kantatengottesdienst:
Bach: Herr, deine Augen sehen nach dem Giauben (BWV 102) "

With the participation of the Lutherania Choir, conducted by Salamon

Kamp .

Afternoon: Excursion to the Danube Bend

1534 AGENDA OF THE SYMPOSIUM

MONDAY 28 AUGUST
9.00-12.00, Music Academy: Parallel Sessions
Parallel Main Session 18: Improvisation, Preservation, Destruction - Medieval
Traditions in a Changing Environment
Round Table 2: Musical life in Southeastern Europe in the 1990s) viewed in the
context of social and political changes
Free Papers 2 - Cantus Planus Study Session 6

F tee Papers 3

14.00-14.25, Old Music Academy, Concert Hall: Lunch-time concert

by Peter N agy and N 6ra N agy (piano)
Liszt: Four-handed pieces
Bart6k: Dance Suite

15.00-18.00, Music Academy: Plenary Session

Plenary Session 3: 'Progressive Music via Peasant Music" - Bartoks Past

19.30-21.30, Music Academy Concert Hall: Concert given by the

Symphony Orchestra and Choir of the Hungarian Radio
Liszt: Christus - Part 1: Christmas oratorio
Jeney: Halotli szertartas (Funeral Rite) (premiere)
With: Krisztina J6nas, Katalin Kirolyi, Attila Fekete, Tamas Busa,
Peter Fried.
Conductor: Janos Kovacs

TUESDAY-WEDNESDAY 29-31 AUGUST

Visegrad, Silvanus Hotel: Mter-Symposium Meeting of the
Study Group "Cantus Planus"
 IMS Intercongressional Symposium • Budapest & Visegrad, August 2000 535

PARTICIPANTS OF THE
SYMPOSIUM

Dr. Ardian Ahmedaja Antonio Balclassarre

Universitat fur Musik und Universitiit Zurich
darstellende Kunst Musikwissenschaftlichcs Institut
lnsitut fur Volksmusikforiichung Florhofgasse 11
U ngargasse 14 CH-Soo1 ZUrich. Switzerland
A-1 030, Wien, Osterteich Tel.: +41-1-634-4772
Fax: ++43/1/711 55 DW 4299 Fax: +41-1-634-4964
ahmedaja@[Link] [Link]@[Link] .

Prof. Noriko Asbikawa Dr Naomi Barker

Nihon University 32 Thornton Crescent
College of Arts, Music Division BlaydOll-on-Tyne, Tyne & Wear
13-4-401 KAKINOKIDAI AOBA-KU NE 214 BA, UK
Yokohama, Japan barkernj@[Link]

Prof. Charles M. Atkinson Dr. Dorothea Baumann

The Ohio State University Secretary General of the IMS
Sthool of Music Nadelstrasse 60
Weigell Hall, 1866 College Road CH-8706 Fddmeilen, Switzerland
Colombus, OH 43210-1170, USA Fax: +41-1-923 1027
Tel.: 614-292-0789 imsba@[Link]
Fax: 614-292-1102
atkinson.5@[Link] Prof. Karol Berget
Stanford University
Luca Aversano Department of Music
via Felline 11 Stanford, CA 94305-3076
1-84127 Salerno, I talia kberger@[Link]
Tel.: 0221/4009461
Dr. Zcbavko Blazekovi~
Prof. Terence Bailey City University of New York
The [Link] Western Ontario Research Center for Music Iconography
Faculty of Music 365 Fifth AVeftue
Talbot College New York, NY 10016-4309, USA
London, Ontario Canada N6A 3K7 Tel.: 001-212-642.2709
Tel.: (519) 661-2043 Fax: 001-212-642.1973 .
Fax: (519) 661-3531 zblazekovic@[Link],edu
tbailey@[Link]
§6 . PARTICI PANTS OF TH E_S_Y_M_P_O_S_IU_M
_ _ _ _ _ _ _-----.l

Vincenzo Borghetti Dr. Michele Calella

via Oberdan 3 M usikwlssenschaftLichcs Jnstitut def
1-26100 Cremona, [talla Univcrsitat Zurich
Tel.. 0372 20188 FlorhQfgasse 11
vinccnzoborghetti@[Link] Cl [-8001 Zurich
Tcl. : +411 6344762
Andnis Borg6 Fax: +411 634 49 64
Gaensbacherstr. 2 calcUa@[Link]
,\-6020 lnnsbruck, (:)stcrreich
Fax: 43-512-584970 Prof. Joy Calico
[Link]@uibk .[Link] Illinois Wesleyan University
School of Music
Fr. James J. Boyce PO Box 2900
Fordham U niversir), Te!.: 309.556.3072
Dept. of Art History & Music Fax: 309.556.3121
Faculty Memorial Hall 441 icalico@[Link]
Bronx NY 10458, US,\
Tel.: (718) 817-4893 Dr. Ivan Cavlovic
jboyce@[Link] Muzicka akademija
Josipa StadJcra 1/1I
Prof. Clyde Brockett HA-71000 Sarajcvo, Bosnia and
Christopher Newport University HerzcgovlOa
Newport News, VA 23606-2998, USA Tel.: (387 71) 444 896
Tel.: 757/594-7737 l-'ax (387 71) 444 896
Fax: 757/594-7389 icavlov@[Link]
brockett@[Link]
Dr. Keith Chapin
Prof. David J. Buch Lehargassc 9/ IT / 1/15
University of Northern Iowa 1060 Wien, Osterreich
295 Haywood St. kmchapi@[Link]
Iowa City, L\, 52245, USA
DavidBuch@[Link] Prof. Michael Christoforidis
Melbourne University
Dr. Gabriele Buschmeier PO Hox 4058
Kasrrich 12 C Parkville, VIC 3052 Australia
D-55116 Mainz, Deutschland Fax: +613 9344 5346
[Link]@[Link]
Prof. John Caldwell
Faculty of Music Sue Cole
St Aldates University of Melbourne
Oxford OXl 1DB, UK hculty of Music
Tel .: +44 1865 276125 (direct: 276131) Parkvillc, V I c: 3052 Australia
Fax: +44 1865276128 [Link]@[Link]
[Link]@[Link]
L PARTICIPANTS OF THE SYMPO_S_lU_M
_ _ _ _ _ _ _5_3_7I

Prof. Mane-Noel Colette Zsuzsa Czagany

Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes - Institute for Musicology of the
lye Section Hungarian Academy of Sciences
A la Sorbonne Fax: 36-1 375-9282
45-47, rue des Ecoles czagany@[Link]
F-75005 Paris, France
Fax: 33-1 34 85 79 49 Dr. Martin Czernin
mcolctte@[Link] SchOttC.:11Stift
Frcyung 6
Prof. Lila CoUamore 1\-1010 Wien , Osterreich
. 2912 Latham Dr. Tel.: 43-1 53498-0
Sacramento, CA 95864, USA Fax: 43-1 53498-19
Wacollamore@[Link] [Link]@[Link]

Timothy J. Cooley Gianluca D'Agostino

University of California Parco Comola Rica, 23
Santa Barbara, CA 93106-4 t 50, USA 1-80122 Napoli, I talia
Tel. : 805-893-7266 (voice box #6) gdagos@[Link]
cooley@[Link]
Sarah Davies
Or Mane Cornu 341 West 29th St, NY
Universite Libre de Rruxelles NY 10001, USA
HA.A. Musicologie CP 175 Tel.: 212/268-9166
50 av r.D. Roosevelt Fax: 212/290-0099
B-l050 Bruxelles, Belgium Sarahdavie@[Link]
Tel.: 32-2-6502485
Fax: 32-2-6504349 James DeaviUe
mcornaz@[Link] School of Art, Drama and Music
Hamilton, Ontario
Orsolya Csom6 L8S 4M2 Canada
V orosmarty u. 35 Tel.: 905-529-7070/23667
H -1064 Budapest, Hungary Fax: 905-527-6793
csorsi@[Link] deaville@[Link]

Robert Curry Prof. Nancy van Deusen

Edith Cowan University Claremont Graduate University
WA Academy of Performing Arts Department of Music
2 Brad ford St. 139 E. Seventh Street
Mt. Lawley, WA 6050 A~stralia Claremont, CA 91711, USA
Tel.: (08) 9443 2546 Tel.: 001 -909-607-3680/909-621 -8081
Fax : (08) 9443 2540 fax : 001-949-472-1135
[Link]@[Link] [Link]@[Link]
 PARTICIPANTS OF THE SYMPOSIUM

ProL Liszlo Dobszay Dr. Warwick Edwards

I nstitute for MusiCology of the University of Glasgow
Hungarian Academy of SClences Department of Music
Tel.: 36-1 214-6770/202 14 University Garden,
Fax: 36-1 375-9282 Clasgow G 12 8QI-I, UK
laszlod@[Link] Tel.. +44-141-3304571
Fax +44-141-3303518
Zsuzsanna Domokos W I ~dward:;@[Link]. uk
Varfok u . 18.
H-1012 Budapest, Hungary Dr. Stefan Engels
domokos@[Link] Philipp-Harpff:Str. 9/6.
r\-5020 Salzburg, Ostcrreich
Dr. Annalisa Doneda bx: 0043/662-88-15-97
Universita Jegli Studi Ji Pavla engels@[Link]
Scuola di Paleografia e Filologia Musicalc
Pacolta di Musicologia Maria Escrihano del Moral
Corso Garibaldi, 178 c/o Scan O'CarroU, Ballincroona,
1-26100 Cremona, Italia Knockiong, Co.
Tel: +390372 537615/ +39 m72 25575 Limerick, Ireland
i"ax: +390372 457077 maria_1@[Link]
doneda@unipvit / adoneda@[Link]
Prof. David Fallows
Dr. Stefan Drees University of Manchester
Pcttenkoferstrafk 41 10 Chatham Road
D-45147 Essen, Deutschland Manchester M16 ODR, UK
Fax: (+49) 201-74 24 99 Tel.: 44 0161 8811188q
0201742499-1@[Link] Fax: 44 0 161 27S 4994
[Link]@[Link]
Prof. Joseph Dyer
73 Wade Street Zoltan Farkas
Newton Highlands, i\-lA 02461, USA lnstitute for Musicology of the
Tcl.: (617) 527 -6403 Ilungarian Academy of Sciences
Fax: (617) 244-3300 (?) 1'el.: 36-1 214-6770/119
;[Link]@umbedu Fax: 36-1 375-9282
ZFarkas@[Link]
M. Mus., Ph. D., Prof. Owain T. Edwards
The Norwegian State Academy of Music Dr Raymond Fearn
postboks 5190 Kecle University
Majorstua, N-0302 Oslo 3. Norge Music Dept.
Tel.: (+47) 22464055 Staffordshire ST5 SBG, UK
Fax: (+47) 22467074 Tc!.: 01782-583294/583295
otedw@[Link] rax: 01782-583295
mua04@[Link]
 PARTlClPANTS OF THE SYMPOSIUM 53~

Dr. Manuel Pedro Ferreira Dr. Marina Frolova-Walker

Universidade Nova de Lisboa University of Southampton
Trav. do Moinho de Vento, 30-3 Department of Music
1200 Lisboa, Portugal Highfield
Fax: 351 1 3954937 Southampton SO 17, UK
mpferreira@[Link]; Fax: +44 2380 59~197
ferreira@[Link] mfw@[Link]

Prof. Ludwig Finscher Dr. Pawel" Gancarczyk

Am Walde 1 Instytut Szruki PAN
D-38302 Wolfenbiittel, Deutschland ut. Dluga 28
Pax: 05331 - 3 3276 PL-OO-950 Warszawa, Polska
pgan@[Link]
Prof. Reis W. Flora and
Nirmolini Flora Dr James Garratt
Monash University National University of Ireland
School of Music-Conservatorium Department of Music
Clayton, Victoria 3168 Australia Mayoooth, Co. Kildare
Tel.: 61 39905.3240 lreland
Fax: 61 39905.3241 Tel.: (00353) 1 708 4638
rflora@[Link] [Link]@[Link]

Prof. Rudolf Flotzinger Priv.-Doz. Dr. Manuel Gervink

H. MauracherstraBc 81 BriihlstraBe 26
A-8044 Graz, Osterreich D.60439 Frankfurt a. M., Deutschland
rudolf. f1otzingcr@[Link] Tel.: 069/58 32 53
Fax: 069/58 32 53
Dr. DanieUe Fosler-Lussier MG ervink@[Link]
Princeton University
Joscph Henry House Prof. Dryan Gillingham
Princeton, NJ 08544, USA The Institute of Mediaeval Music
lussier@[Link] 1270 Lampman Crescent
Ortava, Canada K2C 1P8
Judit Frigyesi bgilling@[Link]
Bar-Ban University
Department of Music Dr. Dimitrije GoIemovic
52900 Ramat-Gan, Israel Fakultet muzickc umetno~ti
Tcl.: 03 5318405 11000 Beograd, Serbia and Montenegro
Fax: 972-3-6356281 golem@[Link]
'.
frigyesi@[Link]
Siverinc Grauin
106, rue de Vaugirud
F-75OO6 Paris, Fl'1lf1ce
sevcrinegrassin@[Link]
 PARTIClPANTS OF THE SYMPOSIUM

Prof. Barbara Haggh-Huglo Dr. Guido Heldt

UllIvcrsity of Maryland heic Univcrsitat, Herlin
School of Music Dept. of Musicology
Clance Smith Performing Arts Ccntcr Grunewaldstrassc 35
Room 3110-C D-12165 Herlin, Deutschland
College Park, Maryland 20742, USA ·l~l.: 030/838-66-17
fo'ax: 1-301-314-9504 bx: 030/838-30-06
haggh@[Link] gheld t@[Link]

Dr. Greta Mary Hair ' PhD. Elfrieda F. Hiebert

University of Glasgow Harvard University
Music Department Mather I louse
14 University Gdns 40 Payson Road
Glasgow G3 8NG Scotland Hclmont, MA 02478, USA
Tel.: (0141) 307-8077 or 330-4096 ehicbert@[Link]
Fax: 000141 3078018
GretaMary@[Link] Prof. Dr. David Hiley
Univcrsitat Rcgensburg
Peter Hahlsz I nstitut fur Musikwissenschaft
I nstitute for Musicology of the Univcrsitatsstr. 31. Postfach 101042
Hungarian Academy of Scienc(;:s D-93040 Rcgensburg, Dcutschland
Tel.: 36-1214-6770/119 Tel.: 0941/9433512
Fax: 36-1375-9282 Fax: 0941/943 4408
PetcrH@ztihu daviJ. hiley@[Link]

Yaacoub HaUak Emma Hornby

Chopin Society of New England Christ Church
3 Norwich Rd. Oxford,OX1 lOP, UK
Norwood, MA 02062, USA emma. homby@[Link]
YAACHR@[Link]
Prof. Michel Huglo
Prof. Maria Anna Harley University of Maryland
University of Southern California School of Music
School of Music Clance Smith Performing Arts Center
840 West 34'h Street Room 3110-C
Los Angeles, CA 90089-0851, USA College Park, MaryJand 20742, USA
maharley@[Link] Fax: 1-301-314-9504
mhuglo@[Link]
Dr. Matthew W. Head
University of Surrey Dr. Gunilla Iversen
Department of Music Stockholms Universitct
Guildfor.d Institutionen for klassiska spnik
Surrey GU2 5XH, UK S-106-91 Stockholm, Sverige
Tel.: (+44) (0)1483876538 Tel.: vx 08-163491
m. head@[Link] J;ax : 46-8-7126151
gunilJa. iverscn@[Link]
 ..

PARTICIPANTS OF THE SYMPOSIUM

Dr. Arnold Jacobshagen Dr. Juanita Karpf

Universitat Bayreuth University of Georgia
Forschungsinstitut rur Musiktheater School of Music
D -95349 Schlof3 Thurnau, Dcutschland 250 River Road
Tel.: 9228-954209 Athens, GA 20602-7287, USA
Fax: 9228-954202 Tel.: (706) 542-3737
[Link]@[Link] Fax: (706) 542-0276
jkarpf@[Link]
Prof. Peter Jeffery
Princetol1 University Marta Katona
Department of Music Pesttijhelyi ter 4.
Princeton, New Jersey H -1158 Budapest, Hungary
08544-1007, USA
Te!.: (609) 258-4241 Dr. Daniel Katz
Fax: (609) 258-6793 Jiidische Gemeinde Duisburg
jeffery@[Link] Springwall 16
0-47051 Ouisburg, Germany
Adrienne Kaczmarczyk Tel.: +49 203 298 -3078
Lis:.:t Ferenc u. 6/C Fax: +49203298 -1264
H-1047 Budapest, Hungary danskatz@yah~corn
kaomarczyk@mail .[Link]
IreD Kertesz Wilkinson
Mary H. Kalil 57 Arbuthnot Rd
Prince ton University London SE14 SNP, UK
Department of Music
Princeton, NJ 08544, USA IIdar KhariS80V
kalil@[Link] Erich-Weiner-Str. 21
0-10439 Berlin, Deutschland
Prof. Masakata Kanazawa Fax: +4930/44731264
2-2-7 Nisrukata, Bunkyo kharissov@[Link]
Tokyo 113-0024 Japan
Fax: (81) 3/3815-7098 Katalin Kim-Szacsvai
Institute for Musicology of the
Prof. Dr. Theodore Karp Hungarian Academy of Scienc(s
Northwestern University Tel.: 36-1 214-6770/119
School of Music Fax: 36-1 375-9282
711 Elgin Road kim@[Link]
Evanston, ILL. 60208-1200, USA
Fax: 847-491-5260 Gabor Kiss
t -karp@[Link] Institute for Musicology of the
Hungarian Academy of Sciences
'reI.: 36-1 214-6770/222
Fax: 36-1 375-9282
gabork@~[Link]
.--- -- - - - -- --
~42 PARTICIPANTS OF THE SYMPOSIUM

Dr. Rachel KoIlender Dr. Leanne Langley

6, F,liyahu I fanavi Str. Goldsmiths College, Univ. of London
Hnci-Brak 51521, Israel Department of Music
Fax: 00 972 I 3 579-96-89 24 l3assett Crescent East
Southampton S016 7PB, UK
Prof. Katalin Komlos lIanglcy@[Link]
Karinthy r. u. 23.
H-lll1 Budarc~[, Hungary Nathaniel G. Lew
kom los k@l([Link] University of Califorma
Department of Music
2111 Seventh Avenue
Katalin Kovalcsik
Oakland, California 94606-1910, USA
Nagymezo 1I, 8. I. cm, 1
natlew@uclink4,[Link]
[-[ -1065 BudapesT, I [lIngary
Kovalcsik@zti,hu
Mr. Tore Tvarne Lind
University of Copenhagen
Andrea Kovacs
Department of Musicology
\' orosmarty u. 35
Klcrkcgadc 2
11-1064 Hudapest, I Iungary
DK-1308 Copenhagen K, Denmark
'I'd.: (+45) 3S 32 37 58
Prof. Dr. Waiter K. Kreyszig
Fax: (+45) 35 3237 38
University of Saskatchewan
tore, [Link]@imagc,dk
Saskatoon, Canada
wkk995@[Link]; Alexander Lingas
wal ter kreyszig@[Link] Arizona State University
School of Music
Dr. Svetlana Kujumdzieva Po. Box 870405
Institut za lzkustvoznanic Tempe, AZ 85287-0405, USA
Dunav 35 Alexander.! .ingas@[Link]
Sofia 1000, Bulgaria
Tel.: 00359-2-833-594 Ike de Loos
Jiax: 00359-2-876-522 Univcrsiteit Utrecht
svcrlana@[Link] Kromme Nieuwegracht 29
NL - 3512 lID Utrecht
Dr. Barbara Rose Lange Tel.: 31-30-2899249
University of J louston Fax: 31-30-2899249
Moores School of Music ikcdl@[Link]
Houston TX 77204, USA
TcJ.: +1 713-743-3315 Prof. Dr. LaUJ'enz Luetteken
Fax: +1 713 74?)-3166 Univcrsitat Marburg
[Link]@uh,edu Musikwiliscmchaftliches Institut
Bicgcnstrasse 11
D-35037 Marburg. Deutschland
Tel.: 49/6421/28-22267
bx: 49/6421/28-28930
lucttckc@mailcr,uni-marburKde
 ..
~[_______________P_~_R_T_IC_IP_~_N_T_S_O__F_T_H_E_S_YM
__PO
__SI_U_M______________ ~

Prof. Dr. Max Liitolf Prof. David Metzer

Univcrsitat Zurich University of British Columbia
MusikwissenscnaftL Institut School of Music
Florhofgassc 11 6361 Memorial Road
CH-8001 Zurich Vancouver, BC V6T lZ2 Canada
Te!.: +41-1-6344760 metzcr@[Link]
Fax: +41-1-6344964
[Link]@accc:>[Link] Matgaret Mikulska
Princeton University
Rebecca Maloy 6706 Ravens Crest
358 Shiloh St. #7 Plainsboro NJ 08536
Cincinnati, OH 45220, USA mikulska@[Link]
rmaloy@[Link]
Costin Moisil
Dr. Tatjana Markovic Museum of the Romanian Peasant
University of Arts in Belgrade Sos. Kiscleff or. 3
l'aculty of Music Bucharest 011341, Romania
Bulcvar umetnosri 9/9 moisil@[Link]
11000 Beograd, Serbia and Montencgro
tatjanam@[Link] Prof. Dr. Hartmut Maner
I Iochschule fur Musik und Theater
Dr. Sandra Maruni Beim St. Katharinenstift 8.
Via Ruggero, 9 D-18055 Rostock, Deutschland
I-431oo Parma, Italy Fax: 0049 381 2020625
Fax: 0039-0521-262067 [Link]@[Link]
(c/o Dr. Barigazzi)
samartan@[Link] Hiroko Mori
2-7 Naka-ku Hashimoto-cho Hiroshima-shi
Dr. Fiona McAlpine Japan 730-0015
University of Auckland Fax: +81 (82) 221-5199
School of Music hmorisa@[Link]
Private Bag 92015
Auckland, New Zealand Prof. Marie-Clairc Mussat
[Link]@[Link] llruvcrsitc Rennes 2
UFR Arts, Lettres, Communication
Prof. Mag. BUgit Medinger 4,C rue Saint-Martin
Krems an der Donau, Osterreich f-35000 Refines, France
Tel.: 33 2 96 83 21 85
Dr. Paul Merrick Fax: 33 2 96 83 21 85
Mexik6i ut54 illS.
H-1145 Budapest,Hungary Oliver Neighbow
paulwmerrick@[Link] 12 Treborough House I,
Nottingham Place
London, WIM 3FP, UK
 PARTIClPANTS OF THE SYMPOSIUM

Shin Nishimagi Dr. Nils Holger Petersen

104, Bd. Arago Kobenhavns Universitet
r;-75014, Paris, h:mcc Dct tcologis ke Fakultet
Nishunagi@[Link] K0bmagergade 44-46
DK·l1S0 Copenhagen K, Denmark
Judith E. 01son Tc!.: (00-45) 35 323621
25 Wood '\Vc. Fax: (00-45) 35 32 36 38
,\Ibe..:rt~on, NY 11507, US,\ nhp@[Link]
TeI.: 516-741-5109
Fax: 516-873-6741 Dr. Danica Petrovic
Judy( )boo@[Link] Serbian J\cademy of SCIences and Arts
Institute of Musicology
Mineo Ota Kncz Mihailova 35
KUKahara 5·25-2. Ota-Ku 11000 Beograd, Serbia and Montcnegro
Tokyo,Japan Fax: (011) 182-825
mdmjpet@[Link]
Agnes Papp
Instltutc for Musicology of the Dr. Svanibor Pettan
Hungarian Academy of Sciences University of Ljubljana
Jiax 36-1 375-9282 Mu:;ic Academy
apapp@[Link] Stari trg 34
SI-1000 I,jubljana, Slovenia
Dr. James Parsons Fax: 386 61 /1254857
Southwest Missouri State University Svani [Link]@[Link]
Department of I Jistory
901 S. National ,\venue..: Prof. Tobias Plebuch
Springfidd, MO 65804, USA Stanford University
TeI: (417) 836-6369 Music Department
jap614f@[Link] Stanford, CA 94305-3076, USA
'I'd.: + 1 (650) 725-2692
Dr. Riccardo Pecci hx: +1 (650) 725-2686
via Boiro 31/,\ Plebuch@[Link]
20064 Gorgonzola (Mi), Italia
pecci@[Link] / pecci@[Link] Prof. Harold Powers
l'rinccton University
Dr. AJbinca Pesek 895 West End Avenue, ,\partment 3-B
Pedagoska fakulteta New York, NY 10025, USA
Koroska 160 hspowers@[Link]
SI-2000 Maribor, Slovenia
TeI.: (386 62) 22 93 772 Dr. Ljerka V. Rasmussen
[Link]@[Link] Middle Tennessee State University
Music Department
Lorant Peteri 108 I'-airway Drive
Raktar u. 15 V/15. Nashville, TN 37214, US:\
Budapest, llungary J;ax: 615/898-5037
Ivrasmusscn@[Link]
 ..

L _______ p_~_R_T_IC_'P_I\_N_T_S_O_F_T_HE S,Y_M_ PO_S_IU_M_ _ ___ _ _ _ 545J

Jane A. Redd 0-66041 Saarbrucken, Deutschland
Cincinnati CoUcge Te!.: 0681/302 2318 oder 3660
Conservatory of Music Fax: 0681/302 2851
6910 Tcrrylynn Lane hesch@[Link]
Cincinnati, Ohio 45239, USA
rcddja@[Link] Prof. Edwin Seroussi
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Ekaterini Romanou Jewish Music Research Centre
10 Erifylis Street Po.B. 34165,Jcrusalem 91341, Israel
Athens, GR-11634 Greece Tel. : (972-2) 6586180
Fax : 00 301 72-14-695 Fax: (972-2) 5611156
romanou@[Link] seroussi@[Link]

PrOf. Michael Saffle Dr. Jurij Snoj

Virginia Tech Institute of Musicology
Centcr for Interdisciplinary Studies Gusposka u!. 13
Rlacksburg, Virginia 24061-0227, USA SI -1 000 Ljl1bljana, Slovenia
Tel.: 001 - 540 I 231-6080 TeL: 38661 1256068
Fax: 001 - 540/231-7013 Fax: 386 61 12S 52 S3
msa ffle@[Link] snoj@[Link]

Balint Sarosi Prof. Lwl6 Som(ai

Aldas u. 11 Institute for Musicology of the
II-l025 Budapest, [-Iungary Hungarian Academy of Sciences
samsi@zti,hu Tel.: 36-1 214-6770/102
Fax: 36-1 375-9282
Dr. M. A. Volker Schier som fai@[Link]
FrankenstraBe 6a.
D-91088 Bubenrcuth, Deutschland Dr. Mary Jean Speare
[Link]@[Link] 1126 Maxficld St.
Waco, TX 76705, USA
Prof. David E. Schneider MJ_Speare@[Link]
Amherst CoUcgc
Department of Music Bertha M. Spies
Box 2258 Potchefstroom University for
po. Box 5000 Christian Higher Education
Amherst, MA 01002-5000, USA Private Bag X6001
Fax: 413-542-2678 Potchefstroom, South Africa 2SW
deschneidcr@[Link] MUSBMS@[Link]
"

Prof. Dr. Herbert Schneider Dr Rita Steblin

Univcrsitat des [Link] Nordwcstbahnstrasse 19/8
Musikwis:;coschaftliches I nstitut A-1020 Wien, Osterrcich
Postfach 151150 rsteblin@[Link]
1546_______________p_~_R_T_IC_I_
PA_N_T_S_O_F_-_rH_E_S_Y_M_P_O_S_IU_M
______________~

Prof. Dr. Ruth Steiner Ph. D. Christian Troelsgard

The Catholic University of Amniea Kobenhavns Univcrsitet
The Bcnjamin T Rome School of MusIC Institut for Graesk og Latin
Cardinal Station Njalsgade 90
Washmgton, nc. 20064, US!\ DK-2300 Copenhagen S, Denmark
'1'<.:1.: 202-319-5414 TcI.: (+45) 35 3281 52
Fax: 202-319-6280 Fax: (+45) 35 32 81 55
sreiner@[Link] troelsg@[Link]

Dr. Ichiro Sumikura Tsan Huang Tsai

Ogikubo 3-14-18, Suginami-ku Oxford University
'1 'okyo, J-167-0051, Japan Hertford College
l'ax: (03)3398-2425 Oxford OX1 3BW, UK
sumikura@[Link] 'I'd.: +44 (0) 7817 404 995
tsanhuang@[Link]
Prof. Dr. Cornelia Szabo-Knotik
f foehschule fUr Musik und darstellende
Kunst Prof. Philippe Vendrix
A-l01O Wien, Schubertring 16 Univcrsitc Frans:ois-Rabelais
Osterreich Centre d'Etudes Superieures
Tcl.: 043 / 1 - 89 25 500 de la Renaissance
c. szabo- knotik@[Link] 59, rue N encault-Des touches
H. P 1328
Nicola T angari /<'-37013 Tours, France
Via FJaminia V<.:cchia 798 '1'e!.: (33) 02 47 70 t 7 27
\-00191 Roma, Ttalia Fax: (33) 02 47 61 69 58
tangari@[Link] vendrix@[Link]

Dr. Mariko Teramoto Eva Veselovska

Musashloo Musikhochschulc Sokolikova 23
2-10-16 Shimo-Ochiai, Shinjuku-ku SK-84101 Bratislava, Slovakia
Tokyo,Japan 161-0033 hudveslo@[Link]
Td.: 81-3-3951-6638
Fax: 81-3-3951-6638 L:aszl6 Vikarius
teramoto@[Link] Institute for MUSIcology of the
IIungarian Academy of Sciences
Prof. Dieter Torkewitz TcL: 36-1 214-6770/101
Folkwang-Hochschule Essen Abtei Fax: 36-1 375-9282
0-45239 Essen, Oeutschland vikarius@[Link]
torkc@[Link]
Rev. Jerome F. Weber
1603 Sunset Ave.
Utica, NY 13502-4747, USA
jfwebcr@[Link]
 ..
PARTICIPANTS OF THE SYMPOSIUM 547]
Dr Suzanne Wijsman Prof. Hon Lun Yang
University of Western Australia [-long Kong Baptist University
School of Music Department of Music and Fine Arts
Ncdlands, Western Australia 6907 Kowloon Tong
TcL: +61 893802061 110ng Kong, SAR, China
Fax: +61 893801076 'reI.: 852-2339-7329
swijsman@[Link] Fax: 852-2339-7870
hlyang@[Link]
Andras Wilheim
Damjanich u. 52. Ph.D. Mark Yoffe
H- 1072 Budapest, Hungary Gcorge Washington University
Tel.: +36 1 342-8291 The Mc1vin Gelman [Link]
Fax: + 36 1 342-8291 2130 If Street NW
wilhcim@[Link] Washington, ne. 20052, USA
Tel.: 202994-6303
Dr. Alan E. Williams Fax: 202-994-1340
The University of Sal ford yoffc@[Link]
Department of Music
The Crescent Sal ford
Gt Manchester M5 4Wr, UK
'reI.: 0161 2956113
Fax: 0161 2956113
[Link]@[Link]

Unlv.-8Ibliothek
Eegensburg