The Oztoticpac Lands Map of Texcoco 1540

Author(s): Howard F. Cline

Source: The Quarterly Journal of the Library of Congress , APRIL 1966, Vol. 23, No. 2
(APRIL 1966), pp. 76-115
Published by: Library of Congress

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The plaintiff, right, and a Spanish .-' ^
friend, above, who appeared with '
him in court in the Oztoticpac Lands .' .
<r<w*. Based on drawings on Hum- ' .>.:!;.-4:V5-::;' ''J'/i'P^P^ST^^r^^^v."! ' '
fro/*/* Fragment VI, in the Deutsche : V / : :
Staatsbibliothek, Berlin. The oppos- ^ ? - .- ^ V** ' - . ^ *"
tng lawyer is shown on the preceding ?'. -.-? ;' . ^ . ? /"''*. ?:'"*?i ?
page. Photo by Deutsche Fotothek ; . ? ?> . \'
Dresden (Kramer). L^^^^hhmm^^^mmm^^m^^^hmmbm^m^mmmmmmmI
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 Modern scholarship has recreated
the basis of a script for a 400-year
old drama depicted on an Aztec
Indian document less than a yard square, now
in the collections of the Library of Congress.
Called the Oztoticpac Lands Map, it recap?

The
tures exciting events at an important moment
in the history of colonial Mexico, scene of the
developing action.
Clash of cultures is the theme as Texcocan
Aztec nobility face destruction of their gov?
ernment and society at the hands of the Euro?
pean conquerors who had burst on the scene

Oztoticpac scarcely two decades before. In addition to

a brilliant cast of natives?Nezahualcoyotl,

Lands
poet-king, and his son, Nezahualpilli, builder
statesman,, and his sons?the Spanish stars in?
clude Fernando Cortes and his chief lieuten?
ant of the Conquest, Pedro Alvarado; Antonio
de Mendoza, first Viceroy; Juan Zumarraga,

Map of
first bishop and Inquisitor. Even Baron
Alexander von Humboldt, noted i gth-century
German traveler and scientist, plays a role. A
climax, and raison d'etre of the document,

Texcoco
comes with the execution of a Texcocan noble
(son of Nezahualpilli) in the public square of
Mexico City before an assemblage of Spanish
and Indian notables and commoners.

1540
The preliminary studies of the Oztoticpac
Lands Map reveal it to be a complicated
mystery, here unfolded as far as present facts
permit. Its closing scenes remain to be writ?
ten when data now lying in unplumbed ar?
chives become available. Information from

by a wide variety of printed and manuscript

sources does permit us to piece together the
ward F. Cline, Director broad outlines of events and to relate this
Library of Congress item to other important
Hispanic Foundation contemporary materials for Mexican ethno
history.
Although nearly contemporary and involv?
ing some of the same personages?Cortes and
Zumarraga, for instance?another major
Aztec holding in the Library does not impinge
directly on the exciting matters covered by

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 Figure 1
AZTEC PICTORIAL DOCUMENTS
LIBRARY OP CONGRESS the Oztoticpac Lands Map. In the technical
i literature called Codex Monteleone, its textual
\ and pictorial content is concerned with a dif?
\
&pac1toca .;
^ ? TtoUaeia??
ferent and distinct group of Aztecs and their
^ \ Q CAPITALStroubles
.1 with the Spanish conquerors.1 De?
r^' j " ? ? * i } o o / ? puc. posited in the Manuscript Division, Codex
//?'?* Apprmmimmf sr?ofLiktmni
Monteleone is part of Document I of the
*^ \?tut? toon*
\ -tut? ?ritt
fc?an4ari?s Harkness Collection donated to the Library of
M I X I C O
Congress in 1929. The text and pictorial ma?
L/yOiMlkfie ? ~?* I I I I I terials of Document I are generally considered
/) L\\ozf077C*ac lajws m*#? ;
to be a single documentary corpus; in fact, the
> ^0X100ferro
CITY*^/
TteJoe \ ^
\ T I A X C A t so-called
A \ Codex consists of eight separate na?
XocHi?ileo * > ?TLAXCALA tive paintings, scattered through the manu?
S \ ?Cfc*leoco?ixM&nitmoME I. . ? ? . ? I ^ script text, illustrating a lawsuit brought by
\.0 ? t t ft i C t? v /,r j)fc.f/\E>h Jjot.into$ Vt the Aztec Indians of Huejotzingo in 1531
against Spanish colonial authorities to recover
costs of the aid they had provided Fernando
J" qCUEBMAVACA
~JL~*Z^ - ' V_r^
"' ! FOROKD VILLAGE MAPS
Cortes and others in the pacification of Mexi?
r_? . v co. Huejotzingo, an important precolonial
Figure 2 (below). Three hitherto unpublished drawings showing Indian claims against government officials.

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 .Figure 3. A falsified native map.

and colonial Aztec place, lies not far from Indian communities around the main cities
Texcoco, source of the Oztoticpac Lands Map of Puebla and Tlaxcala, persuading Indian
(figure 1). Only small portions from two of villagers to allow them to prepare land maps
the eight paintings included in Codex Monte to protect native holdings. Because they
leone have previously been published.2 Fig? forged not only maps, but also official seals,
ure 2 reproduces three complete and hitherto the entrepreneurs were hailed into court and
unpublished drawings which show claims convicted. Among the items of evidence
against unscrupulous government officials for against them were 24 falsified native maps,
subsistence costs of Indians who were forced some of which were possibly based on earlier
to work in Mexico City.3 but now lost items or drawn from memories
In addition to the pair of important orig? of Indians in the period 1868-70. The Li?
inal 16th-century Aztec items, the Library also brary purchased these maps in 1945, together
has a somewhat unusual group of Mexican with the original records of the trial.4 Figure
pictorials, lamentably of dubious scholarly 3 is a typical example from this group of
value. During the mid-19th century, several falsified maps, which fall within the general
Mexican individuals journeyed through small area shown on figure 1.

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 Figure 4. The Oztoticpac Lands Map, greatly reduced. The original, in red and black ink, about
30 x 33 inches, is in the Library of Congress.

Colby College in Maine, learning of the in? In comparison with the great bodies of
terest of the Hispanic Foundation in Mexican authentic Mexican Indian pictorial docu?
pictorial documents, in 1964 presented the ments in the Bibliotheque Nationale of Paris,
Library with another falsified Aztec codex. or in the National Museum of Anthropology
It is deposited in the Manuscript Division,5 in Mexico, the holdings of the Library of Con?
where the forged Puebla-Tlaxcala items are gress are small.6 No institution in the United
also housed. States, however, has an extensive body of
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original documents of this nature.7 With its
two important Aztec pieces, the Library ranks
with or above other U.S. research libraries in
this highly specialized category.
Published here for the first time, the Li?
brary of Congress' Oztoticpac Lands Map

^^^^^^^^^^^^
is reproduced as figure 4. It is on native
paper, which probably had a figbase. It
measures about 76 x 84 cm. (30 x 33 inches).
It is remarkably well preserved, with only
minor worm damage. Originally the map was
folded, apparently into four parts, and some
of the writing along the folds has become il?
tekWf&&B&4& '>i! * t ?"S4- OZTOTICPAC
legible. Although the document has been
drawn primarily in black ink, red, seen in
MnW^^^- I |^-LANDS MAP
faded lines around certain areas, apparently
denotes that they were owned by native l -,- !V 1 !_;_
nobility. Red is also used for some of the Figure 5. The Oztoticpac Lands Map diagramed
native numerals. to facilitate discussion of details.
Seemingly there are four kinds of black ink,
reflecting as many hands. The basic docu? virtually obliterated, other features of the map
ment is by one or more skilled Indians, and is and related documents provide information
drawn in firm black. An interpreter has about its time, place, and purposes.
added a number of glosses in Nahuatl, the The first clues come from part II, in the
language spoken then as it is now by Aztecs; upper left quadrant. Above a plan labeled
another hand, the same that might well have "Tollancinco" (figure 6) is a Spanish gloss,
added the native numerals in red, supplied the and below it a long Nahuatl text. We are not
shorter Spanish glosses in black. Across the yet wholly certain whether "Tollancinco" here
top of the map is yet another Spanish legend, refers to a well-known village, Tulancingo
by a fourth hand, in badly faded European (figure 1), or an estate similar to others shown
ink. The Photoduplication Service of the Li? on this document. Probably it is the latter.
brary rephotographed the legend under both The Spanish gloss states, "this, because there
ultraviolet and infrared light, but so badly is doubt that Ixtlilxochitl gave it to Don
worn has been this part of the manuscript Carlos, is counted as his." From the gloss we
that such attempts did not improve its almost immediately have a locale, a tentative
legibility. date, even a purpose for the Oztoticpac Lands
To permit systematic description of this Map. It concerns properties of the native
Aztec pictorial document, the writer has nobility of Texcoco, among whom were Don
divided it into seven main parts, to each of
which he has arbitrarily assigned a Roman
numeral. Within each of the parts, separate
elements have been given letters and Arabic
numbers. Main divisions are shown on the
diagram (figure 5). The legend at the top
has been designated part I. Fortunately,
even though this descriptive Spanish title is

Figure 6. Plan of Tollancinco.

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Garlos Ghichimecatecotl and his half-brother time of Fernando Cortes' conquest of Mexico,
Ixtlilxochitl. Since Don Carlos died in 1539, figure prominently in the interpretation of the
the document probably hovers chronologi? Oztoticpac Lands Map. Various native and
cally around that year, although its date of European sources provide data on them, but
composition will be discussed further in this contradictions leave numerous inconsistencies
article. The fact that the map begins with and debated points unresolved.8
an inventory of properties, with others coming An interesting graphic treatment appears
later in the document, tells us we are dealing on Mappe Tlotzin, a portion of which shows
with land litigation matters. For the mo? the various rulers of Texcoco and their wives
ment, the main consideration is that these from about A.D. 1263 to about 1539; it has
properties involve the lords of Texcoco, a well been excerpted here as figure 7.9 Table 1*
documented Aztec place of great importance providing data on these and other rulers,
before and after the Spanish Conquest. draws on numerous pictorial and textual
The lords of Texcoco, Indian nobles at the sources, notably Bernardino de Sahag?n and

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Figure 7 (left). Rulers of Texcoco, 1263?1539. Original in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris.

Table 1.?Chichimec and Acolhua Rulers of Texcoco, 1115?1582

order ruler rule died reign

began (Years)

xolotl. 1115 1232 117

nopaltzin. 1232 1263 31

tlotzin poghotl. 1263 1298 35

qu1nantz1n tlaltegatz1n. . .1298 1357 59

teghotlaltz1n. 1357 1409 52

ixtlilxoghitl ometoghtli . 1409 1419 10

Tepanec Interregnum

nezahualcoyotl . 1431 1472 41

nezahualpilli_ 1472 1516 43

cacamatzin. 1517 1519 2

Spanish Conquest

Fernando TECOCOLTZIN. 1520 1521 1

Pedro Alvarado GOHUANAGOGHTZIN. 1521 1525 4

Fernando Cortes IXTLILXOCH1TL. 1525 1531 6

Jorge Alvarado YOYOTZIN. 1532 1533 1

Pedro TETLAHUEHUETZQU1TZIN . . . 1534 1539 5

Antonio Pimentel TLAHUILOTZIN. 1539 1545 6

Hernando Pimentel IHUAN. 1545 1565 20

Diego TEUTZQUITZ1N. 1565 1577 12

Vacancy

Don Cristobal. 1579 3 plus

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Fernando Alva Ixtlilxochitl, a descendant, of thereafter. These tangled matters are par?
the Texcocan noble of that name.10 tially reflected on the Oztoticpac Lands Map,
Based on oral traditions, the chronology of which involves ownership of properties
the rulers shown in table 1 becomes more re? claimed by various sons of Nezahualpilli, the
liable after the time of Nezahualcoyotl, when lords of Texcoco. A schematized chart of
records were better. Nezahualcoyotl was the principal figures, all brothers or half
grandfather to the group of lords (senores) brothers because of their common father Nez?
with whom we are primarily concerned. ahualpilli, appears as figure 8.
Famed as warrior, poet, philosopher, and Let us now identify our major protagonist,
legislator, he sired numerous descendants, two Don Carlos. He is No. 20 on figure 8; he
of whom were by his legitimate wife, daugh? has often been confused in the secondary liter?
ter of the Lord of Tenochitlan (Mexico City). ature with No. 18, Carlos Ahuaxpizin, another
One of these sons he executed for treason. natural son.15 Our Carlos had a colorful
The other, Nezahualpilli, inherited the king? career, which ended spectacularly when Span?
doms.11 ish officials executed him on November 30,
By some 40 women, Nezahualpilli is said to 1539, in the public square of Mexico City,
have fathered 145 children.12 His first child upon his conviction by the Inquisition for
wife bore him no heir; she engaged in orga? heretical dogmatizing, with additional charges
nized adultery, having a long series of noble of idolatry and immorality.16 Execution by
lovers killed and a statue of each made. the Spanish of one of the powerful lords of
These crammed her bedroom, explained Texcoco, for whatever reasons, was a critical
away as "gods of Tenochitlan," until she made event. It damaged the prestige of the In?
the mistake of allowing three paramours to quisitor, Bishop Juan Zumarraga, who was
live, one of whom flashed a medallion which officially reprimanded for his actions.17 Mod?
Nezahualpilli recognized as a gift he had pre? ern students still disagree about the necessity
sented to his wife. He had her, the surviving or justice of Don Carlos' severe sentence.18
lovers, and their accomplices publicly exe? His execution left in its wake litigation re?
cuted.13 lated to lands of the lords of Texcoco, with
Nezahualpilli took a second wife, whose which the Oztoticpac Lands Map is primarily
offspring were considered legitimate by some. concerned.
The vast majority of Nezahualpilli's issue was The Texcocan lords drew revenues of vari?
natural. He designated no legal heir to the ous kinds from their own private estates as
realms which, in alliance with related Aztec well as from tribute-paying communities. If,
dynasties of Tenochitlan (modern Mexico as is most probable, Tollancinco was such a
City) and Tlacopan (Tacuba), had created private property, its returns are shown in the
a rich Texcocan empire. This Triple Alli? middle of the estate (figure 6). There ap?
ance in the 15th century had conquered nearly pears a container of items, which may be
all the area of modern Mexico, levying tribute cacao beans, money, or beans, with a flag in
payments and services due on a vast number them; the flag is a symbol for 20, hence 20
of provinces and communities, incomes of such containers are signified. Beside the con?
which were divided among the realms of Tex tainer are native numerals for 10, probably to
coco (2 shares), Tenochitlan (2 shares), and indicate that at 10-day intervals the rental
Tacuba (1 share).14 goods were to ge given the landlord. Equally
Succession to the throne of Texcoco was possible is the interpretation that 10 such con?
thus a major economic and political prize on tainers were to be delivered every 20 days.
the eve of the Conquest and for some years The long Nahuatl gloss below the plan of
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 n
U4

g
8

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Tollancinco does not directly aid us in de? on figure 8?Cacamatzin (5), Yoyotzin (12),
termining whether that place was a village Ixtlilxochitl (10) ?not only assures us that we
or an estate, nor does it give the amount of are dealing with the lords of Texcoco but
dues it paid, but it does provide historical and raises certain questions of relationships among
genealogical data of immediate interest.19 It them. Fortunately they can be answered pro?
is testimony by a Texcocan Indian who said visionally. It is clear from this account that
his name was Benito Ciuaiuinti. He claimed Don Carlos was considered one of the half
to have been an eyewitness and intermediary brothers; however he was never a ruler.
in disputes and discussions among the sons of After ousting two natural sons who ruled from
Nezahualpilli concerning the disposition and 1517 to 1521, one after another of the legiti?
ownership of their properties. Like much mate brothers successively grasped the reins of
Indian testimony, this passage has obscurities. rule, drawing their power from their legiti?
Some 10 years previously (ca. 1530), the mate lineage, but even more, from their newly
Indian testified, Don Carlos went to the pal? developed relationships with the conquering
ace, ostensibly on orders from a Christian Spaniards.20
priest, apparently to petition for one of the On the death of Pedro Tetlahuehuequitzin
family places. Benito announced to the ruler (8), the last legitimate brother, in 1539, and
(then Fernando Cortes Ixtlilxochitl) that his the execution that same year of Don Carlos
younger brother had come. Don Carlos who had unsuccessfully tried to become lord,
stated that he had been sent by the padre who one of the last of the natural half brothers,
had arrived the previous day from the houses Antonio Pimentel Tlahuilotzin, was recog?
of Tulancingo (and?) Ocotepec. The padre nized both by Spaniards and Indians as "lord
had asked who owned a certain house. Carlos of Texcoco." 21 On his death, various sons
had told him that it belonged to Yoyotzin; the of the legitimate brothers succeeded to what
next house was assigned to the guardian of had become primarily an honorific post, its
Tulancingo; the third house was empty. The influence shrunk.
padre told him to request it of Don Fernando At the coming of the Spaniards in 1519, the
Ixtlilxochitl, and once Don Carlos had moved throne of Texcoco, then a vast and rich realm,
in, the padre would visit him. was in violent dispute between the half
Don Fernando Ixtlilxochitl, according to brothers Cacamatzin and Ixtlilxochitl. Mon
this witness, smiled and acceded to Carlos' re? tezuma, lord of Mexico, aided his nephew
quest. But Fernando also told Benito that Cacamatzin (a natural son) against the
Carlos had claimed that officials in the family younger legitimate brothers. These Texcocan
had taken all the property. Ixtlilxochitl said Aztec fratricidal struggles facilitated Eu?
that his brother Cacamatzin had given Ocote? ropean conquest of Mexico. They arrayed
pec to him, and that some time before Ixtlilxo? nearly half the Aztec Empire against the other
chitl had given it to Yoyotzin. half, permitting Cortes to secure native allies
Benito's testimony confirms the fact that we from the discontented communities hoping to
are dealing with Texcocan property belonging escape the imperial yoke.22
to the sons of Nezahualpilli. It also sets To further his own ambitions, Ixtlilxochitl
upper chronological limits. Don Fernando became one of the staunchest native allies of
Cortes Ixtlilxochitl died in 1531, hence this Fernando Cortes and Pedro Alvarado and
document cannot postdate 1541 if Benito's aided them greatly in capturing Mexico.
statements concerning happenings 10 years Upon final Spanish victory over Mexico City,
before are correct. Cortes in 1521 gave Ixtlilxochitl and the
The mention in the gloss of persons shown brothers who had sided with him the ruling
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 positions they had sought earlier in Texcoco gested that Zacarias move into a house on
and its dependencies. Actually Ixtlilxochitl Oztoticpac, one of the properties owned by
and his brother Cohuanacochtzin more or less the family. Before doing so, however, Don
divided the kingdom of Texcoco between Carlos requested him to get permission from
themselves. The former ruled the northern the ruler, then Don Pedro Tetlahuehuetz
areas from Otumba; the latter from the city quitzin, who asked Zacarias also to discuss it
of Texcoco governed its southern provinces.23 with the other brothers. Accordingly, Zaca?
On the death of Cohuanacochtzin while with rias talked with Francisco Mochiuhquechol
Cortes in Central America in 1525, Ixtlilxo? tzomatzin, who raised some objections, but at
chitl inherited the whole kingdom. He then length Pedro gave permission for Zacarias to
moved from Otumba to Texcoco and oc? live on the estate with the understanding that
cupied the ancestral palace (shown on figure Oztoticpac belonged to the town, not to any
12) until his death in 1531.24 person.
In 1524, when the Texcocan Aztecs were The testimony of Zacarias in the Nahuatl
baptized officially, Ixtlilxochitl took the gloss substantiates the previous chronological
Christian name of Fernando Cortes, his god? note. The map could not have been made
father. His ranking brother became Pedro later than 1544, since the witness talked to
Alvarado Cohuanacochtzin to honor his Don Carlos, who died in 1539, while he was
patron. Other brothers and their wives still alive. Yet another Nahuatl gloss
selected Christian names (figure 8) ,25 About (V-D-l) tells us that Don Carlos died on the
this time the conquistador Fernando Cortes day dedicated to Maria Magdalena; hence
took young Don Carlos Chichimecatecotl into the document postdates 1539. We have now
his household and reared him as a nominal narrowed its composition to the years 1539-41
Christian. This upbringing was nearly the on the basis of direct native testimony. A
sole defense Carlos could advance in 1539 reasonable date which we shall use for it is
when the Inquisition charged him with idola? 1540, plus or minus a year.
try.26 Part IV of the Oztoticpac Lands Map The statements of Zacarias also reveal that
shows plots of ground which Cortes gave to Oztoticpac was a place within Texcoco, not
Don Carlos. the Aztec village of the same name northeast
Any lingering doubts about the place of the of that city (figure 1). From published
map and the personages are quickly dispelled records of the Inquisition procedure against
when its part III is examined (figure 9). It Don Carlos we further learn that Oztoticpac
consists of a plan, plus a short Spanish and a was one of two estates within the city of Tex?
much longer Nahuatl gloss. The Spanish coco assigned to Don Carlos; he first occupied
gloss states that this area belongs to the it in 1532, when he took a niece as his concu?
senorto, or seignorial holdings of the Neza? bine.28 The idols on which the Inquisition's
hualpilli descendants. This confirms what charges of idolatry were based were not kept
part II had suggested, that all the lands be? here. They were found in his other house,
longing to the descendants of Nezahualpilli although its name is not given, but which may
were in litigation, with this document being well be the Ocotepec mentioned above.
used to determine which properties belonged On the plan itself there is a native Nahuatl
to whom.
legend, which says "The palace of Oztoticpac
The long Nahuatl gloss in part III is im? belongs to the government. It is not the prop?
portant.27 An Indian witness, Zacarias erty of Don Carlos." This strongly suggests
Tlacocoua, here explained that 5 years that the litigation is for the purpose of re?
previously [ca. 1535] Don Carlos had sug claiming property taken from Don Carlos by

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 _estc es del seftono cierto

* Oztoticpac tecpancallj ytech pphuj y tlah ? #

Jl tocayutlhamcT yaxca'y Don Carlos

: I
f ' LI ^
i p? <*
I : '^%|_ s
L... O i T-^ '_fffll i
M? ? ? ? iyn " I

J ymjl Don antonio *

I ml If I
' ????/?? t- iia >>tt
Figure 9. Detail from the Oztoticpac Lands Map.

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Figure 10. Humboldt Fragment VI, in the Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, Berlin. Photo by Deutsche Fotothek
Dresden (Kramer).

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 the Inquisition authorities in 1539, a supposi? of the exact correspondence of main icono
tion strengthened by the relation of this na? graphic and numerical elements.
tive document to yet another. What Seler had to say about Humboldt
Perhaps the most striking and unusual Fragment VI, therefore, also applies generally
feature of Part III is that it corresponds in to part III of the Oztoticpac Lands document.
all major details to a well-known cognate Though he made minor errors in genealogy,
Mexican pictorial document which was ac? Seler correctly identified the Indian ruler
quired in Mexico by Baron Alexander von shown on Humboldt Fragment VI as Don
Humboldt in 1803. He published a litho? Antonio Pimentel Tlahuilotzin, who, after a
graphic version of it in his famous Vues short interregnum, June-November 1539, in
(1813), entitled "Piece de proces en ecriture 1540 succeeded his brother Don Pedro Tetla
hieroglyphique." 29 In 1806 Humboldt do? huehuetzquitzin as ruler of Texcoco and who,
nated this and other original manuscripts to when he died in 1545, was followed by his
the Royal Library and Museum in Berlin.30 nephew Hernando Pimentel Ihuan.
The Humboldt document, usually known as Seler suggested that the three Spaniards
Humboldt Fragment VI, was republished at the top of Humboldt Fragment VI repre?
(1893), with a commentary by the great Ger? sented Antonio de Mendoza, the Viceroy of
man scholar of ancient Mexico, Eduard Mexico, and two judges (oidores) of the Au
Seier.31 Although as a result of World II diencia. In front of them are Spanish
most of the American Indian Manuscripts col? papers, which the Indian artist has drawn
lection in the former Royal Berlin Library was with meaningless scrawled symbols. Above
lost or dispersed, Humboldt Manuscript 1, and below the Indian litigant, Antonio Pimen?
containing Fragment VI, survived intact in tel Tlahuilotzin, appear two Spaniards who
that repository, which has now been renamed were with him in court; on the other side is an
Deutsche Staatsbibliothek. The photograph, opposing lawyer.33 We touch on them again
reproduced here as figure 10, was kindly fur? below, where the principals in the litigation
nished by the Chief of its Manuscript are tentatively identified in figure 22.
Division.32
The row of human footprints proceeding
Comparison between Humboldt Fragment from left to right across the bottom of the
VI and our part III, each by a distinct native main portion of Texcoco indicates a major
artist, indicates that the German manuscript road. It divides the main section of town
has some features not found on the Oztoticpac from two plots, themselves separated by a sim?
Lands Map. It carries a gloss in Spanish: ilar road.
"Ciudad de Tetzcuco" (City of Texcoco). One of these was the property of Don An?
Further, the Humboldt manuscript contains tonio Pimentel Tlahuilotzin, so indicated by
personages around the borders which do not glosses on the Oztoticpac Map. We know
appear on the Library of Congress document. from a published document that Viceroy Men?
The latter has, however, native glosses not doza on August 15, 1537, reconfirmed Don
seen on the Berlin item; these identify plots Antonio's land rights to a wooded area of Tex?
of land within Texcoco, notably the palace of coco called Texcocinco; witnesses were his
Oztoticpac and the lands owned by Don half brothers Jorge Yoyotzin and Pedro Tetla
Antonio Pimentel Tlahuilotzin, another huehuetzquitzin.34 The glyph for Texco?
brother of Ixtlilxochitl and Don Carlos (fig? cinco appears in Part VII of the Oztoticpac
ure 8). There is no doubt that the two docu? Lands Map (see figure 21).
ments are intimately related, especially in view On the Berlin document are two circles

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 b c
Humboldt Fragment VI a
Codex Xolotl

Oztoticpac Lands
Mappe Reinisch Mappe Tl

OZTOTICPAC PLACE-GLYPHS
Figure 11

below the Spanish officials, indicating two would normally have been a prolonged con?
years.35 There is a strong probability that the test, to form the later, more complex Oztotic
two years follow the Mendoza land confirma? pac Lands Map.
tion event, which would give a tentative 1539 Of continuing interest are two other well
date for Humboldt Fragment VI. We would known contemporary native Texcocan pic?
suggest that the trial shown on that document torial documents, Mappe Quinantzin and
concerned recovery of ancestral lands, notably Mappe Tlotzin, now in the Bibliotheque Na?
Oztoticpac, taken by the Spanish colonial gov? tionale of France.37 Named for two im?
ernment after Don Carlos was convicted and portant Texcocan rulers, they treat, in some?
executed in November 1539. what different fashion, the evolution of the
Seler failed to make meaningful comment Texcocan realm from Chichimec days, its sub?
on the place-name sign beside the year divisions, and the lines of senores or lords re?
circles.36 Figure 11 shows it to be a variant lated to or descended from them. Both items
of the common glyph for Oztoticpac, depicted are post-Conquest. Each was glossed in Na
on various contemporary Texcocan pictorial huatl about 1542, although probably com?
documents and other Aztec pictorials. Thus posed earlier. Mappe Tlotzin brings the
Humboldt Fragment VI seems closely related native record of Texcocan senores to Pedro
in time, place, and subject to the Library of Tetlahuehuetzquitzin (d. 1539), No. 8 in our
Congress map. figure 8, making it contemporaneous with
As a workable general hypothesis we can Humboldt Fragment VI and our Oztoticpac
state that Humboldt Fragment VI and the Lands Map. Since we lack any agreed schol?
Oztoticpac Lands Map probably are related arly knowledge of the purposes of these docu?
documents for the same litigation. The for? ments, it seems reasonable to hypothesize that
mer could well be an earlier and simpler land Mappes Quinantzin and Tlotzin, too, were
claims document which was greatly expanded submitted in the same or related suits by the
in detail and coverage at a later stage, in what lords of Texcoco to show their lineage and

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JpBB J?n?i et"\
\\%\ S r [7^1?
i^S^^^ ot ran ?
Codex excerpt Diagram
PALACE OF NEZAHUALCOYOTL OZTOTICPAC PALACE
Mappe Quinantzin Oztoticpac Lands Map

their right to the ancestral palace of Oztotic

AZTEC PROPERTY PLANS pac, originally constructed by Quinantzin.
The second leaf of Mappe Quinantzin has
as its central feature the Palace of Nezahual?
coyotl, with place glyphs for the communities
which formed the realm of Texcoco and were
obligated to provide goods and services to
maintain the regal establishment.38 From
other sources, notably Juan de Torquemada,
who used documents furnished by Antonio
Pimentel Tlahuilotzin (the Indian litigant of
Humboldt Fragment VI) and a detailed ac?
count given in 1582 by Juan Bautista Pomar,
who based it on the recollections of the old
men of the kingdom, we know a great deal
about that palace. It is shown in figure 12 in
an excerpt from Mappe Quinantzin (together
with a diagram prepared for this article).
The Palace of Nezahualcoyotl, where the first
formal Mass in New Spain was celebrated,
survived in altered form as one of the earliest
Catholic churches in Mexico.39 However,
the main Palace shown on Humboldt Frag?
ment VI and our Oztoticpac Lands Map is
probably not, as Seler asserted, the Palace of
Nezahualcoyotl but rather the Palace of Oz?
toticpac, shown on the same figure.40
Built in the 14th century by Quinantzin,

Top: Figure 12. Original of the plan on the left

is in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris.

Left: Figure 13. Originals in Archivo General de

laNacion {Mexico).
Opposite: Figure 14.
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 COLONIAL AZTEC LAND MEASURES
SYMBOLS UNITS EQUIVALENTS
fTexcocol Other English Spanish Nahuatl Length Inches
yard vara |tlal Outstretched hand 45 T
(36 in.) (33 in.} quauitl to ground
Lit.:
wland
U stick*

cemmatl Elbow
(fo rearm )j?brazaH to wrist 15 T
Lit. 2 or fingertips
Archaic: l(mano)11 one
elbow hand1*
or, "one| Variable in non to 90?
armw Tezcocan documents
yard? !"brazaH cemacolli
Shoulder to finger? 30 ?
(hombrojttitjx tips
l*one
shoulder*
ell HbrazaM cen
(45 inj
(cora yollotli
& 6 zon) [Lit.:
one Chest to fingertips 40 ?
heart11
|goad rbrazaw cemitl
(archaic *flecha) One elbow to finger? 60 ?
154 in. Mone tips of other arm
arrow*

the Palace of Oztoticpac was for many years In his commentary on Humboldt Fragment
the principal feature of Texcoco, housing the VI, Seler correctly outlined the Aztec numer?
ruler and his court.41 Although over? ical system, shown on that and other Texco
shadowed by the buildings erected by Neza? can documents.43 Numerals 1 through 19
hualcoyotl and Nezahualpilli, it served as appear as vertical lines, grouped into
council hall for the lords of Texcoco up to the fives. In the Mexico City area such units
time of the Spanish Conquest. may be open circles. A basic unit, 20, is
As our map has told us, this was the palace shown 2 ways: for objects and people, a flag
assigned to Don Carlos but which remained (pantli) is used; in land measures of Texcoco,
seignorial property. The glyph for Oztoticpac 20 is a solid circular dot, 5 of which equal
on Humboldt Fragment VI (figure 11) plus 100. A sign for many hairs (zontli) depicts
the glosses on the cognate Oztoticpac Lands 400.
Map clearly identify the complex. The gen? Both Humboldt Fragment VI and Ozto
eral plan is not, as Seler stated, a town plan ticpac Lands Map, as well as other Aztec pic?
of Texcoco, but it is rather a property within torial documents, carry conventional signs for
that city, Oztoticpac, which as early as 1849 native land measures. Surprisingly little in?
J.M.A. Aubin cautioned was not to be con? formation about such symbols is found in the
fused with nearby homonymic places.42 published literature.44 A summary of our

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present knowledge taken from unpublished If our hypotheses are correct, it grew out of
materials, such as those shown on figure 13, the same litigation that generated its cognate,
appears as figure 14. It should be clearly Humboldt Fragment VI, and which may have
understood, of course, that the modern equiv? involved demonstration of other Texcocan
alents are only approximations. Within short pictorials such as Mappe Quinantzin and
distances in the Valley of Mexico the same Mappe Tlotzin to support seignorial claims
unit varied in length. to lands sequestered by the Inquisition when
Molina's classic Aztec-Spanish dictionary of it charged Don Carlos in July 1539 and which
1571 contains numerous references to meas? it held after his death in November.
ures, but analysis indicates that many of these Unfortunately the documents which might
are but native translations of Spanish units.45 support, amend, or negate the general thesis
Basic land measures, shown consistently by propounded here have not come to light,
conventional symbols, seemingly were "land despite diligent search for them by scholars.
stick," a staff-length from outstretched hand To official ears in far-off Spain had come
to the ground; and at least four other meas? echoes of the scandal over the severe treat?
ures to which Molina attached the Spanish ment of Don Carlos by the Inquisition.
synonym "braza." All are based on relative Hence the Royal Visitor, Francisco Tello de
lengths of parts of the human body. Sandoval, when ordered overseas to inspect
One such braza was the "hand (plus fore? the realms of New Spain and to correct
arm) " measure, signalized by a hand sign. abuses (1544-47), was specifically instructed
The braza equated to "shoulder" was usually by Spanish Church authorities to determine
abbreviated to show merely a shoulder bone, what had become of Don Carlos' estate and
although the full sign can be seen on figure heirs.46 If Tello ever prepared a report on
13. "Heart" was the distance from midchest these matters, it has not yet been found, al?
to outstretched fingertips. Although Molina though other of his records survive.
clearly states cenyollotli to be this measure, The linking of the Oztoticpac Lands Map
Seler construed the "heart" to mean "liv? in the Library of Congress unequivocally with
ing," hence mistook the native numeral Humbodt Fragment VI of the Staatsbiblio?
dimensions of the Oztoticpac Palace plot for thek in Berlin is of considerable significance.
the demographic data about the city of Data on the Library of Congress map provide
Texcoco. a historical context heretofore lacking for
The longest unit was "arrow." With the interpretation of the Berlin document. The
heart, it is the most frequently used symbol latter supplies supplementary material that
on the Oztoticpac Lands Map. The arrow does not appear on the Library of Congress
was formed by length of one "shoulder" plus pictorial. The litigation shown on Humboldt
the width of the body, plus distance from an? Fragment VI relates to the Oztoticpac portion
other shoulder to elbow. As the name sug? of lands of Don Carlos and his relatives, but
gests, this is the distance from a bowman's the Library of Congress pictorial is concerned
grasp of his weapon to the end of the elbow with other properties as well. The latter
of the arm and hand holding a taut bowstring coverage is wholly lacking from the German
and arrow-notch. Comparable is the modern document and is not otherwise known in the
American measurement of a boxer's reach, pictorial literature.
from fingertips to fingertips of outstretched Part IV of the Oztoticpac Lands Map
arms.
occupies all of the upper right quadrant and
Part III of the Oztoticpac Lands Map is part of the lower (figure 15). It is a
a small
thus a crucial portion of the total document.
complex of property plans, apparently in a
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 IV
Figure 15. The heads at the right indicate the Indian families who farmed the plots shown on
from the Oztoticpac Lands Map.

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 60 J?00
stones
180 Hi
???? days

days ifyear
Figure 16. Glyphs indicating rents or incomes from the estate.

general area of Texcoco known as Octicpac, provide the Aztec name of that piece of land.
which means "above the road." Octicpac is To the right of the major group of village
bounded at the bottom by such a road, the lands is a row of seven Indian heads, two
familiar footprints going from left to right; of which have flags; the remaining five are
at each corner are stylized boundary trees; linked together by a single line. Hence 20
and within it are various groups of properties, plus 20 plus 5, or 45 Indian families are in?
explained in part by Spanish glosses and Aztec dicated, the approximate number of plots.
glyphs. Each of the fields has measurements In the top center of part IV is depicted
in the numerical and sign system explained an estate within Octicpac which both the
above. Spanish and Nahuatl glosses explain had been
On the extreme left of the quadrant and given to Don Carlos by Don Pedro. The
continuing down to the roadway are lands bounds of the main estate are marked by four
belonging to villagers or commoners, so in? stylized maguey plants, one of which is shown
dicated by the Spanish gloss. In each instance on figure 17. Figure 16 illustrates glyphs
the individual plot has a toponymic glyph to which denote rents or incomes from the

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 Octicpac estate. Seemingly every 60 days a used for silk-worms, known to have been
load of 400 building stones was due. In ad? raised in this region.47 Similar glyphs are
dition, renters provided 180 work days per found in the third such plot of this group, al?
year, with an additional 10 days every 2 years, though it does carry a place glyph in addition
and annually 2 extra days. Here the little to the wormsigns. To the extreme right ap?
flag denotes 1/20 of a month of 20 days each. pear what apparently are doodles by one or
Below the general estate area is a series of another of the scribes: fanlike drawings which
10 fields, each again with its toponymic glyph have no functional relationship to the docu?
(figure 17). A Spanish gloss in the first of ment.
these fields states that it and those below were The general significance of Part IV is to
given by Don Carlos to the persons who provide further details on the litigation with
worked them. Therefore they had the status which the whole document is concerned and,
of renters, who evidently made payments in at the same time, data on land tenure systems.
the form of labor. These 10 families un? While not an exact parallel, this portion of the
doubtedly are the 10 Indians shown to the Oztoticpac Lands Map corresponds in general
immediate right of the rental plots, 2 lines of to yet another of the Humboldt Manuscripts
5 Indians each.
(Fragment VIII), and to various other Aztec
In the upper right portion of this quadrant pictorial cadastral documents of the 16th cen?
are yet other lands which the gloss discloses tury.48 Part IV thus provides comparative
belonged to individual Indian commoners. material of consequence, especially in view
The largest of these plots does not carry a of the fact that it is imbedded in a known his?
toponymic glyph, but in it are worm-like torical context.
signs which may indicate that this plot was Parts V and VI are much the same, in that

Figure 17. Ten rental plots worked by Indian tenants.

I1 ?Vs? f
j.1 boundary

marker ff1 T

IV
Renters *

9 1?JlM

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Figure 18

LANDS OF DON CARLOS

CHICHIMECATECOTL
Oztoticpac Lands Map
TOTOCINCO

Lands worked by Coicacoah.

HUEHUEXOXOL
Worked by Nccoametl

returned 2 yean

State, doo Carlos "died when it the f???

of Ma.Ma?<U>??e.-"

KS?}
1 i^M^y^ , VI
APUCUPA
-f^|Purchased
~ HUEYATL
ItK
HUEYATL
for shown cape APUCUPA

SCAPES PAID FOR LANDS

HUEYATL

ATLXOCOPAN ATLXOCOPAN
Oiven don Carlo* by Prrnando Corte-*

/ ^>_

each treats small individual landalternative

plots and names was Ometochtli
Rabbit");
properties clearly owned by Don Carlos. Thethe gloss states that this p
certainly
plots have toponymic glyphs and related Span? his.
ish and native glosses which give additional
The lands labeled "Hueyatl" were als
miscellaneous information about the history
chased by Don Carlos. He paid five
of the plots and related matters (figure 18). feathered cape, one seame
capes, one
The area called "Totocinco," for instance,
and one cape edged in black, also sh
was a piece of land originally owned by a Don
figure 18.
Carlos Coatlecouztin, who sold it to a certain
On the eve of the Conquest^ various
Tixicomotecatl, from whom Don Carlos Chi
and especially capes, were units of ex
chimecatecotl purchased it, paying him two
among the Aztecs. For small trans
plain capes and other considerations. To the
cacao beans were used, 100 of them eq
left of the main Totocinco plots are two small
small
squares, signifying the capes, above whichcotton
is napkin. Larger comm
capes, called
a rabbit's head with two dots. Normally this patolcuachtli, were used f
sign might be considered an Aztec ment of tribute
date, 2 by the villages to th
Alliance.49
Rabbit (1494 or 1546) but here it seems to be For his lands Don Carlo
the name glyph for Don Carlos, one various kinds of capes, whose equival
of whose

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each other or to the total exchange system Don Carlos, which helped the Inquisition
have not been established. prove charges of immorality against him.
The plot designated "Lands of Huehue The Nahuatl gloss indicates that Don
xoxotl" has special interest, because of its im? Carlos took the plot of land, then returned
portant historical and genealogical data. it to his half sister Xoxul, who had inherited
The gloss indicates that Don Carlos died on the property from their common great-grand?
the feast of Mary Magdalene and at that time father (Huehuexoxotl). Her daughter was
provided well for his concubine. It supplies Ines Tonal, the niece Don Carlos kept as a
further notes on the disordered love life of concubine, siring two daughters by her, one
Table 2.?Family of Don Carlos Chichimecatecotl

Name Relationship Notes

Carlos Chichimecatecotl. Self. Also known as Ca

tzin.

IXTLILXOCHITL I. . Paternal great-grandfather. Ruled to 1419, when died.

Huehuexoxotl. Maternal great-grand? Lands he gave to Carlos' grandmother

father. shown on Map, V-D-3.

NEZAHUALCOYOTL. Paternal grandfather. .

Tenizcin. Maternal grandfather. Map states (V-D-l, Nahuatl) "grand?

father of Don Carlos."
NEZAHUALPILLI. . . . Father.

Unidentified. Mother. Granddaughter of Huehuexoxol.

Pedro Izcutecatl. Uncle. Brother of D. Carlos' mother. Custo?

dian of Oztoticpac, 1537-39.

Xoxul. Half-sister. Daughter of D. Carlos' mother; brother

is Carlos.

Dna. Maria. Wife. Married, 1535, at which time Carlos

gave up concubine In6s.

Dna. In6s Tonal. Half-niece; concubine. Daughter of Xoxul. Baptized, 1524;

met Carlos, 1532, lived with him until
1535. Bore him 2 daughters, 1 living.

Unidentified. Concubine. Mother of son Antonio, no. 13.

Antonio. Son. b. about 1528.

Unidentified. b. about
Daughter. . 1533? Deceased before 1539.

Unidentified. Daughter. . 1534; living with mother In6s

b. about
in Ixtapalapa, 1539. Carlos furnished
them with maize.

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jure 19 of whom died. The fact that he not only the night, he was forcibly ejected by her serv?
lived in sin with Ines, but also that he ants, causing a notable scandal. By an un?
preached concubinage as an admirable doc? known female, Don Carlos also had a son,
trine weighed heavily against him in his 1539 Antonio, who as a lad of about 10 years ap?
Inquisition trial. Added to this was strong peared in 1539 as a witness against his
evidence that Carlos had furtively hidden father.50
himself in the sleeping apartment of Maria, In addition to his extramarital exploits, Don
the recently widowed wife of his half brother Carlos had been married to a Dona Maria by
Pedro Tetlahuehuetzquitzin. Discovered in the Catholic Church in 1535. There is no

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record of children by that union. His formal them away. The place-name "Apucupa" ap?
and informal family relations are shown on pears on one of the plots, presumably also a gift
figure 19, and data about them are summa? from Cortes.
rized in table 2. The information thus provided by parts V
The small plots designated VI (figure 18) and VI tends to be genealogical, minor and
were clearly the property of Don Carlos, ac? local, although it does have certain economic
cording to the glosses. One states that Don and social interest. Its value is far outweighed
Fernando Cortes donated lands of Atlxocopan by the exciting and significant depictions in
to Carlos, who subdivided them and gave VII, the lower left quadrant (figure 20).

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 Part VII consists of a partly illegible and which Pomar described as small and slightly
obscure Spanish gloss, plus six rows of grafted to the east of Texcoco. He said that the
fruit trees, the first four rows of which have etymology of the place-name was unknown,
glossed toponymic glyphs preceding them. having persisted from earlier Ghichimec times
Following each of the grafted trees, a before the Aztecs of Texcoco settled in the
Spanish notation gives its species, and native area.54
numbers, presumably specifying the quantity Pomar also identifies Cuauyacac as a place
of such varieties within the place indicated by about a mile east of Texcoco, on a hill within
the toponymic glyph. Figure 21 reproduces which was a notable cave. He gives its mean?
the major glyphs, with a map providing loca? ing as "where the uncultivated area (monte)
tions to which they refer. Three can be begins." More properly it should mean
rather precisely placed. Tlaxomulco remains "overlooking the woods," shown in rebus by
unconfirmed. the glyph elements: above the hill, usual con?
"Tezcocinco" became Santa Maria Nativi vention for place, is the tree (cuah), in the
tas Tetzcocinco. It will be recalled that trunk of which is seen a human nose, yacatl,
Viceroy Mendoza confirmed ownership of it whose pronounced sound also means "above,"
to Don Antonio Pimentel Tlahuilotzin in the whole signifying "hill overlooking
August 1537.51 It is shown as his land on part tree(s)." Cuauyacac appears on other
III. But Tezcocinco had a much longer Aztec pictorial historical documents, such as
history. Mapa Tlotzin. We are also told by Pomar
One source tells us that in the year 4 Cane that in 1582 it was a place "where the no?
(1170 or 1248) some 2,000 Toltec Indians of bility of this city [Texcoco] had many and
the Tlailotlaque tribe appeared in Texcoco diverse flower gardens of numerous and varied
under a leader named Tempatzin, carrying colors and very singular odors. . . ." 55
their idol Tezcatlipuca, having made the long The area glossed "Tlaxomulco" is of less
journey from their homes in the Mixteca of certain identification. Glyph components
southern and western Mexico. They peti? suggest that the Spanish gloss is incomplete.
tioned for land, which the ruler of Texcoco, The little teeth below what appears to be a
Tlotzin, was delighted to give them, for they butterfly in an angle gives the sound "Tla"
were famed as craftsmen and artists. Tlotzin (tlalli, land; tlan, teeth), and the angle,
selected 400 of the most skilled and gave them xomul, provides the remainder or "a corner of
and their leader the area of Tezcocinco.52 land"; the Spanish gloss does not take into
Another published source is a grant of water account the butterfly (papalotl). We do
rights from Nezahualcoyotl to the Indian find, however, that a plot of land called
descendants of the original settlers and others Tlacomulco, one of the subdivisions of the
who had come into the area. The grant con? town of San Juan Teotihuacan, had belonged
veyed exclusive rights to various waters to Ixtlilxochitl. It became the property of
brought by the aqueduct shown on the place his daughter Ana and her husband, Francisco
glyph. Nezahualcoyotl indicated one of the Verdugo Quetzalmamachitlzin, Lord of Teo?
boundaries of Tezcocinco to be the adjoining tihuacan.56 Lacking further data, we can
Cuauyacac area, discussed below. To com? only tentatively equate that plot with the one
memorate the grant and importance of Tez? shown on the Oztoticpac document.
cocinco, Nezahualcoyotl had his portrait cut Oztoticpac itself} as we have already noted,
in stone on the hillside.53 Utilizing the water was an estate within the city of Texcoco. Its
supply and pleasant site, his son Nezahualpilli glyph corresponds to the name, "above the
built royal gardens and baths there on the hill, caves" (oztotl, cave; icpac, above), a stylized
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VII

D
1
Cuauhyacac Tlaxomulco Oztoticpac
? 0 ?
OZTOTICPAC LANDS MAP

? ? OTUMBA

ITEOTIHUAC AN^^L1 a xomul co/

?Oztoticpac^

0' ?j>
HORTICULTURAL AREAS

lO MILE S

-MODERN BOUNDARIES

Figure 21. Map showing locations to which major glyphs refer.

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 hill in the shape of a woman whose breasts suggests that the introduction of grafted trees
represent the caves. From the records of the had created valuable properties from those
Inquisition it appears that Don Carlos had previously abandoned or of small worth.
two houses within Texcoco, but that he re? Table 3 summarizes the stands of fruits,
sided in Oztoticpac. When Bishop Zum?r tabulated from the native numerals following
raga, the Inquisitor and his cloud of witnesses each variety. In the case of Oztoticpac, where
visited Oztoticpac in July 1539, they found 4 peaches and pomegranates are shown, the
wooden bows, 10 or 12 arrows, a bed, and an number of such trees is omitted on the map.
ancient native book of paintings, apparently The tabulation therefore provides a minimum
a ritual calendar which set forth the "count of total. It will be noted that quince and apples
the fiestas of the Demon." 57 are the most numerous. Oztoticpac and
The fact that Don Carlos was executed for Texcocinco are most concerned with this form
having these ancient things caused other Tex of horticulture.
cocan Indian nobles to destroy their own na?
Table 3.?Fruit Orchards, Oztoticpac Lands Map
tive documents, according to Pomar, who
avidly sought them in 1582 to write his lengthy o o
report to the King. For our immediate Variety
o c?

purposes, however, it is important to note

that there was growing on the Oztoticpac
estate in 1539 a field of wheat, plus "trees of Pears. 15 26 26 67
various kinds, grouped together around the
house." 58 As we shall see, these trees are the Quince. 52 30 42 125
very ones shown on our document.
Apples. 52 17 29 103
The main Oztoticpac glyph is connected by
a line to a smaller and final group of fruit Pomegranates.
trees, preceded by an unglossed glyph. The
Peaches.
latter has not been identified. It possibly rep?
resents the other house or estate of Don Carlos, Grapevines. . . 27 27
which the Bishop visited the same day in 1539.
It was in the second house that the damning Total... 119 73 1124 322
idols were uncovered.
Unique among all known Mexican Indian
pictorial documents is the depiction of grafted The data from the pictorial document ac?
fruit trees shown on the Oztoticpac Lands cord with the descriptions of later activities re?
Map of the Library of Congress. Other well ported in 1582 by Pomar. After discussing
known documents provide important infor? pines, oaks, and other industrial woods, he
mation on indigenous plants, but no others noted that sabine pines had been planted in
Texcocinco, brought from other parts of the
'show the blending of native fruit trees with
Valley of Mexico. He continues
European varieties, a major contribution of
this particular document.59 The natural fruit trees of this land, and which yield
well, are cherries, which in tilled and cultivated soil
By 1540 the Texcocan Aztec orchardist give numerous and good fruits, very tasteful and
activities in the four or five indicated places reasonably nutritious. There are apple trees which
were considerable, both in quantity and yield a yellow and slightly red fruit, about the same
size and taste of those in Castile, which we call
variety. The general gloss for part VII, al? "apples of San Juan." Some of these are better
though obscure in part and not wholly legible, than others, depending on the care which is given
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 Table 4.?Fruits grown in Texcoco, 1582

ENGLISH SPANISH NAHUATL BOTANICAL

APPLE. texocotl.
manzana. Pyrus malus, Linn.
manzana de invierno;
winter apple.
manzana de por San
Juan.

APRICOT.
albaricoque. . . Prunus armeniaca.

CHERRY.. cerezo; cereza. capulin. Prunus cerasus, or Prunus

avium, Linn.

CITRON. cidra. cidra quauitl. Citrus medica genuina.

FIG. higuera. hicoxquauitl. Ficus car tea.

GRAPE... uva; parra. . . . xocomecatl; Vitts vinifera.

xocomecaquauitl.
muscatel. moscatel. ytac xocomecatl. . . Vitis rotundifolia.

LIME.... lima. lima quauitl; Citrus medica acida.

xocoquauitl.

MULBERRY. amaxocotl; amacapulin. Morus nigra, Linn.

OLIVE. azeituna; oliva. azeitequauitl. Olea europea.

ORANGE... naranja. naranjaxocotl. Citrus aurantium bergamia.

PEACH. durazno. duraznoquauitl. Prunus per sic a, Stokes

common melocoton;
peach. durazno de
xocotlmelecoton; Amygdalus.
Damasco; prisco.
xuchipaldurazno;
cuzticdurazno.

PEAR. pera; pera mayor.

peral ytla aquillo. . Pyrus comunis, Linn.
muscadine.
cermena.

PLUM. ciruela. ciruela quauitl; Prunus domestica, Linn.

macaxocotl.

POMEGRANATE.
granada. . . granandaquauitl. Punica granatum.

QUINCE.membrillo. xocotl mebrillo. . Cydonia oblanga, Mill.

the trees, or the good or bad qualities of the soil Texcoco included peaches of all varieties?
in which they grow. These and the cherries pass
to the Indians, who store them to eat as a gift in
common (melocotones), apricots, priscos, and
winter. . . . They also have trees which yield black a variety called "Damascus." There were
mulberries. also large pears, muscadines, and winter
In another passage the same author stated apples, and quince better than in Spain itself.
that the Spanish fruits imported and grown in Pomegranates and plums grew poorly; the
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 little fruit they yielded was costly and bad. quisition had no right to this property in view
The same applied to figs, olives, and staked of the fact that, on the day before execution,
grapevines. If carefully cultivated, however, Don Carlos had confessed his sins and had
grapes?especially muscatel?would yield. been reconciled, thus lifting the embargo on
Of only limited success were oranges, limes, his goods.
citrons, and similar species, except in sheltered During the lengthy proceedings which fol?
patches in the north of the realm.60 lowed, Pedro was allowed to bring witnesses to
Pomar's general descriptions of the fruits sustain his charges. Their testimony not only
offer some difficulties for precise botanical throws light on the history of the disputed trees
identifications. Table 4 provides a pro? but also on Don Carlos. Various persons
visional key to them, with English, Spanish, agreed with Pedro's contention that during his
Nahuatl, and botanical names. It is notable last hours in prison Don Carlos had summoned
that in 1571, when Molina wrote his Vocabu? Pedro; in the presence of witnesses, with Friar
lary, only apples, cherries, and perhaps plums Bernardino de Sahag?n acting as interpreter
had authentic Aztec names; other fruits were and witness, Don Carlos stated that the fruit
called by loanwords from Spanish, suggesting trees belonged to Pedro. Even the Inquisition
that they were recently introduced. staff agreed that the half-and-half contract for
Of major importance to cultural and horti? fruit from grafted trees thus had verbally been
cultural history in Mexico are the tree grafts affirmed by Don Carlos. Testimony also re?
on part VII of the Oztoticpac Lands Map. vealed that both Spanish and grafted trees
Tree grafting in the Old World has an ancient remained principally on the Oztoticpac estate.
origin, as evidenced in Greek texts and the Part of it seemingly had already passed into
Bible (Romans, xi, 16-24).61 The history the hands of a certain Spaniard, Alonso de
of tree grafting in 16th-century Spain and in Contreras, who was threatening to uproot or
colonial New Spain, however, seems never to move the whole orchard, to the detriment of
have been systematically examined. But the the property rights held by Pedro de Vergara
pictorial data on the Oztoticpac Lands Map, and Don Carlos' heirs. Contreras was en?
coupled with information from manuscript joined by the court from touching the trees
sources about the very trees shown, give new while the suit continued. He immediately
and unusual information. protested the injunction, claiming to have
One of the more unexpected results of Don purchased the trees when he bought the lands
Carlos' execution was that a Spaniard, Pedro on which they stood and to have the right,
de Vergara of Mexico City, brought suit therefore, to uproot them if he wished.
against the Inquisition to recover property Like so many 16th-century Mexican suits
that it had taken from Don Carlos.62 In De? for which fragments of the record have sur?
cember 1539, a few days after Carlos' death, vived in colonial archives, we do not know the
Pedro stated that about 3 years earlier he had outcome or judgment of this one. From it we
given Don Carlos various Spanish trees? learn, however, that in 1536, not long after he
apples, pears, quince?to plant in orchards married and settled down on the Oztoticpac
and to graft on his native trees. Pedro was estate, Don Carlos purposefully set about to
to receive half the fruit borne on grafted trees; develop orchards, both by introduction of
the other half Don Carlos was to keep. Pedro Spanish trees and more significantly, by using
petitioned the Inquisition to return to him their scions to graft onto native stocks. We
the Spanish trees he had given Don Carlos have also seen that by January 15, 1541, when
plus half of the trees which had been grafted Contreras filed his counterpetition, the Ozto?
with his scions. Pedro argued that the In ticpac lands, or at least the orchards, had ap
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fg^yiCEROY OIDOR OIDOR

LAND LITIGANTS, ca. 1 5 4Q

Figure 22. Details from the Humboldt Fragment VI.

parently passed from ancestral TexcocanWe show the principals in the litigation as fig?
noble
Aztec hands into Spanish. ure 22. The trees grafted in 1536 then, bore
This circumstance seemingly brings us fruit also and provided historians of
judicial
culture
nearly a full circle back to part III of our doc? with two related and unusual Aztec
ument. In it, with its cognate Humboldt pictorial documents.
Fragment VI, we find the ruling family seek? Returning to the horticultural side, we note
ing to show that Oztoticpac was never part whatof Pomar said about the Texcoco area
Don Carlos' personal holdings and nearly
hence half a century after Don Carlos' ex?
could not be sequestered and sold, but thatperiments.
it In 1582 he stated flatly that "in
should be returned to the town of Texcoco. the trunks of these native apple trees, as also
If the latter hypothesis is valid, then on for
Hum? pears and quince, those of Castile may be
grafted easily." If the Oztoticpac Lands
boldt Fragment VI, the lawyers and witnesses
with Don Antonio Pimentel TlahuilotzinMap (fig?
drawings correctly reflect colonial Aztec
ure 9) are probably Pedro de Vergara, and his
practices, the Texcocan Indians under the di?
lawyer, Vicencio de Riverol. The opposing
rection of Don Carlos and Pedro de Vergara
used
figure presumably would be either Alonso dea version of "whip-and-tongue" grafts
Gontreras, or his lawyer, Francisco Ramirez.
for their trees, shown in figure 23.6a

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 For grapevines (shown only on the map for information on the pre-Conquest and Spanish
the Oztoticpac estate) an ancient and rela? colonial practices suggests that systematic in?
tively simple technique was used. Because a vestigation of textual and related Indian pic?
cutting is inserted in the parent stem it logi? torial materials would reveal important new
cally is called "cutting grafting," shown on insights into acculturation.
figure 24.64 Much further study of the corpus of Mexi

APPLE

^^^^> ^^^^^^^^ J^y^ " ^ 11 W H 1P "AND" TONGUE GRAFTS

QUI APPLE *QUINCE ] | l) ff] J i I

fa ^^^W^ Single scion Two scions
ralCS f^fylf AM A/fer Garner, Grafter's Handbook

pEAR POMEGRANATE PEACH

Figttr* 23. Grafted trees, Texcoco, 1540, represented on the Oztoticpac Lands Map.

In summary, part VII alone makes thecan Indian pictorial documents lies ahead for
Oztoticpac Lands Map highly significant. The
specialists to clarify numerous obscure points
that continually arise. We expect that the
depiction of horticultural practices ranks it
among the important Indian pictorial docu? census of such materials being prepared under
ments which provide noteworthy economic the Hispanic Foundation program for the
and cultural data for the immediate post Handbook of Middle American Indians will
Contact period. The very lack of such reliableprovide a great deal of important basic taxo

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 E 4 Modern cutting grafts
GRAPES

Figure 24. "Cutting grafting" of grapevines shown on the Oztoticpac Land

Note: Dr.
nomic and bibliographical information Cline expresses special app
to ease
the way for such investigations.tion
It isfor professional and technical aid
hoped
that the Mexican Indian Pictorial
byDocument
persons associated with him on the vo
on Middle
Collection, which is being built slowly, willAmerican Indians: Charle
materially aid this enterprise. Perhaps theB. Nicholson, Donald Robe
son, Henry
collection can make it possible similarly to
Ignacio Bernal, Pedro Carrasco, Richar
Greenleaf,
date, describe, and analyze future finds com?Arch C. Gerlach, Jorge I.
parable to the Oztoticpac Lands Mane, and
Map in John B. Glass; the staffs
the
Hispanic
Library of Congress, as well as to Foundation and the Geograph
make more
Map Division;
available to the scholarly community the im? and Charles Dibble of th
portant data the Mexican Indians recorded
versity of Utah, who provided transcri
about themselves and their cultures.
and translations of the native Nahuatl glo

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 FOOTNOTES 7 Preliminary examination of the principal U.S.
1 Named for its former owners, the Dukes of repositories yields the following numbers of original
Mexican Indian pictorial documents: Ayer Collec?
Monteleone, heirs of Fernando Cortes, as mentioned
tion, Newberry Library, 8 (4 major); American
in the first published notices of the Codex: Alfonso
Toro, "Codice del archivo de los Duques de Mon?
Museum of Natural History, 7 (4 major); Latin
teleone y Marqueses del Valle," in Museo Nacional
American Collection, University of Texas, 9 (3
major); Middle American Research Institute, Tu
de Arqueologia, Historia, y Etnografia (Mexico),
lane University, 5 (3 major); Gilcrease Museum
Anales, Epoca 5 [i.e., 4], 3:58-64 (enero-mar.
1925). and Gallery, Tulsa, 7 fragments; Brooklyn Museum,
3 (1 major); and 1 each in Bancroft Library, Uni?
3 Toro, "Codice," p. 60-61, in much reduced,
versity of California; Peabody Museum, Harvard
black and white photographs, reproduces Painting V
University; Hispanic Society of America; Museum,
and Painting III, with notes about them, p. 63-64;
University of Pennsylvania; and Princeton Univer?
Rafael Garcia Granados and Luis MacGregor, sity Library.
Huejotzingo: la ciudad y el convento franciscano
8 Texcocan sources are cited and analyzed in de?
(Mexico City, 1934), p. 89, excerpts the Virgin
tail by Charles Gibson, "Llamamiento general,
scene from Painting V; Silvio Zavala, "Nuno de
repartimiento, and the Empire of Acolhuacan,"
Guzman y la esclavitud de los indios," Historia
Hispanic American Historical Review, 36: 1-27
Mexicana, 1:401-428 (enero-mar. 1952), on p. (Feb. 1956). For most purposes, Fernando Alva
421 reproduces a small part of lower left of Painting
V, showing native slaves. Ixtlilxochitl, Obras historicas (2 vols. Mexico City,
3 Paintings I, II, VIII. These are the numbers 1891-92), is the major source, although Diego
Dur?n, Historia de las Indias de la Nueva Espana
which the scribe in the case placed on the drawings;
y islas de tierra firme (2 vols., atlas, Mexico City,
originally they were, respectively, Nos. 1, 6, and 2.
1867, 1880), is important because Dur?n was raised
4 "Contra Melchior Yanes y varios acusados de
falsificaciones de sellos y titulos de terrenos de in Texcoco. Through the courtesy of the Spanish
Ambassador, the Hispanic Foundation in December
diversos pueblos de este Estado y el de Tlaxcala
1965 was permitted to microfilm the text and photo
[District Court, Puebla, 1868-72]," LC, Manu?
reproduce in color the pictorial sections of the Dur?n
script Division, acc. 7628. Brief mention of the 12
Historia, deposited in the Biblioteca Nacional
documents and 24 maps, incorrectly attributing
(Madrid) and displayed at the New York World's
them to the 18th century, is found in St. George L.
Fair in 1964-65; the 1867 printed version has
Sioussat, "Manuscripts," QJCA, 3/3:46 (May serious defects. As a major element of the Aztec
1946).
5 Acc. 13,238. nation, Texcoco and its history are covered in
6 Preliminary tabulation shows that the Bibli numerous general sources and treatments, among
them H. H. Bancroft, Native Races (5 vols., San
otheque Nationale (Paris, cited as BNP) has about
Francisco, 1882-83), especially vol. 2, "Civilized
63 original Mexican pictorial documents, in its
Nations," and vol. 5, "Primitive History." The
Fonds Mexicains. These and other manuscripts
standard modern summary, now somewhat outdated,
are listed in H. Omont, "Catalogue des manuscrits
with useful bibliography, remains George C.
mexicains de la Bibliotheque Nationale," Revue des
Vaillant, Aztecs of Mexico; Origin, Rise and Fall
Bibliotheques, vol. 9 (avril-mai 1899) ; many of
of the Aztec Empire (New York, 1941).
the pictorials are discussed and illustrated in Eugene
Boban, Documents pour servir a Vhistorie du Mex 9 Also known as "Histoire du royaume d'Acol?
ique. Catalogue raisonne de la collection de M.E. huacan ou de Tezcuco," it is in the Bibliotheque
Nationale (Paris), Fonds Mexicains, 373. It was
Eugene Goupil (2 vols., atlas, Paris, 1891). The
first published in 1849 by J. M. A. Aubin, later in
National Museum in Mexico has, according to pro?
color, in his Memoires sur la peinture didactique et
visional tabulations, about 82 such Mexican pic?
Vecriture des anciens mexicains . . . precedes d'une
torials, many of minor nature. All are catalogued
introduction par E. T. Hamy (Paris, 1885. Re
and illustrated in John B. Glass, Catdlogo de la
coleccion de codices (Mexico, 1964). The latter cherches historiques et archeologiques, Mission
work, published by the Instituto Nacional de Antro Scientifique au Mexique et dans l'Amerique Cen?
trale). Paul Radin, The Sources and Authenticity
pologia e Historia, Museo Nacional de Antropologia,
of the History of the Ancient Mexicans (Berkeley,
was prepared by Mr. Glass as Consultant to the His?
1920), reprints the Aubin lithographs in black and
panic Foundation, with funds furnished by the Ford white, with commentary, p. 18-19, 35-38. Donald
Foundation.
Robertson, Mexican Manuscript Painting of the
11U

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 Early Colonial Periods: The Metropolitan Schools Important new data are in Charles Gibson, The
(New Haven, 1959), p. 140-141, discusses the ar? Aztecs Under Spanish Rule: A History of the In?
tistic composition of the Mappe Tlotzin and its dians of the Valley of Mexico (Stanford, 1964).
relation to other Texcocan manuscripts. 15 Most of the information appearing under
10 Bernardino de Sahagun, O.F.M. (1499-1590), "Ahuaxpitctzatin" in Rafael Garcia Granados' use?
wrote numerous works, the most important of which ful but uncritical Diccionario biogrdfico de historia
was his Historia general de las cosas de Nueva antigua de Mejico (Mexico City, 1952-53. Univer
Espana, which underwent numerous revisions at sidad Autonoma de Mexico, Instituto de Historia,
his hands for 50 years. His Texcocan lineages, with Public aciones, primera serie, 23), 1:34-37, relates
separate drawings, taken from an early version, are to Carlos Chichimecatecotl. Richard E. Greenleaf,
conveniently found in Bernardino de Sahagun, Zumdrraga and the Mexican Inquisition, 1536
Florentine Codex, General History of the Things 1543 (Washington, 1961. Academy of American
of New Spain, in Thirteen Parts. Book 8, Kings Franciscan History, Monograph series, 4), p. 68-74,
and Lords. Translated from the Aztec into Eng? provides data on Don Carlos Chichimecatecotl but
lish, with notes and illustrations, by Arthur J. O. makes incorrect statements, based on data relating
Anderson and Charles E. Dibble. Part IX (Santa to Carlos Ahuaxpitzatzin; he lumps various brothers
Fe, N. Mex., 1954. Monographs of the School of together by naming his subject "Don Carlos Ahuax?
American Research, No. 14, Part IX), p. 9-11, illus? pitzatzin Ometochtzin Yoyotzin Ixtlilxochitl Men
trations 28-41. Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl ap? doza," characterized as "an obscure person in
parently prepared in 1602-9 his "Relaciones" and Texcocan history until the Zumarraga trial of 1539"
"Historia Chichimeca" as documentation for his (p. 68, n. 4). Gibson, Aztecs, p. 170-171, more
claims as legitimate heir. Edited by A. Chavero, correctly indicates the succession in Texcoco follow?
they were published under the title Obras historicas ing the death of Nezahualpilli (1515), although
(2 vols. Mexico City, 1891-92). omitting some figures.
11 Ixtlilxochitl, Obras, 1:309-323. Born 1402, 16 Proceso criminal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisi?
Nezahualcoyotl ruled to 1472 and is universally tion y del Fiscal en su nombre contra Don Carlos,
hailed as the greatest Aztec figure. Frances Gill indio principal de Tezcoco, edited by Luis Gon?
mor's Flute of the Smoking Mirror: a Portrait of zalez Obregon (Mexico City, 1910. Archivo Gen?
Nezahualcoyotl, Poet-King (Albuquerque, N. Mex., eral y Publico de la Nacion, Public aciones, 1).
1949.) is a sympathetic biography, supplemented by "Two strong reprimands dated 1540 are pub?
her biography of Montezuma I, The King Danced lished in Un desconocido cedulario del siglo xvi
in the Marketplace (Tucson, Ariz., 1964). Both perteneciente a la Catedral Metropolitana de Mex?
cite a large body of pictorial and prose documen? ico, edited by Alberto Maria Carreno (Mexico City,
tary sources. See also Bancroft, Native Races, 1944), p. 13-14, 160-161, and reproduced as Docu?
5:382-429 and Vaillant, Aztecs, p. 97-102. Ixtlil? ments 18 and 19 in Joaqum Garcia Icazbalceta,
xochitl, 2:222, 241, says Nezahualcoyotl had 60 Don Fray Juan Zumarraga, primer obispo y arzo
sons and 57 daughters by concubines, but only 2 bispo de Mexico (Mexico City, 1947), 4: 170-173.
legitimate sons. Greenleaf (Zumdrraga, p. 14-15, 74) notes that
12 Ixtlilxochitl, Obras, 2:248-249, 267; and Juan Zum?rraga's actions resulted in his removal as In?
Bautista Pomar, "Relacion, Tezcoco, 9 de marzo, quisitor and speeded the "exemption movement"
1582," in ?ngel Maria Garibay K., Poesia Nahuatl, which ultimately (December 30, 1571) removed
I (Mexico City, 1964. Universidad Nacional Indians from the jurisdiction of all inquisitions.
Aut?noma de Mexico, Instituto de Historia, Fuentes 18 Jose Toribio Medina, La primitiva Inquisition
indigenas de la cultura nahuatl), p. 176. americana, 1493-1569 (Santiago de Chile, 1914),
13 All told, more than 2,000 persons died as accom? 1: 141?175; Mariano Cuevas, Historia de la Iglesia
plices in this bizarre episode; see Ixtlilxochitl, Obras, en Mexico (Mexico City, 1921 [1946 ed.]), 1: 369
2:285-286; and Bancroft, Native Races, 5:448-449. 379, 431; Robert Ricard, La "conquete spirituelle33
14 The Triple Alliance was formed in 1431; for du Mexique; essai sur V apostolat et les methodes
information on it see Bancroft, Native Races, 5:395 missionaires des Ordres Mendiants en Nouvelle
399; and Robert H. Barlow, "La fundacion de la Espagne de 1523-24 a 1572 (Paris, 1933. Uni
Triple Alianza," in Instituto Nacional de Antro versite de Paris. Travaux et memoires de 1'Institut
d'Ethnologie, 20), p. 320-322; and Greenleaf,
pologia e Historia (Mexico), Anales, 3:147-155, Zumdrraga, p. 75.
and his detailed The Extent of the Empire of the 19 Translation by Dr. Charles E. Dibble. There
Culhua Mexica (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1949). remain some obscurities and textual problems which

Ill

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 have not been resolved to his full satisfaction. A 24 Ixtlilxochitl, Obras, 1:417. Cortes had taken
parallel line of native lords for the Tulancingo the main nobles among the Aztecs with him, as
village area is treated in Pedro Carrasco, "Los hostages; for various reasons he executed nearly all
caciques chichimecas de Tulancingo," Estudios de of them except Ixtlilxochitl, who unsuccessfully tried
cullura Nahuatl 4:85-91 (1963). to save his brother Cohuanacochtzin from hanging;
20 Many of the materials cited in note 8 continue the episode is recorded in Bancroft, Mexico, 2:205
their coverage into the Spanish period. The Texco? 206, and at greater length in his History of Central
can views are stated in Ixtlilxochitl, Obras; with the America (San Francisco, 1883), 1:551-557. Ac?
coming of the Spaniards, Texcocan history merges cording to Ixtlilxochitl, Obras, 2:301-304, the
with the vast literature on the Conquest, and earlier Ixtlilxochitl, who was born in 1500, had a
especially the role of Fernando Cortes. short but eventful life; by the age of 3 he had killed
21 Gibson, Aztecs, p. 170-171, notes the evolution his wet nurse for adultery; at the age of 6 he was
of differences between "lord" (tlatoani) and "gov? sentenced to death by his father's councilors, and,
ernor" (gobernador) as Spaniards cut down the on reversal of their sentence by the king, killed
size of the Texcocan realm and reduced the powers them; at age 14 he first went to war and at 16
of the tlatoani-governor. Surviving letters from became a major leader.
the latter lament the situation and cast light on the 25 Ixtlilxochitl, Obras, 1:398-400, who incor?
gradual diminution: Hernando Pimentel Ihuan rectly includes Lorenzo de Luna; Ixtlilxochitl's
(Nezahualcoyotl), "Memorial dirigido al rey por mother, Tlacoxhuactzin, refused at first to be bap?
. . . cacique y governador de la provincia de tized, until he threatened to burn her alive. Previ?
Tezcuco," undated but ca. 1545, in Manuel Orozco ous native marriages were resanctified by the Church
y Berra, Historia antigua y de la conquista de Mex? on October 14, 1526, at which time Fernando
ico (Mexico City, 1880), 2: 201-203, indicating Cortes was best man for Ixtlilxochitl.
reductions since the Conquest; reprinted, with omis? 26 Proceso, p. 66-67; and Greenleaf, Zumarraga,
sions, in Divulgacion historica, 4: 508-509 (1942 p. 73.
43). "Carta de don Hernando Pimentel, cacique 27 Provisionally translated by Dr. Charles E.
principal de Texcuco, al rey don Felipe II . . . Dibble.
Texcuco a 6 de abril de 1562," in Francisco del 28 Proceso, p. 7-8, 9, 12 (stating that the house in
Paso y Troncoso, comp., Epistolario de Nueva which idols were found had belonged to Don Carlos'
Espana, 1505-1818 (Mexico City, 1939-42. Bib maternal grandfather Tlalchachi), 21, 27, 56-57.
lioteca Historica Mexicana, segunda serie), 16: 74 29 Alexander von Humboldt, Vues des Cordilleres
75, complaining of reduced area, asking redress, et monumens des peuples indigenes de VAmerique
especially for four towns; "Tasaciones de tributos (Paris, 1810 [i.e., 1813]), p. 56, planche 12 bis.
de la ciudad de Tescuco y su provincia ... 26 For Humboldt's Mexican travels, see Helmut de
de septiembre de 1544," ibid., 4: 128-130, indi? Terra, Humboldt; the Life and Times of Alexander
cating that on petition of Hernando (Pimentel), von Humboldt, 1769-1859 (New York, 1955),
governor, and Diego, a principal Indian, tributes p. 149-171.
for 1547 and the following 3 years would be the 30 Friedrich Wilken, Geschicte der K?niglichen
same as from the 1544 assessment if they were al? Bibliothek zu Berlin (Berlin, 1828), p. 29, 155-56,
lowed to keep their posts; in 1556 annual Texcocan 234; Index librorum manuscriptorum et impres
money payments were commuted to annual pay? sorum quibus Bibliotheca Berolinensis aucta est.
ment to the Crown of 8,000 fanegas of maize, re? Annis 1837 et 1838. Praemissa est historia Biblio
confirmed in 1562. thecae Regiae A. 1828-1839 vernaculo sermone
23 Gibson, Aztecs, p. 20-25, stresses the disruptive scripta (Berlin, 1840), p. xvi; Katalog der Schau?
effects of rivalries within the Triple Alliance, cli? sammlung der Preuszichen Staatsbibliothek (Berlin,
maxed by the Cacama-Montezuma struggles against 1925), p. 54. Howard F. Cline, "The former
Ixtlilxochitl. A narrative of the period is found Manuscriptae Americanae of the K. Bibliothek,
in Bancroft, Mexico, 1: 118 ff. Much of the Berlin (presently Deutsche Staatsbibliothek)" in
Hispanic Foundation, HM AI Notes, No. 24, p. 3-6.
enormous literature on Cortes is cited in Henry
I am grateful to Ulf Bankmann and others in Ger?
R. Wagner, The Rise of Fernando Cortes (Los many for providing unpublished data on the Hum?
Angeles, 1944). boldt and other manuscripts in this collection. See
23 Ixtlilxochitl, Obras, 1:335-346, the "Thirteenth note 32.
Relation," covers the period from 1519, and 1:387 ^Historische Hieroglyphen der Azteken im Jahr
388, the division of the kingdom. 1803, im konigreich Neu-Spanien gesamlet von Alex

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 ander von Humboldt . . . (Berlin, 1893) hand? definite opinion in regard to the meaning of this
somely publishes at nearly full size (including the object." I am indebted to John B. Glass for iden?
14-foot No. I) the 16 Humboldt Fragments; for this tifying the glyph and furnishing comparative
separate album by the Royal Library (Berlin) a materials.
commentary was specially prepared by Eduard 37 For Mappe Tlotzin, see note 9. Mappe Quinat
Seier, Die mexikanischen Bilderhandschriften Alex? zin is also known as "Cour chichimeque et historie de
ander von Humboldts in der k?niglichen Bibliothek Tezcuco," BNP manuscripts 11-12, published first
zu Berlin (Berlin, 1893). With some omissions and by Aubin in 1849 and republished in color in his
revisions, Seier included the same work in his "Peinture didactique," with commentary; Radin,
Gesammelte Abhandlungen (Berlin, 1902-23), Sources, p. 19, 38-41, plates 16-17, abstracts Aubin
1:162-300 (1902), with reduced plates. The 1893 and reproduces his plates; Robertson, Manuscript
version of his essay was translated as "The Mexican Paintings, p. 135-140, plates 13, 46-47, analyzes
picture writings of Alexander von Humboldt in the artistic features. Ixtlilxochitl, Obras, 2:173-181,
Royal Library at Berlin" and published in Mexican describes a source, probably this or a parallel. One
and Central American Antiquities, Calendar Sys? Spanish gloss reads "78 years ago Nezahualpilli was
tems and History, Translated From the German born [1464]," giving a 1542 date to Mappe Quinat
Under the Supervision of Charles P. Bowditch zin; another says Nezahualcoyotl came to Tezcoco
(Washington, 1904. Smithsonian Institution, Bu? in the year 4 Xochitl, 115 years ago [1431], giving
reau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 28), p. 123 a 1546 date. See also Robert H. Barlow, "Una
229; Karl von den Steinen prepared colored plates nueva lamina del Mapa Quinatzin," Journal de
of the Humboldt Fragments for that publication, Societe des Am ericanist es, n.s., 39:111-124 (1950) ;
but they appeared in reduced size, in black and this is BNP manuscript 396, showing various crimes
white, inferior to the 1893 Historische Hieroglyphen. and punishments.
For convenience we cite the 1904 translation; Frag? 38 Purposely omitted from our figure 12. The
ment VI, ibid., p. 190-196, plate XL An older towns are listed and discussed in Gibson, "Llama
description, based primarily on Seler, is P. J. J. miento general," p. 3-5.
Valentini, "Humboldt's Aztec Paintings," The 39 Juan de Torquemada bases his account in
Cosmopolitan, 18:331-339 (Jan. 1895). Monarchia indiana (2 ed., Madrid, 1723), 1:167
33 Dr. Hans L?lfing, Chief, Manuscripts Division, 168 on "cuenta cierta . . . escrita en los libros
Deutsche Staatsbibliothek (DSB), in December de su gasto, y autorizada por un nieto suio, que
1962 furnished much information on the present despues de ser Cristiano, se llam? Don Antonio
whereabouts of former Manuscriptae Americanae; Pimentel." See also Pomar, "Relacion, 1582," p.
manuscript 1, containing Fragments II-XVI, is the 218-219. Ixtlilxochitl {Obras, 1:398-399, 402)
only one remaining in DSB; manuscript 2, Hum? claims that the first organized church services were
boldt Fragment I, is now in T?bingen; the other 13 held June 12, 1524.
manuscripts were acquired after Humboldt's 1806 ^Seler, "Picture Writings," p. 190-191.
gift. Dr. L?lfing kindly furnished a color trans? 41 Ixtlilxochitl, Obras, 2:51, 79, 385; various
parency and a black and white photograph of Hum? buildings by Nezahualcoyotl are described, ibid.,
boldt Fragment VI for this article. 2:209-212.
33 Seler, "Picture Writings," p. 193-195. Robert? 42 Seier, in "Picture Writings," p. 192-193, is
son, in his Manuscript Painting, p. 175, briefly dis? himself in error when noting that Humboldt "errs
cusses the Humboldt Fragment VI, which he repro? only in regarding the plan of the city in the middle
duces from the original as plate 68. of the picture, which as we have seen, is that of the
34 "The land grants of Don Antonio Pimentel," in city of Tezcuco, as the ground plan of an ordinary
"The Titles of Tetzcotzinco (Santa Maria Nativi estate and as the object in dispute." Aubin, in
tas)," translated and annotated by Byron McAfee "Peinture didactique," p. 53, says "Oztoticpac,
and R. H. Barlow, Tlalocan, 2/2:110-127; the quartier de Tetzcuco, qu'il ne faut confondre avec
Antonio Pimentel grant is discussed on p. 119-122. d'autres Oztoticpac, pres d'Otumba, pres de Gua?
Antonio signed the document as governor, Pedro dalajara et ailleurs."
Tlahuehuetzquitzin as alcalde, and Jorge Yoyotzin 43Seler, "Picture Writings," p. 191-192.
as scribe.
44 Gibson, in Aztecs, p. 257-258, note 4 (p. 538
35 Seler, "Picture Writings," p. 196. 539), summarizes, noting "the subject needs sys?
38 Seler, in "Picture Writings," p. 196, after de? tematic restudy based on records of colonial lands."
scribing the glyph, wrote "Although various sugges? Daniel G. Brinton's The Lineal Measures of the
tions occur to me, I do not venture to express a Semi-Civilized Nations of Mexico and Central

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 America (Philadelphia, 1885) is short and unsatis? had been a star student at the Franciscan school for
factory. Indians, Colegio de Santa Cruz de Tlatelolco (ibid.,
45 Fray Alonso de Molina, Arte de la lengua p. 36, 68); the school was founded in 1534 when
mexicana y castellana (Mexico City, 1571); the Carlos was living in Oztoticpac with Ines, and where
Library of Congress copy seems to have been that he continued to reside after his marriage in 1535.
of Molina and contains numerous additions and Standard sources on Tlaltelolco do not mention him:
corrections to the published text. I am grateful Fernando Ocaranza, El imperial Colegio de Indios
for aid given by Dr. Pedro Carrasco in working de la Santa Cruz de Santiago Tlaltelolco (Mexico
out with me Texcocan measures, many on docu? City, 1934); Francis Borgia Steck, El primer colegio
ments collected by him. Figure 14, as all others, de America: Santa Cruz de Tlaltelolco, con un
was prepared for this article by the author. estudio del codice de Tlaltlolco por R. H. Barlow
46 Tello's general instructions from the Crown (Mexico City, 1944. Centro de Estudio Francis
appear in Vasco de Puga, Provisiones3 cedulas, in canos).
strucciones de su Magestad, ordenanzas . . . dende 51 See note 34. These land titles may be found in
el ano 1525 hasta este presente de 63 (Mexico City, "Coleccion antigua," t. 254, fols. 261-265, Museo
1563; reissued, 2 vols., 1878, and facsimile, 1945), Nacional de Antropologia (Mexico City), 19th
fol. 94-95v (1878, omits 94-94v), 97-98; 1:446 century copies from an unknown source, and in BNP
454. "Instruccion de lo que el muy reverendo manuscript 288, Pichardo copy from an unknown
licenciado Francisco de Sandoval . . . [no date]," source; related, unpublished materials are in the
Medina, Primitiva inquisition, 2:6-8, is a special British Museum, MS 42567, cuad. 9; and a deviant
instruction re Don Carlos. copy was published by Guillermo Echaniz, Datos
47 Antonio Pimentel Tlahuilotzin (litigant of relativos a Tetzcuzinco (Mexico City, 1944), from
Humboldt Fragment VI) had planted mulberries an unknown copy. (Information from Charles
and gathered silk on his lands, according to Pomar, Gibson.)
"Relacion, 1582," p. 214, but in 1582 no silk was 52 Ixtlilxochitl, Obras, 1:289-290, 295, 2:70,
raised. Woodrow Borah, Silk Raising in Colonial 74?75. The barrio Tlailotlapan of Texcoco sur?
Mexico (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1943), p. 1?31, vived, named for these Toltec (ibid., 1:289). The
traces history to 1580, noting Don Antonio's par? scene is shown on Mappe Quinatzin, with a gloss in
ticipation in the silk boom (p. 18). Nahuatl stating "In the time of Quinatzin the
48 Humboldt Fragment VIII is discussed and illus? Tlailotlaques and the Chimalpanecas arrived, 172
trated in Seler, "Picture Writings," p. 200-209; years ago." Their arrival is also recorded by Codex
on this document and Codex Vergara (BNP), in Xolotl. The introduction of written and painted
addition to glyphs giving name of the landplot, documents in Texcoco is said to date from this im?
another glyph indicates the nature of soil (hilly, migrant group.
sandy, etc.) ; this is missing from the Oztoticpac 53 "The water grants of Nezahualcoyotl," McAfee
Lands Map. and Barlow, "Titles of Tetzcotzinco," p. 111-119.
49 Angel Maria Garibay K., Vida econ?mica de See also note 51. A discussion of the grant and
Tenochitlan. 1. Pochtecayotl {Arte de traficar) related matters appear in ?ngel Palerm and Eric R.
por Bernardino de Sahagun (Mexico City, 1961. Wolf, "El desarrollo del area clave del imperio
Universidad Nacional Aut?noma, Instituto de His? texcocano," Revista mexicana de estudios antro
toria, Fuentes indigenas de la cultura Nahuatl, In pologicos, 14/1:337-349 (1954-55). See also
formantes de Sahagun, 3), p. 175-178. Bancroft, Native Races, 5:404, 427-428.
50 Proceso, p. 11 (Pedro Izcutecatl re Ines) ; 14-15 54Pomar, "Relacion, 1582," p. 155, 208-209;
(Ines re relations with D. Carlos); 32-33 (Maria, Ixtlilxochitl, Obras, 2:210-212 (gives a long de?
wife of Antonio de Pomar, sister of D. Carlos, noting scription), 221, 237; and Orozco y Berra, Historia
latter "andaba como loco . . . siempre ha procu antigua, 3:316-317.
rado de senoriar y mandar a todos por fuerza, y ser KPomar, "Relacion, 1582," p. 208, 210; and
senor de Tezooco") ; 33-37 (Maria, widow of Ixtlilxochitl, Obras, 2:100. Garibay, in Romances
Pedro, and her servants); 38 (Maria, wife of D. (1964), p. 224, notes that this "bosquecillo" retains
Carlos); 37 (Antonio, son of D. Carlos); 54 (Dona its name and is used for cereal cultivation.
Maria, sister of D. Carlos, re his instructions about 56 The will of Francisco Verdugo Quetzalmamalit
concubinage) ; 55-61 (D. Carlos, admitting con? zin appears in various copies (BNP, manuscripts
cubinage, rejecting other charges). See also Green 242-244; Anales antiguo de Mexico, MNA, etc.)
leaf, Zumdrraga, p. 69-72. I find no corroboratory and various publications, of which Eulalia Guzman's
evidence for Greenleaf's statements that Don Carlos "Un manuscrito de la coleccion Boturini que trata

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 de los antiguos senores de Teotihuac?n," Ethnos refers to the brief mention of grafted trees in 18th
3:89-103 (1938), is preferred. More probably this century titles to her land in Coyoacan.
is the Sierra de Quauhximalco where Quinatzin 60 Pomar, "Relacion, 1582," p. 211, 212.
camped when marching to relieve a siege of Texcoco 81 Robert J. Garner, The Grafter's Handbook
(Ixtlilxochitl, Obras, 2:66). (New York, 1958, p. 34-35. Borah, in his Silk
57 Proceso, p. 7. The bed and its covering, being Raising, p. 5?6, tells us that in 1522 Cortes asked
of little value, were given to Carlos' wife, Maria. the Spanish Government for livestock, cuttings,
58 "Arboles de diversas maneras, cercada junto a seeds, mulberry trees, and silkworm eggs, which ap?
la dicha casa," Proceso, p. 7. See also Pomar, "Re parently came in 1523.
laci?n, 1582," p. 153. 62 "Proceso de Pedro de Vergara, soltero, contra
59 Most important of these is Libellus de medici
el Fiscal del Santo Oficio, sobre los arboles de Don
nalibus indorum herbis . . . 1552, a Latin treatise
Carlos," manuscript in the Archivo General de la
usually known as Codex Badianus or Codex Bar
berini; it has been published in translation and with Naci?n (Mexico), Inquisicion, vol. 139, exp. 11,
fols. 60-7 2v. I am grateful to Dr. Richard Green
extensive annotations by Emily W. Emmart, The
Badianus Manuscript (Codex Barberini, Latin 241), leaf for calling this important item to my attention
Vatican Library; an Aztec Herbal of 1552 (Balti? and to Dr. Jorge Ignacio Rubio Mane, Director of
more, 1940). Zelia Nuttall, in her "El cultivo de the Archivo, for preparing a transcript of it.
arboles frutales en Coyoac?n a fines del siglo xviii," 63 Pomar, "Relacion, 1582," p. 211.
Mexico Forestal, 3/6-7:90-92 (junio-julio 1925), 64 Garner, Grafter's Handbook, passim.

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