Encouraging women’s participation in the labour force to advance gender

equality and a just transition in Asia and the Pacific

Gender inequality is prevalent everywhere. Lower participation of women in the labour
force than men is one main reason for the inequality. This stems from various factors
including biased social norms which make women more prone to work at home and
engage in family caregiving. While tackling gender inequality requires a broader set of
interventions, shift to low-carbon economies provides opportunities to address gender
disparities through increasing women’s participation in green jobs. If managed properly,
the green transition offers prospect to achieve a transition that is just and fair. This policy
brief presents revealing facts about the persistent unequal labour force participation
contributing to gender inequality. As an immediate policy action against the backdrop of
just transition, the brief recommends enhanced STEM education, skills and job placements
of women, followed with a longer-term pathway to overcome prevailing biased social
norms that hinder gender equality.

Author: Bishwa Nath Tiwari, UNDP Technical Lead and Coordinator for the 2025 Asia-
Pacific SDG Partnernership Report

Acknowledgements: Special acknowledgment is extended to Channarith Meng (ESCAP);

Simon H. Olsen and Mercedes Martin (ADB); and Philip Schellekens and Richa Ranjitkar
(UNDP) for their valuable comments and constructive feedback.

Photo credit: UNDP Bhutan

Published by:
United Nations Development Programme
Bangkok Regional Hub
3rd Floor, United Nations Service Building
Rajdamnern Nok Avenue, Bangkok 10200, Thailand.
https://www.undp.org/asia-pacific

Disclaimer: The findings, analysis, and recommendations of this publication do not

represent the official position of the UNDP or of any of the UN Member States that are part
of its Executive Board.

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Greenhouse gases (GHGs) are rising fast in Asia and the Pacific. Without targeted actions,
this pace is set to continue unabatedly in this rapidly growing dynamic region. An
accelerated ‘just transition’1, therefore, is a must to deliver the 2015 Paris Agreement and
avoid the worst impacts of climate change. However, while necessary, the transition will
also cause disruption. According to World Economic Forum (2025) globally 170 million new
jobs will be created, and 92 million jobs will be displaced by 2030 due to green transition,
technological advancements, geo-economic fragmentation, and demographic changes. In
the process of green transition, ILO (2018b) estimates that the measures taken in the
production and use of energy will lead to job losses of around 6 million as well as the
creation of some 24 million jobs. Those who are at risk of losing out over the course of
transition are generally the poor and vulnerable groups working in the informal sector,
including women who lack education in Science, Technology, Engineering and
Mathematics (STEM) subjects that are vital to green jobs.

Throughout history, every major transformation has consistently left women behind,
especially women navigating unpaid care work burdens, limited access to skilling
opportunities or entrenched social expectations (Sprague and Asturizaga 2025). Learning
from the past, therefore, the ongoing green transformation should be taken as an
important opportunity to ensure women are not left behind. While the shift to low-carbon
economies creates opportunities through promoting women’s participation in emerging
green sectors, it is acknowledged that many drivers of gender inequality exist
independently of the green transition and demand broader structural interventions.
Factors like unpaid care work, social norms, political representation, and financial inclusion
often require policy solutions beyond those tied to environmental sustainability. A more
comprehensive approach would mean tackling gender inequality across multiple
dimensions such as labour markets, education, health, and governance, rather than relying
solely on the green transition policies.

Efforts are underway for the realization of gender equality in the process of green
transformation. The gender action plan adopted at the twenty-third session of the
UNFCCC Conference of Parties (COP 23) and the subsequent Enhanced Lima Work
Programme of COP 29 aimed to advance gender equality and women's empowerment,
recognizing that climate action must be gender-responsive as the climate change has
disproportionate impacts on women and girls (UNFCCC Decision -/CP.29). Against this

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Just transition refers to a greening of economy that is fair and inclusive, creating decent work opportunities and leaving no one behind.

3
backdrop, the 2025 SDG Partnership
Figure 1: Gender inequality index, 2023
Report on ‘Delivering a Just Transition:
Advancing Decent Work, Gender 0 0.5 1

Equality and Social Protection’ HIGH INCOME

Australia 0.056
produced by ESCAP, ADB and UNDP Singapore 0.031
presents solutions and enablers for a just New Zealand 0.082
Korea (Republic of) 0.038
transition of the workforce with special Japan 0.059
attention to women. Brunei Darussalam 0.257
Russian Federation 0.169
Gender inequality is pervasive UPPER MIDDLE INCOME
Türkiye 0.227
Gender Inequality Index (GII) - a measure of Georgia 0.257
Kazakhstan 0.182
gender-based disadvantage in three Malaysia 0.172
dimensions: reproductive health, Iran (Islamic Republic… 0.482
Thailand 0.288
empowerment, and labour market
China 0.132
participation, shows women are lagging Azerbaijan 0.315
behind men in all Asia-Pacific countries, Tonga 0.444
Maldives 0.309
though it is low in high income countries. Mongolia 0.284
The GII varies widely across countries Fiji 0.35
Indonesia 0.423
implying highest inequality in Afghanistan LOW INCOME &
(0.661) and lowest in Singapore (0.031) LOWER MIDDLE…

among the countries presented in Figure 1. Sri Lanka 0.367

Viet Nam 0.299
Countries with GII higher than 0.5 are Uzbekistan 0.291
Vanuatu, Papua New Guinea and Pakistan Kyrgyzstan 0.34
Philippines 0.351
apart from Afghanistan. Samoa 0.416
Bhutan 0.278
Women’s participation in the labour Tajikistan 0.258
market is lower than men in all Bangladesh 0.487
India 0.403
countries Timor-Leste 0.394
Nepal 0.487
One of the reasons for gender inequality is Vanuatu 0.556
Lao PDR 0.475
the lower proportion of women’s
Myanmar 0.478
participation in labour market compared to Cambodia 0.506
men in all Asia-Pacific countries irrespective Papua New Guinea 0.584
Pakistan 0.536
of their economic status. However, the Afghanistan 0.661
participation gap is lower in high income
countries compared to other groups of Source: UNDP 2025 Human Development Report
countries. In high-income countries of the
region, the average gap in labour force participation between men and women is 13.4
percentage points. This average gap increases to 19.6 percentage points in upper Middle-

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Income Countries (MICs) and to 25.7 percentage points in low income and lower MICs of
the region. The disparity is especially stark in countries like Bangladesh and India, where
43.4% and 35.1% of women, respectively, are in the labour force, compared to 80.7% and
76.4% of men, respectively (Figure 2).

Figure 2: Labour force participation rate by gender, circa 2023

100
Labour Force Participation Rate (%)

90
80
70
60
50
40 25.7
30
20 19.6
10 13.4
0
Tonga

Nepal
Singapore

Türkiye

Cambodia

Bangladesh

Afghanistan
Australia

Guam

Viet Nam
Kazakhstan

Palau

Malaysia

Lao PDR
Bhutan

Vanuatu
India

Sri Lanka
Nauru

Republic of Korea
Japan

Azerbaijan

Georgia

Marshall Islands

Tuvalu
Solomon Islands

Mongolia

Kiribati

Samoa
Maldives

Philippines

Myanmar
New Zealand

New Caledonia

Fiji
Thailand

Tajikistan
Russian Federation

Timor-Leste
Uzbekistan

Pakistan

Iran (Islamic Republic of)

Brunei Darussalam

French Polynesia

Armenia

Indonesia

Kyrgyzstan
Northern Mariana Islands

Papua New Guinea

Micronesia (Federated States of)

High-Income Countries Upper-Middle-Income Countries Lower-Middle and Low-Income Countries

Women
Men
Average Participation Gap: High-Income Countries
Average Participation Gap: Upper-Middle-Income Countries
Average Participation Gap: Lower-Middle- and Low-Income Countries

Source: ESCAP, ADB and UNDP (2025). Delivering a Just Transition: Advancing Decent Work, Gender
Equality and Social Protection

Why is female labour force participation low?

Enhancing women’s participation in labour market not only drives economic growth
providing additional labour supply but also economically empowers women through
increased earnings, thus supporting to reduce gender inequality. Therefore, investigating
into the reasons for low female participation and implementing tailored policies is the
priority of most governments across Asia and the Pacific.

Explaining the factors that influence labour supply, especially women’s labour, is complex
unlike the supply of normal products which rises with the increase in price. Economic
theory behind female’s participation in labour market is derived from the seminal works of
Mincer (1962) and Becker (1965). Building on neo-classical model of labour supply, Mincer’s

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theory explains that individuals make a rational choice between hours of work and leisure
hours to maximise their utility. The overall labour supply to changes in market wages
depends on the relative strengths of substitution and income effects. Drawing on this
theory one could infer that a decrease in a woman’s labour supply could be due to her
preference for more leisure hours when there is an increase in wage rate as the higher
wage enables her to earn more amount of income working less hours. On the other hand,
Becker’s time allocation theory (1965) treats household as maximising a single utility
function, therefore, the decision about labour supply is not a subject of an individual’s
choice. Becker’s theory foresees that when a household’s valuation of time for domestic
chores is high the female labor force participation will be low (Box 1).

Box 1: Theories of Labour Force Participation

Economic theory behind female’s participation in labour market is derived from the
seminal works of Mincer (1962) and Becker (1965). Mincer’s Theory states that a
woman’s labour supply decision is based on real wage relative to the value of her
leisure time. An increase in real wage has two effects on labour supply. First, a higher
wage may encourage women to join labour market due to higher opportunity cost of
not working; this is called substitution effect. Secondly, women may prefer increasing
leisure time with the increase in wage rate as she has been able to earn more
amount of income working less hours due to increase in wage rate. This is known as
income effect. Thus, overall labour supply to changes in market wages depends on
relative strengths of substitution and income effects. By this theory, substitution
effects would be higher than income effect leading to rise in labour supply with the
increase in wage rate. However, this has not generally been the case in developing
countries where female’s labour supply does not increase with increase in wages.

On the other hand, Becker’s time allocation theory (1965) treats household as
maximising a single utility function. The main idea is that household members divide
their time between market and non-market activities. Market activity implies
participation in labour force, while non-market activities refer to household production
for own consumption using own capital and unpaid labour, like the preparation of
meals, washing, and caregiving. Becker (1965) predicts an inverse relationship
between household valuation of time for home production and female labour force
participation. This implies that labour market participation decisions of women
depend on household demographics like the presence of children, elderly, and sick
household members, among others.

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Becker’s theory seems to be more plausible in developing countries which suggests
various factors determine female’s labour supply, including family caregiving. In Asia and
the Pacific, women do four times more unpaid care work than men (ILO 2018a). This huge
time difference between men and women in unpaid care work is often made worse by
other overlapping discriminations that women face based on social, economic, and
demographic characteristics. Thus, compared to economic factors, the non-economic
reasons seem to be more important in explaining women’s labour force participation,
otherwise, the gender participation gap could not have differed widely across the upper
MICs which have similar economic status. In fact, some upper MICs have less participation
gap such as Azerbaijan and Viet Nam, whereas some others have very large gap such as
Malaysia and Turkey. This also infers that gender participation gap in labour market seems
to be partially explained by cultural factors as Islamic countries have wider gap between
men and women’s labour force participation (Figure 2). Following Becker’s theory, other
literatures identify various factors like marital status, age, rural or urban location, wealth,
household size, education levels, social norms, apart from the level of economic
development that determines women’s decision to participate in labour market.

Biased social norms are a fundamental reason for gender inequality

Becker’s theory assumes households maximizing a single utility function. Underlying this is
the assumption that there is labour division among household members, including male
and female, which is mainly guided by the social norms that define what activities men and
women are to perform. Such a gender segregation of works is biased against women and
their participation in economy and society. Thus, social norms have received widespread
attention in recent years explaining gender inequality in labour force participation as well
as overall gender inequality.

Gender norms are a sub-set of social norms that relate specifically to gender differences.
A common gender norm, for example, is that women and girls should do majority of
domestic works, or family caregiving. Such biased gender social norms are a major
impediment to achieving gender equality as manifested by a recent UNDP study which
measured Gender Social Norms Index (GSNI). The GSNI quantifies biases against women,
capturing people’s attitudes on women’s roles along four key dimensions: political,
educational, economic and physical integrity. The study found that as high as nine out of
10 surveyed men and women hold fundamental biases against women, with biases
prevalent in all countries. Biases are rampant not only among men but also women. These
biases hold across regions, income levels and cultures, making them a global issue. There
is little progress on overcoming biased gender social norms despite global and local
efforts towards safeguarding women’s rights (UNDP 2023).

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Labour force participation is the key component of the GII measurement. UNDP (2023)
argues that biased gender social norms also create a gender gap in the labour market,
leading to gender inequality. This is evident from a strong positive correlation between
GSNI and GII values. The GII value in the countries with highest bias (those in the highest
GSNI quartile) is more than five times that of countries with the lowest biases (those in the
lowest GSNI quartile). The UNDP study also found that gender gaps in education have
been closing, but gender gaps in economic empowerment persist, suggesting that the
recent improvement in educational achievements has not fully translated into higher
participation of women in labour market. Following Becker’s theory, this is mainly because
of the social norms expecting women devote more time for caregiving including childcare
than men. Hence, the gender gap in the time spent on unpaid domestic chores and care
work is also positively correlated with GSNI value. Women’s time spent on unpaid care
work compared to men’s, regardless of education, accounts for most of the recent
variation in the gender gap in income (UNDP 2023). Making progress towards gender
equality therefore requires transformative policy shifts for eliminating biased gender social
norms against women’s participation in the labor market.

A higher share of women than men is in medium- and high-skilled jobs

While women’s overall participation in labour market is low, their participation in skilled
jobs is higher than men in many Asia-Pacific countries, implying that providing skills could
enhance women’s labour force participation. The Women’s Skill Composition Ratio, which
measures the proportion of women relative to men in middle- and high-skilled roles is
presented in Figure 3. A ratio greater than 1.0 means that women in employment are more
likely to occupy skilled roles than men. Across Asia and the Pacific, women are often in
more skilled jobs than their male counterparts in 25 out of 39 countries (Figure 3).

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Figure 3: Workforce skill composition: Female to male ratio in medium and high skill jobs,
circa 2023

Afghanistan
Cambodia
Bangladesh
Myanmar
Timor-Leste
Lao PDR
India
Pakistan
Papua New Guinea
Nepal
Indonesia
Vanuatu
Philippines
Bhutan
Sri Lanka
Tajikistan
Samoa
Kazkhastan
Kiribati
Mongolia
Iran (IR)
Viet Nam
Thailand
Tonga
Fiji
Turkey
Georgia
Maldives
Armenia
Marshall Islands
Palau
Russian Federation
Tuvalu
Japan
Nauru
Brunei Darussalam
Korea
Australia
Singapore
0.0 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0

Data Source: ESCAP, ADB and UNDP (2025). Delivering a Just Transition: Advancing Decent Work,
Gender Equality and Social Protection

Bangladesh, Kyrgyzstan, Mongolia, and Tajikistan — all of which have a skill composition
ratio above 1.5—are examples of countries with relative strength in women’s skilled
employment. The case of Bangladesh, which has a ratio of 1.8, is particularly striking.
Despite having one of the lowest female participation rates in the region, employed
women in Bangladesh hold a relative advantage in skilled roles (ESCAP, ADB and UNDP
2025).

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STEM education is necessary for increasing women’s participation in green
jobs
Women are much more underrepresented in green jobs than in polluting jobs. Currently,
only six percent of women who work in advanced economies hold green jobs, compared
to over 20 percent of working men. Green jobs employ an even lower share of women in
emerging markets and developing economies (Stefania et al. 2024). Furthermore, women
working in polluting or ‘brown’ jobs face major barriers transitioning into green jobs. For
example, in Georgia, 58.3 percent of women in brown jobs are at risk of struggling to
make the transition. Women who do not have skills that match the higher paying green
jobs are sometimes forced to take lower-skill jobs than their current brown jobs and
therefore get paid less (Sprague and Asturizaga 2025).

One of the main reasons for lower share of women holding green jobs or facing far
greater challenges when trying to make the transition to green jobs is the skill gaps or gap
in STEM education. In fact, women account for less than a third of STEM graduates in many
countries, leaving them less prepared for green jobs. The 2024 Global Education
Monitoring Gender Report highlights that women make up just 35 percent of total STEM
graduates and hold only a quarter of science, engineering and ICT jobs, implying a high
variation in STEM education across Asia-Pacific countries (ESCAP, ADB and UNDP 2025).
Without targeted efforts to increase women’s participation, the green transition may
worsen workforce gender inequality (Stefania et al. 2024).

The gender gap in STEM education has been attributed to several long-standing and
deeply entrenched factors, including the stereotypes as many individuals still associate
STEM fields with masculine qualities, leading to stereotypes that can discourage females
from pursuing STEM education and careers. Furthermore, unconscious biases in hiring,
promotion, and funding can disadvantage women and lead to their disproportionately low
participation in STEM education. Women remain underrepresented in STEM leadership
positions, which makes it harder for girls and women to find role models and mentors in
the field. Furthermore, STEM careers are demanding, and women very often choose to
work part-time to handle family responsibilities, which can impact their career
advancement (Piloto 2023).

In fact, the entire social system begins with the thinking that men are better than women in
working outside, which continues through unpaid care burdens, and results in missed
opportunities for women to work in green sectors. This therefore calls for overhauling the
entire social system. The process should start with the change in norms and beliefs, and
dispelling the system and values that women are good for the family caregiving or for

10
kitchen works, and establishing the values that women can do all the works that men do.
While education and awareness has been playing a role for changing biased social norms,
a transformative shift requires incentivizing women to participate more in the economy,
polity and society. Requiring such a policy shift calls for increased women’s participation in
the political system including in the legislature that formulates legal acts. Women’s
representation in high level positions of STEM education is essential so that they can play
as role models inspiring and encouraging girls and women to pursue STEM careers.

Mobility is another constraint for women caused by several factors including security
concerns. Therefore, women are disproportionately concentrated in capital cities, while
men benefit from broader access across both urban and rural areas(Sprague and
Asturizaga 2025). Unless government expand green infrastructure and training access in
rural zones, enhance security and address gender-based violence, inclusion will remain
limited. Women’s ability to enter or stay in green jobs is also constrained by a lack of
affordable childcare, inflexible work environments and deep-rooted social expectations
about who should shoulder unpaid household responsibilities. These factors make it
nearly impossible for many women to take on green careers, particularly where full-time
hours are required.

Key recommendations for a gender-responsive just transition

The preceding analysis suggests that there is deep-seated gender inequality in Asia and
the Pacific countries. The analysis and findings provide important ground for policy
recommendations. The inequality can be addressed by increasing women’s labour force
participation which is disparagingly lower than that of men in many countries. Following
the Becker’s theory, non-economic reasons and most importantly biased social norms
appear to be the fundamental reason for such a gap in the participation. Overcoming
biased social norms needs to be followed with creating conducive environment to
encourage women to participate in the job markets and retain them in their jobs.

The green transition provides an opportunity to reduce the gap in labour force
participation. In view of this, following two recommendations have been advanced, one as
the immediate measure and the other one for the medium term:

I. Providing adequate STEM education and necessary green skills to women and
offering them jobs with increased facilities:
The preceding analysis shows that while women’s overall labour force participation
rate is significantly low, their share in medium and high skilled jobs is higher than
that of men in many countries, implying that STEM education and green skills are
helpful in enhancing their participation, and protecting them from job displacement
with the green transition. Thus, for harnessing the energy of women in the

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 development of a country as well as addressing gender inequality, the Asia-Pacific
governments need to make every effort to target women in the process of
transition, providing them requisite knowledge and skills. Reskilling and upskilling
with a focus on women can protect those women who are working in the brown
sectors.

Closing the gender gap in STEM would accelerate the green transition while
making it more inclusive. However, mere provision of skills will not suffice unless
women are employed, therefore, job placement is equally important in the process
of transition. This needs to be followed with incentive measures like maternity and
paternity leave, flexible working hours to retain them in their jobs. In addition to
security measures, gender-based violence must be eliminated to ensure women
feel safe to work away from home.

II. Breaking the barriers created by biased social norms:

While education and skills enhance women’s labour force participation, the process
seems to be slower. At the current rate of progress, Global Gender Report 2023
presents that it will take another 131 years to reach full gender parity (World
Economic Forum 2023). The high female labour force participation in the medium
and high skilled jobs implies that unskilled women who are generally found in poor
households will continue domestic chores including cooking and caregiving as
compared to those of better off households. This will increase inequality between
rich and poor households unless the biased gender norms are broken for all. It is
only by dismantling societal expectations that require women to engage in family
caregiving that governments can enable them to step beyond the four walls of their
home and participate fully in society and the market. While education and
awareness help drive change over time, transformative incentive measures and
their strict enforcement can accelerate progress. Such measures should not only
focus on women but also include men, such as providing incentives for men to
assume family caregiving by valuing such works at the rate paid in the care market,
such as in nursing homes or kindergartens.

In conclusion, harnessing the potential of women by enhancing their participation in state,

economy and society is an important precursor for transition to sustainable and equitable
societies. Breaking the widely embedded biased social norms is more urgent than ever
before. In addition to the policy reforms, this is possible when both men and women realise
the values of their peer’s work and equitably share the unpaid works at home together. In the
absence of appropriate and urgent actions, the ongoing green transition could deepen
gender inequality, ultimately hindering the shift to sustainable and equitable societies.

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