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Chapter Three

This chapter details the research methodology and historical context of Nigeria's oil sector, highlighting the transition from agriculture to oil dependence since the 1950s. It discusses the centralization of oil control by the federal government, the resulting socio-economic disparities, and environmental degradation in oil-producing regions. The study employs qualitative analysis of secondary data to explore themes of self-reliance and sustainable development within this political economy framework.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
17 views11 pages

Chapter Three

This chapter details the research methodology and historical context of Nigeria's oil sector, highlighting the transition from agriculture to oil dependence since the 1950s. It discusses the centralization of oil control by the federal government, the resulting socio-economic disparities, and environmental degradation in oil-producing regions. The study employs qualitative analysis of secondary data to explore themes of self-reliance and sustainable development within this political economy framework.

Uploaded by

danielzaccheaus
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
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Download as DOCX, PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd

SELF-RELIANCE AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA'S OIL

SECTOR: A POLITICAL ECONOMY PERSPECTIVE

CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
3.0 Introduction

This chapter outlines the methodology adopted for this study. It provides details on the

historical background, research design, sources of data, methods of data collection, data

analysis techniques, and limitations. The study is based exclusively on secondary data, in line

with its qualitative and exploratory nature.

3.1 Historical Background of the Nigerian Oil

Nigeria's venture into oil exploration began earnestly during the 1950s, with initial

discoveries in Oloibiri, in the heart of the Niger Delta, in 1956 marking a turning point for the

country's economy (Okon, 2020). These early reserves signaled Nigeria’s entry into the

league of oil-producing nations, a shift that would eventually reshape its economic and

political landscape. From the beginning, the Nigerian state was intent on controlling this

newfound wealth, driven by the belief that oil could be the backbone of national

development. Several legislative measures were enacted to ensure that the federal

government-maintained dominance over the resource (Adeleke & Oladipo, 2021). The key

law was Section 15 of Decree 51 of 1969, which vested exclusive rights of exploration,

production, and sales in the hands of the federal government, effectively establishing a

monopoly over Nigeria’s oil wealth (Adesina, 2019).

Later, the Land Use Decree of 1978 reinforced state control by abolishing customary land

rights, allowing the government to allocate land for oil exploration and other uses without

regard for local communities’ rights (Ayanwale, 2022). The 1979 Constitution further
clarified this control, particularly in Section 40(3), which declared that ownership of oil and

gas reserves belonged to the federation, emphasizing the notion that the country’s natural

resources were a collective national heritage rather than belonging to individual regions or

communities (Ojo & Omotoso, 2018). This centralization of authority was motivated by the

desire to maximize resource rents and project national sovereignty, but it laid the foundation

for tensions that have persisted over decades.

The concentration of oil ownership and control in the federal government created a lucrative

source of revenue for Nigeria but also planted the seeds for corruption, inequality, and

political conflicts (Balgun & Babawale, 2020). Wealth generated from oil was channeled into

the federal purse, fueling development projects in urban centers but often bypassing local and

regional needs. This disparity led to grievances, especially among the regions where oil was

produced, setting the stage for longstanding demands for resource control and greater

regional autonomy.

While Nigeria emerged as a major global oil producer in the 1970s, this rapid growth did not

translate into equitable development across the country. The wealth generated was perceived

to benefit certain political and economic elites more than the broader population. Urban

areas, especially among Nigeria’s dominant ethnic groups, experienced growth,

infrastructure, and modernization. In contrast, many rural communities and regions like the

Niger Delta remained impoverished, with limited access to social services, even as oil

operations expanded nearby (Ismaila & Lawal, 2021). The benefits of the oil boom proved

highly uneven, deepening regional disparities and fueling resentment.

In the early decades, Nigeria’s economy was still somewhat diversified, with agriculture

remaining vital to rural livelihoods. The Niger Delta, in particular, was integrated into

Nigeria’s economy through fishing and farming, which sustained communities despite the
advent of oil exploration (Soyinka, 2022). However, this balance was short-lived. As oil

exploration intensified, Nigeria’s economic policies shifted focus away from agriculture

toward resource extraction, driven by the increasing revenues from oil exports (Eboh &

Obayuwana, 2020). This transition had profound implications for social structures and

economic practices.

The rapid growth of oil exports began to distort Nigeria’s economic base. While the country

initially relied on other exports such as groundnuts, cocoa, and palm oil, declining prices and

environmental pollution caused these traditional industries to decline (Adewale, 2021).

Nigeria became increasingly dependent on oil, with the sector accounting for a significant

portion of government revenues and foreign exchange earnings. This dependence soon

revealed the flaws of resource reliance, as the country suffered from what scholars refer to as

the "resource curse" where heavy reliance on a single resource hampers broader economic

development and exacerbates inequality (Sala-i-Martin, 2019).

The environmental consequences of oil operations compounded these difficulties.

Exploitation and neglect led to widespread pollution, damaging ecosystems and local

communities' livelihoods, particularly in the Niger Delta area. Oil spills, gas flaring, and

environmental degradation became common, with estimates suggesting that between 1976

and 1990, over 2,600 oil spills occurred, primarily due to operational negligence and sabotage

(Federal Ministry of Petroleum Resources, 1992). The environmental harm was coupled with

a profound social dislocation, as communities found their traditional economic activities,

such as fishing and farming, rendered unviable by contamination.

Before oil’s discovery, Nigeria’s economy was rooted in agriculture. Land, water, and natural

resources formed the foundation of local livelihoods, providing food and economic stability

for rural communities. Farming, fishing, and small-scale trading fostered social bonds and
local governance structures. These practices connected communities to their environment and

culture, enabling a form of development based on participation, sharing, and sustainability

(Ogunleye, 2021).

The discovery of oil in the 1950s and the subsequent policies marked a significant shift. The

Nigerian government increasingly focused on resource extraction, often neglecting the

agricultural sector that had sustained millions for generations (Adeolu & Olowa, 2020). This

change in focus dramatically altered societal structures and relationships among different

groups. As oil activities expanded, the control of wealth shifted from local communities to

multinational corporations and a small ruling elite, eroding the traditional systems of

accountability and community participation.

The shift from land-based wealth to resource-driven wealth meant that the economic power

was centralized. In the pre-oil era, wealth creation was contingent on local effort, and local

communities had a say in how their resources were managed or used. The economy was

characterized by smallholder agriculture, fostering accountability and social cohesion. The

power to generate wealth was tied to land and community effort, reinforcing democratic

principles and local self-governance (Ololube, 2021).

With oil, this landscape changed. Wealth control moved to a few elites, often linked to

political power and multinational firms. The process of wealth accumulation became less

transparent and more exclusive. Production was restricted to a few technologically advanced

corporations, leaving the majority of Nigerians, especially rural farmers and fishers, alienated

from the gains. This created a widening gap between the wealthy elite and impoverished

communities, fueling grievances and social unrest (Eze & Emewu, 2022).

The economic landscape became one dominated by rents; income derived from resource

exploitation rather than productive effort. Oil revenues were often diverted into private
pockets by political elites, exacerbating inequality and corruption. For many Nigerians, the

promise of development turned into a story of missed opportunities, environmental

degradation, and growing poverty. Communities in coastal and rural areas suffered the most,

losing their traditional livelihoods and facing environmental hazards such as pollution and

gas flaring (Egbule & Onyema, 2020).

This process also led to a crisis of identity and belonging. The local populations, who once

felt connected to their land and natural environment, found themselves marginalized within a

political economy that prioritized the interests of multinational companies and elites over

community wellbeing (Okoro & Ibe, 2021). Environmental degradation and resource

mismanagement intensified feelings of injustice, particularly in regions like the Niger Delta,

where oil spills and pollution devastated ecosystems and local livelihoods (Akinrinade &

Oliver, 2022).

As the negative impacts of oil exploration became more evident, questions about justice and

control surfaced. Who truly owned the benefits of Nigeria’s natural resources? Should local

communities have a say in how the resources were managed? These questions fueled protests

and demands for greater resource control, demands that often clashed with state policies

aimed at maintaining national unity and protecting economic interests (Obi, 2019). The

struggles culminated in high-profile resistance movements and violent confrontations,

exposing the deep-rooted inequalities embedded in Nigeria’s resource governance system.

In response, the Nigerian government established agencies like the Oil Minerals Producing

Areas Development Commission (OMPADEC) in 1992, aimed at addressing some of the

disparities. The agency was allocated a small percentage of national budget to develop the

oil-producing regions. Later, the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) was set up

in 2000, with a broader developmental mandate and increased financial allocations


(Egwukwovwe & Amadi, 2020). Despite these efforts, genuine development remains elusive,

largely due to structural contradictions within Nigeria’s political economy. Corruption, lack

of transparency, and elite capture have limited the effectiveness of these initiatives, leaving

many local communities without meaningful benefits from the oil wealth.

Today, the story of Nigeria’s oil is one of unfulfilled promise. While the country ranks among

the world’s top oil producers, much of its population continues to live in poverty, especially

in regions where oil extraction has caused environmental and social harm. The wealth

generated has rarely translated into broad-based development or environmental sustainability

(Ogunyemi & Olawale, 2023). The ongoing environmental degradation, coupled with the

marginalization of local populations, highlights the urgent need for a new approach, one

rooted in equity, environmental safety, and inclusive development.

3.2 Research Design

The study adopts a qualitative research design grounded in a descriptive and analytical

approach. This design is appropriate for unpacking complex socio-political and economic

phenomena within Nigeria’s oil sector, including issues of self-reliance, governance,

sustainability, and development policy.

3.3 Method of Data Collection

This research relies solely on secondary data, sourced from a range of academic, institutional,

and policy-oriented publications. The data include:

i. Academic journal articles

ii. Books and book chapters

iii. Policy papers and government reports

iv. Statistical bulletins from government agencies (e.g., NNPC, CBN, DPR)
v. Reports by international organizations (e.g., World Bank, UNDP, IMF, NEITI)

vi. Legal and policy documents (e.g., Petroleum Industry Act 2021, Nigerian Content

Development Act 2010)

vii. Credible online news sources and think-tank publications

All data sources were critically selected based on relevance, credibility, and recency (with a

focus on materials from 2000 to 2024).

3.4 Sources of Secondary Data

Source Type of Data Provided


Nigerian National Petroleum Company
Production statistics, policy documents, revenue data
(NNPC)
Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Audit reports, revenue transparency, local content
Initiative (NEITI) performance
Economic indicators, oil revenue contributions,
Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN)
exchange rate data
Socioeconomic indicators, GDP reports, unemployment
National Bureau of Statistics (NBS)
data
Human development reports, sustainability indices,
World Bank, UNDP, IMF
economic outlooks
Theoretical perspectives, empirical findings, policy
Academic literature and journals
analysis
Petroleum Industry Act, Local Content Act, National
Legal/Policy documents
Energy Policy
Researcher computed, 2025

3.5 Method of Data Analysis

The data are analyzed using qualitative content analysis. This involved systematically

reviewing, categorizing, and interpreting existing materials to identify patterns, trends, and

contradictions. The study employs thematic analysis based on the following core themes:
a. Self-Reliance: Indigenous participation, local content, technological development

b. Sustainable Development: Environmental management, social impact, equitable

growth

c. Political Economy: Power relations, governance structures, and rentier dynamics

The analysis critically engaged with each theme in relation to the research questions in

chapter one and the theoretical framework presented in Chapter Two.

3.6 Ethical Considerations

Since the research relies exclusively on secondary data, no human subjects are involved.

However, all data sources are appropriately cited to maintain academic integrity. Efforts were

made to ensure that the data used are credible, unbiased, and publicly accessible.

3.7 Limitations of the Methodology

While secondary data offers cost-effective and time-efficient access to information, this

method has certain limitations:

i. Data Accuracy and Reliability: Some official reports may contain outdated or

politically skewed data.

ii. Limited Contextual Depth: Secondary sources may not capture the lived experiences

or nuances from grassroots stakeholders.

iii. Lack of Control: The researcher has no control over how the data were originally

collected or the assumptions behind them.

Despite these limitations, triangulation across multiple sources was used to enhance validity

and reliability.

3.8 Summary
This chapter presented the methodological framework for the study. It adopted a qualitative,

secondary data-based approach to explore the interplay between self-reliance and sustainable

development in Nigeria’s oil sector. The use of thematic and content analysis enabled the

researcher to draw from a broad range of sources to provide critical insights into the research

problem.

References

Adeleke, A., & Oladipo, O. (2021). Legal frameworks and resource control in Nigeria.

Nigerian Journal of Petroleum Law, 15(3), 45-62.

Adesina, A. B. (2019). The evolution of Nigeria's petroleum laws: Implications for control

and management. African Journal of Law & Criminology, 9(1), 88-104.


Akinrinade, S. & Oliver, E. (2022). Environmental degradation and community resilience in

Nigeria’s oil-producing regions. Environmental Policy & Governance, 32(4), 219-

233.

Adeolu, A., & Olowa, O. (2020). The shift from agriculture to oil economy in

Nigeria. Nigerian Economic Review, 23(2), 123-138.

Adewale, T. (2021). Impact of declining traditional exports on Nigeria’s economic

structure. Economics and Development Review, 12(5), 255-272.

Akinrinade, S., & Oliver, E. (2022). Environmental violations and socio-economic impacts in

Nigeria’s oil-producing areas. Journal of Environment & Development, 31(1), 45-68.

Balgun, O., & Babawale, T. (2020). Resource control and corruption in Nigeria. Journal of

Political & International Studies, 17(2), 105-124.

Eboh, E., & Obayuwana, E. (2020). Policies and Nigeria’s dependence on oil

exports. African Development Review, 32(3), 357-374.

Egbule, M., & Onyema, C. (2020). Environmental and health impacts of gas flaring in

Nigeria. Health & Environment Journal, 14(4), 98-112.

Egwukwovwe, P., & Amadi, O. (2020). Developmental initiatives in Nigeria’s oil-producing

regions: An appraisal. African Development Perspectives, 25(1), 50-72.

Ololube, N. P. (2021). Community participation and accountability in Nigeria’s oil

economy. International Journal of Community Development, 8(2), 134-148.

Ogunleye, A. (2021). Traditional livelihoods and development in Nigeria: Challenges and

prospects. African Journal of Development, 30(2), 89-102.


Okoro, U., & Ibe, D. (2021). Marginalization and social justice in Nigeria’s oil

sector. Journal of Socio-Economic Studies, 19(1), 77-94.

Okon, E. (2020). The history of oil discovery in Nigeria: An overview. Nigerian Historical

Journal, 17(3), 133-150.

Ojo, B., & Omotoso, F. (2018). Legal ownerships of oil and gas in Nigeria: A historical

overview. Law & Society Review, 22(4), 234-251.

Soyinka, W. (2022). The socio-economic impact of oil in Nigeria. African Studies Quarterly,

18(2), 45-67.

Sala-i-Martin, X. (2019). The resource curse and economic growth in Africa. Economics of

Natural Resources, 5(2), 111-128.

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