Griffiths 2014 Early Indic Inscriptions of Southeast Asia

LOST KINGDOMS Hindu-BuddHist sculpture of early soutHeast asia John Guy With essays by Pierre Baptiste, Lawrence Becker, Bérénice Bellina, Robert L. Brown, Federico Carò, Pattaratorn Chirapravati, Janet G. Douglas, Arlo Griiths, Agustijanto Indradjaya, Le hi Lien, Pierre-Yves Manguin, Stephen A. Murphy, Ariel O’Connor, Peter Skilling, Janice Stargardt, Donna Strahan, U hein Lwin, Geof Wade, U Win Kyaing, Hiram Woodward, and hierry Zéphir the Metropolitan Museum of art, new york distributed by yale university press, new Haven and london early indic inscriptions of southeast asia arlo Griiths To understand the historical context in which Hindu and Buddhist sculpture of ancient Southeast Asia was produced, one can look to contemporary written documents. Among foreign records about Southeast Asia, Chinese sources are by far the richest.1 Many diferent ypes of local documents must have once existed, but the majoriy of texts were written on organic (impermanent) materials, such as palm leaf, parchment, wood, and paper, and have not survived to the present day. he only extant documents are on more durable, inorganic materials, such as stone, terracotta, brick, bronze, silver, and gold. hese rare survivals of ancient writing must have been exceptional even in their own day, and they were intended to last and be remembered. Compared to surrounding cultural spheres, such as India and China, there are relatively few inscriptions in Southeast Asia, which heightens the importance of the fewer than one thousand inscriptions—a very rough estimate—for the period that concerns us here. Languages and Scripts he idea of writing seems to have come to Southeast Asia from India. At least, all the written documents from the region’s earliest history use forms of writing borrowed from the Indian subcontinent. In discussing written documents from ancient Southeast Asia, it is important to realize that script and language are two diferent things, which can but need not be correlated. During the early history of Southeast Asia, many languages were used for writing, but all were expressed in what may be considered a single system of writing. In this Indic system, with its speciic manner of arranging characters to express sounds, all basic signs express syllables (as opposed to alphabetic writing in the West). he origin of this basic system is the Brāhmī script, which was probably designed at the behest of Emperor Aśoka in northern India during the third century B.C.2 As it was adopted over an ever-growing area, Brāhmī evolved into numerous varieties, which eventually became the modern scripts of Bali, Cambodia, Myanmar, and hailand, among others. Although the shapes of their respective characters may look diferent, these Indic scripts all share fundamental structural similarities. By the time Indic writing began to appear in Southeast Asia in the early centuries A.D., Brāhmī had already split into two basic varieties: Northern and Southern. he vast majoriy of inscriptions of early Southeast Asia used writing that evolved from Southern Brāhmī. his volume illustrates one specimen of the so-called boxheaded form that is found in a small number of the oldest inscriptions of Southeast Asia, possibly datable to the ith century (cat. 87); for a clearer example, see the inscription on one of seven pillars (yūpa) erected by King Mūlavarman in eastern Kalimantan (Borneo; ig. 38). Its text, composed in Sanskrit, can be translated as “he ‘Mountain of Sesame,’ together with the ‘Garland of Lamps,’ which was given by his majesy the king, Mūlavarman: this pillar has been inscribed [in commemoration] of those two [gits].”3 Fig. 38. Mūlavarman inscription pillar (detail). Indonesia, ca. 5th century. Found in East Kalimantan province. Stone, approx. 51⅛ x 12⅝ x 13 in. (130 x 32 x 33 cm). Museum Nasional Indonesia, Jakarta (D.175) Over time, the notable box shapes atop the signs went out of fashion, and the next stage of paleographic development is seen in several Buddhist inscriptions, an inscribed Brahmanical trident (triśūla) from Cambodia (cat. 84), and the inscriptions of Pūrnavarman found in western Java. his group of documents is datable to the sixth century,4 while the approximately ten inscriptions from Opposite: Buddha in meditation (detail of cat. 42) 53 Fig. 39. Munduan inscription, plate 1, recto. Indonesia, 807. Found in Central Java province. Copper; h. 3¾ in. (9.5 cm), w. 12⅝ in. (32 cm). Private collection Śrīvijaya, found on the islands of Bangka and Sumatra, are solidly dated to the end of the seventh century (ig. 24). he inscription on the Cambodian Śivapāda, or “footprint of Śiva,” may very tentatively be assigned to about 700 as well (cat. 83). Bearing inventory number K.474, it explains in Sanskrit that the spectator is looking at śivapādadvayāmbhojam—that is, “the pair of lotus feet of Śiva.”5 With its depiction of footprints, the piece is unique in Cambodian epigraphy. Inscriptions that likewise concern the footprints of Śiva were also produced in early Champa, although none is accompanied by a depiction.6 he aforementioned inscriptions of Pūrnavarman, who ruled in western Java, also ofer comparable material, but there, it is the footprints of the king and, in one case, those of a royal elephant that are shown. Many publications on Southeast Asian inscriptions make no clear distinction between the box-headed script and subsequent forms of writing, designating them all uniformly as Pallava script.7 his name refers to the Pallava dynasy, which came to power on the southeast coast of India around A.D. 300. Early twentieth-century scholars attributed to this dynasy the spread of cultural features— such as the use of Sanskrit and production of Hindu statuary— from India to Southeast Asia.8 But there is virtually no direct evidence of any Pallava involvement, certainly not for the earliest centuries, and the Pallavas were by no means the only southern Indian kings to use this script during the early irst millennium. Moreover, the inscriptions of other dynasties show a form of writing that looks just as much like the script used in Southeast Asia as does the script seen in Pallava inscriptions. Several inscriptions from Myanmar, hailand, and Malaysia employ this script in Buddhist contexts, oten citing passages from Buddhist scriptures in Pali, whereas the Pallava dynasy was never an important patron of Buddhism, let alone heravāda Buddhism, which uses Pali in its scriptures.9 For these reasons, among others, it is preferable to use more neutral terms—for instance, “Late Southern Brāhmī”—to describe the form of writing found in most Southeast Asian inscriptions ater the boxheaded phase, corresponding to the fourth to ith centuries, and before about 800. Ater this period, Late Southern Brāhmī developed in separate directions in various regions of Southeast Asia, creating, for example, the Kawi script of Java (see ig. 39), whose earliest dated specimens go back to the middle of the eighth century.10 It is, anyhow, clear that writing was received in Southeast Asia in more than one wave, and certain areas during certain periods were strongly inluenced by northeastern Indian culture. In those areas, we ind scripts derived from Northern Brāhmī, namely, “Late Northern Brāhmī” (roughly 6th–7th century, found in Rakhine— that is, Arakan—and at Śrī Ksetra, both Myanmar)11 and the Siddhamātřkā script (in the 8th and 9th centuries, particularly in Java; see ig. 40), from the dominion of the Pālas, who ruled a large area of northeastern India from about the mid-eighth century onward.12 One particular script seems to show features of both northern and southern Indic writing: this so-called Pyu script, known only from a small number of inscriptions found at Pyu sites within the Irrawaddy (Ayeyarwady) River valley of Myanmar (cat. 24), still requires detailed study in order for it to be classiied. he same script is involved in the rare phenomenon of digraphy—that is, the use of more than one script in a single inscription. One can ind combinations of Pyu script, used to write the Pyu language—which is not yet well understood but is apparently a member of the TibetoBurman language family13—with Late Southern Brāhmī to write Pali (cat. 27) or Late Northern Brāhmī to write Sanskrit (see cat. 41).14 his last example simultaneously illustrates the fact that, in general, the northern scripts, when used in Southeast Asia, show a strong association with Buddhism and Sanskrit. Indeed, in this phase, not only was the writing system Indian but so were some of the languages used for written expression. By far the most important is the prestige language Sanskrit, but in Fig. 40. Gold foil with inscription. Indonesia, ca. 800. Found at Candi Plaosan Lor, Central Java province. H. 2¼ in. (5.8 cm), w. 10 in. (25.5 cm). Balai Pelestarian Cagar Budaya, Prambanan, Indonesia 54 emerging identities speciic areas—particularly central Myanmar and central hailand— Pali played a more prominent role. In most Southeast Asian regions, literacy seems to have come through Sanskrit, and the earliest inscriptions were written in this language—for example, the Vo Canh inscription of central Vietnam (ig. 58), possibly datable to between the second and fourth centuries (there is no consensus on its date) and probably the earliest locally produced Southeast Asian inscription15—while local languages started to be used in inscriptions only in a second phase.16 Javanese and Cambodian epigraphy most clearly illustrates this pattern. here are quite a few exceptions, but the quantities of early vernacular material are not suicient to consider these exceptions as evidence of the irrelevance of Sanskrit or, possibly, in some areas, Pali, as vectors of literacy.17 he Pyu inscriptions of Myanmar, which seem to be among the oldest Southeast Asian inscriptions (some perhaps as old as the 4th century) are written in their own variey of Indic writing, and in a local language, but the sites where these inscriptions were found have also yielded inscriptions in Pali and Sanskrit (in their respective distinct scripts, Late Southern and Late Northern Brāhmī). he earliest documents of the Dvāravatī culture of hailand may well be those in the local Mon language, a vernacular belonging (with Khmer) to the Austroasiatic language family, although in these, the script is identical to that used throughout a large area of early Southeast Asia: Late Southern Brāhmī. here are also inscriptions in Pali and in Sanskrit from the same cultural area, but no clear chronological precedence has been established for any language here.18 Cham, an Austronesian language, makes a very early appearance in the corpus of the inscriptions of Champa, as does Malay in Indonesia. Both languages borrow heavily from Sanskrit, and in the case of Cham, numerous contemporary Sanskrit inscriptions from Champa prove that Sanskrit was the primary language of epigraphical expression for several centuries, beginning around the fourth century. Besides local languages, Sanskrit, and Pali, a small number of inscriptions in the southern Indian Tamil language and script presumably indicate the presence of Tamil merchants. he earliest locally written example is from Ta Kua Pa in peninsular hailand and dates from about the mid-ninth century.19 In addition, there are very rare specimens of inscriptions in languages that so far have not been identiied—for instance, the inscription in the Kawgun cave near the mouth of the Salween (hanlwin) River in Myanmar, which makes a rather early (possibly 7th–8th century) paleographic impression.20 Materials and Object Types Among the earliest ypes of writing surfaces were natural rock faces or boulders situated at prominent positions in the landscape—for example, on a riverbank. In addition to natural rocks or boulders, stone steles were manufactured to record more detailed texts. heir shapes and manner of installation vary from country to country. However, they are usually lat, with two main sides, or faces, and could be raised on a stone base or inserted directly into the ground or pavement in front of a temple dedicated to Buddhist or Hindu divinities. A recently discovered Champa inscription (ig. 41), displaying unusually ine calligraphy, illustrates this ype.21 Architectural elements on the temple itself, such as the doorway or entrance, could also be inscribed with text, as could panels of narrative bas-relief. Objects may include a combination of sculpture and inscription, with one aspect elucidating the other. Such combinations come in a variey of ypes, with diferent degrees of prominence of the sculptural versus the epigraphic. Although many ancient Southeast Asian monuments were built in brick, the material was much less oten used as a surface for inscriptions than was stone. Nonarchitectural objects produced in clay or terracotta— pottery, molded “votive” tablets,22 and sealings—oten bear short Fig. 41. Stele with foundation inscription (C.217) of Sayadeveśvara. Central Vietnam, 783. Found in Phuoc hien, Ninh huan province. Sandstone, 30⅞ x 17½ x 4¾ in. (78.5 x 44.5 x 12 cm). Ninh huan Museum, Phan Rang, Vietnam (BTNT 1440/D.13) texts. Of particular interest is the illustrated sealing recovered near the ancient ciy of U hong, central hailand (cat. 87). It reads śivambrihaspate[h], meaning “(propery) of Śivabrhaspati.” I apply in my translation a slight normalization to the spelling of the name, which clearly points to a Śaiva religious context. An Indian example of the kind of illustrated signet ring that might have been used to produce this sealing is in the collection of the British Museum, London.23 Figures 43 and 44 represent two examples, lacking illustration, found in Southeast Asia. Since neither the name nor the scene depicted in the U hong sealing seems to have precise Indian precedents, it is likely that the seal with which it was stamped was locally produced. Objects made of bronze, silver, and gold were also inscribed. Sculptures produced in metal sometimes feature short inscriptions along the base. Rolled-up foils of silver or gold have been found inserted into the earthen core of many metal statues. Such foils early indic inscriptions of southeast asia 55 have also oten been recovered from stone deposit boxes found in monuments during excavation and restoration.24 Metal utensils and jewelry were likewise inscribed: in most cases, such objects— for example, the hilt of an ornamental sword in the collection of he Metropolitan Museum of Art—were intended for the worship of or to be worn by statues of the gods (ig. 42).25 In writing created with an awl, the sword reads, on one side, su 2 mā 12, which indicates a weight in gold of two units suvarna and twelve units māsa,26 and on the other, sam vodha, which seems to be a name, presumably of the object’s donor, suggesting that this object must have been among the paraphernalia of the statue of a deiy.27 In rare cases— such as signet rings engraved in the negative—the artifacts were worn or used by the owner. Two previously unpublished examples are both inscribed in Sanskrit (igs. 43, 44), and their texts, sujitisomasya (“of Sujitisoma”) and jesthamitrasya (“of Jyesthamitra”), were meant to identiy the owner or sender of the object sealed, presumably in clay.28 A special kind of metal object, and one subject to tremendous variation across cultures, is the coin.29 Until recently, Cambodia was thought to have hardly any ancient minting tradition, but over the last few years, some hoards have surfaced, among which was the unique gold coin or medallion of Īśānavarman, who reigned in the early seventh century (ig. 45).30 It can be read (and partly restored) as īśānavarmma[nah], on the obverse, and īśānapu(ra), on the reverse, meaning, respectively, “of Īśānavarman” and “Īśānapura.”31 On the whole, fewer ancient coins have been found in Southeast Asia, and with lesser ypological diversiy, than in India, but some Southeast Asian coins bear legends that lend them speciic historical signiicance.32 From a comparative perspective, it is remarkable that there is not more overlap among the diferent ancient Southeast Asian cultures in the shapes and ypes of objects engraved with inscriptions. A striking example is the copper (or bronze) plate. Given the fact that this medium is extremely common in India, one might have expected to ind it used throughout ancient Southeast Asia. However, only maritime Southeast Asia, particularly Java and Bali, has a signiicant tradition of inscribing texts on such plates (ig. 39).33 Contents of Inscriptions Fig. 42. Miniature sword hilt and details of inscriptions. Indonesia (Central Java), ca. 9th century. Gold, 2⅝ x 2⅜ x 1⅛ in. (6.7 x 6 x 2.9 cm). he Metropolitan Museum of Art, he Samuel Eilenberg-Jonathan P. Rosen Collection of Indonesian Gold, Bequest of Samuel Eilenberg and Git of Jonathan P. Rosen, 1998 (1998.544.43) 56 emerging identities A relationship can oten be observed between the ype of object bearing an inscription and its textual contents. Inscriptions on utensils in precious metals, for instance, normally concern the donor and oten state the value or weight of the git, as in igure 42. Inscriptions on the walls of a religious monument oten relate the circumstances of its foundation or restoration and contain passages, at times extensive, about the land and personnel endowed to the service of the temple’s deiy by its founder. Short inscriptions on bas-reliefs oten indicate the name of the protagonist or the essence of a given scene; short inscriptions are also found on building blocks of monuments to give instructions for their placement. he stele was used in both peninsular and insular Southeast Asia to record a variey of transactions, including grants of land to individuals or institutions. In Java and Bali, this last ype of text was oten engraved on copper plates. A special category is that of inscriptions that comprise citations of scriptural or ritual texts. his category appears to be a particular feature of the Buddhist tradition; no close counterpart seems to exist on the side of Śaiva Hinduism, the other major Indian religion that took deep root in ancient Southeast Asia.34 Inscriptions as Art-Historical Sources Besides their value for reconstructing political, economic, and religious history, inscriptions are of particular importance for art history. For the entire period covered in this volume, they are very helpful in assigning absolute dates to monuments and associated sculptures. Inscriptions may include clear dates that can be converted unequivocally to an equivalent in the Christian (Julian) calendar.35 And the association of a dated inscription with a monument oten yields the date of its construction. Sylistic analysis then allows scholars to establish synchronism between monuments and detached sculptures showing the same ornamental features.36 An eloquent example of how the discovery of a dated inscription can conirm or reine the understanding of art-historical developments is the foundation stele of the temple of Hoa Lai in Ninh huan province, central Vietnam. It ixed not only the dating of this monument (778) but also the art syle named ater it, which shows connections to both Cambodia and the Malay Peninsula.37 Although for many periods and areas the chronology is still imprecise and subject to debate, such inscriptional evidence has allowed scholars to determine the general chronological framework of ancient Southeast Asian art and architecture. Fig. 43. Gold ring. Southern Vietnam, 5th–6th century. National Museum of Vietnamese History, Hanoi (Lsb 38295 ST 9067). he image is transposed horizontally to render the inscription positive. Fig. 44. Gold ring inlaid with inscribed stone. Southern Vietnam, ca. 6th century. Found in Oc Eo, An Giang province. Collection Mandeville, Hong Kong. he image is transposed horizontally to render the inscription positive. Fig. 45. Gold coin or medallion of Īśānavarman (obverse/reverse). Southern Cambodia, 7th century. Reportedly found in Angkor Borei, Takeo province. National Bank of Cambodia, Phnom Penh early indic inscriptions of southeast asia 57 camphor, was called Lang Polusi 郞婆露 striking similarities within the group of not directly relevant to Southeast 30. In numismatics, the term “coin” is 斯. We have seen above how this name Southeast Asian inscriptions mentioned Asian epigraphy (see Boonyarit used for artifacts that were used as refers to Lam Barus, the northern part of here. For discussion of this problem, see Chaisuwan 2011). currency, whereas “medallion” designates Sumatra, and can only assume that the my forthcoming monograph, coauthored 20. Luce and Pe Maung Tin 1934–56, those that were minted in small southern capital controlled the southern with Emmanuel Francis, on the inscrip- vol. 4, pl. 355b; Luce 1985, pl. 98a. quantities and not destined to serve part of Sumatra. tions of Mūlavarman and Pūrnavarman. 21. For relevant publications, see as currency. 125. See Coedès 1992b, p. 99. 5. K.474. For the EFEO inventories of Griiths and W. A. Southworth 2007; 31. he brackets indicate elements that 126. Both are now preserved in the Khmer (K.) and Champa (C.) Griiths and W. A. Southworth 2011. are entirely lost, while the parentheses Museum Nasional Indonesia, Jakarta inscriptions, see Griiths et al. 2008–9. 22. See Skilling 2008. show elements preserved but not (D155, D90). Published in de Casparis 6. See Goodall and Griiths 2013, 23. 1892.1103.91. Raven 2004–5, legible out of context. he gold coin is 1975; Trigangga 2009, p. 86, ig. 6.2; p. 433, n. 22. ig. 6.21. currently held by the National Bank of Miksic 2007, pp. 68–69. 7. For the problem of naming ancient 24. See Griiths forthcoming for Cambodia and is destined to become a 127. Jiu Tang shu, juan 197; Xin Tang Indic scripts, see Sander 2007. several examples. key object in the planned Money and shu, juan 222C. 8. he classic study making the case for 25. Its inscription is published here for Economy Museum near Wat Phnom in 128. For details of other Muslim envoys the Pallava connection is Vogel 1918. the irst time. Phnom Penh. to China “surnamed” Li, see Wade 2010. Despite the fact that some of its prem- 26. According to Wisseman-Christie 32. See, for instance, Coedès 1963 on he envoys are listed on pp. 403–5. ises are untenable, this study is still 2004, pp. 92–93, one suvarna weighed what he interpreted as medallions of 129. While Louis-Charles Damais valuable reading. 38 grams, and there were 16 māsas to the Dvāravatī. Since 1963, a considerably prefers to identiy the name Heling 訶陵 9. See Finot 1912b; Finot 1913; Falk suvarna, so that we have 2.75 x 38 = greater number of specimens have with the Javanese kadatuan (royal 1997; Stargardt 2000; Stargardt 2001; 104.5 grams of gold. become known. residence) of Walaiŋ (see Damais 1964), Skilling 1997c; Skilling 2002; 27. Both the paleographic aspect of the 33. he copper plate of Munduan, from the identiication I ofer sees other origins Skilling 2005b. characters and the ype of inscription central Java, now in a private collection, for the name Heling. he traditional 10. See Griiths 2012, p. 477. clearly point to the ninth century. For dates to 807 and is the oldest copper- explanation, associating the term with 11. See, for examples of such Late similar, although uninscribed, artifacts plate inscription from Indonesia. It has keling, a widespread and sometimes Northern Brāhmī from Arakan, in the Museum Nasional Indonesia, so far been published only in Japanese pejorative Southeast Asian reference to Johnston 1944; Sircar 1957–58; Sircar Jakarta, see Fontein 1990, pp. 284–85, (Nakada Kozō 1986). people from South Asia (and possibly 1967. he unpublished inscription on and Bianchini 1995, pp. 64–65 34. See Falk 1997, Skilling 2002, and derived from the name Kaliñga), the socle of the Buddha (cat. 41) from (1555/A85); Brinkgreve, Lunsingh Griiths forthcoming, to mention just remains useful. Śrī Ksetra is partly engraved in a variey Scheurleer, and Stuart-Fox 2010, p. 88 three relevant publications. 130. Lafan 2005, p. 32. See also Mahdi of the same script. he same site has (6535/A161) and pp. 92–93 (1556, 8968). 35. Paleographic analysis allows us to 2008 and Griiths 2013b. reportedly yielded fragments of a 28. hese are both otherwise unknown situate in time even those inscriptions 131. Zhou Qufei 周去非, Lingwai daida Sanskrit inscription in the same script igures in Southeast Asian history, and it that do not contain dates, but great 嶺外代答, juan 2. (Sircar 1976). cannot be excluded that we are dealing precision is not possible with this 132. Tong Dian (Comprehensive 12. For the use of this script in ancient with imports from India, where very approach. Compare de Casparis 1979. Statutes), juan 188, and Xin tang Java, see Griiths, Revire, and Sanyal similar rings (and impressions of such in 36. For later periods, scholars are shu, juan 222C. 2013. he example shown here in ig. 40 clay) have been found. he irst ring frequently lucky enough to ind dated is a relatively recent discovery from weighs 1.33 ounces (37.525 g), and inscriptions engraved on freestanding Candi Plaosan Lor, Central Java province, reportedly originates from Phu Yen, sculptures, directly indicating their containing the Bodhigarbhālamkāra- Vietnam. But the piece was acquired dates, but no such directly dated laksadhāranī. I publish this inscription from goldsmith Vu Kim Loc of Ho Chi sculptures are known from early EArLy IndIC InSCrIPTIOnS in Griiths forthcoming. Minh Ciy, and the provenance Southeast Asia. Of SOuTHEAST ASIA 13. Compare Shafer 1943; Luce 1985, information is suspect. A provenance in 37. See Griiths and W. A. Southworth pp. 45–76; Krech 2012. Phu Yen would plead for assigning the 2011. 1. See Wade, “Beyond the Southern 14. From the period that concerns us ring to the culture of Champa, but as Borders,” in this volume. here, the only other case is from Bali, no such rings have been found in that 2. See Salomon 1995. where the pillar of Sanur is inscribed region so far, it might actually be an PrECIOuS dEPOSITS: BuddHISM 3. he gits mentioned here and on with three texts: the irst two, in Sanskrit artifact of the Mekong delta (see Malleret SEEn THrOugH InSCrIPTIOnS Mūlavarman’s other yūpas are all well and Old Balinese, are in Siddhamātřkā 1959–63, vol. 3 [1962], pp. 310–11, In EArLy SOuTHEAST ASIA known from Sanskrit purāna literature, script; the third, again in Sanskrit, is in pls. xxxvii–xxxix; Bourdonneau 2007, which recommends various forms of the local Indonesian Kawi script. See p. 128). For a similar early signet ring, 1. he discovery was reported in detail liberaliy to Brahmans. See Chhabra Stutterheim 1934 and Damais 1951. unprovenanced but presumed to be in Duroiselle 1930a. Duroiselle’s list of 1949 and Chhabra 1965 for this group 15. C.40. Compare K. Bhattacharya Indian, see Boardman and Scarisbrick the diverse contents is on pp. 176–81. of inscriptions. I cite here the translation 1961a; Filliozat 1969; Jacques 1969; 1977, p. 87 with pl. 211 (the published 2. Stargardt 2000, pp. 21–22. Other gold to be included in a forthcoming Majumdar 1970; Zakharov 2010. reading, Sri Mitrabhavasya, is imprecise texts from Myanmar—for example, the comprehensive study of the inscriptions 16. For the use of Sanskrit versus local in several ways and should be corrected: Maunggun plates—were not found with of Mūlavarman and Pūrnavarman, on (“vernacular”) languages in the history (ś)r(ī)mitrarbhavasya). But the similariy such rich deposits. For the Maunggun which I am working with Emmanuel of Southeast Asian literature, including of script and content with cat. 87, plates, see Finot 1912b; Ray 1946, Francis. For examples of box-headed inscriptions, see Pollock 2006. which is, in my opinion, most likely an pp. 33–35. script in Champa, see Finot 1902 and 17. One exception is inscription C.174, impression from a locally manufactured 3. Taking recent research into account, Coedès 1939. said to originate in Dong Yen Chau, seal (the seal is catalogued in this I choose to write bodhisatva rather 4. Several documents from the main- Vietnam; it is the oldest document in the volume as being from India), suggests than the artiicially standardized, and land—in particular, the well-published Cham language (Coedès 1939), perhaps that such rings were also produced now anglicized, bodhisattva. See G. gold-foil manuscript from Śrī Ksetra— as old as the fourth century. locally in Southeast Asia. he second Bhattacharya 2010. tend to be assigned earlier dates (5th or 18. For the oldest Mon inscriptions, see ring was photographed in 1997 by 4. For the Pali texts, see Ray 1946, 6th century) in the scholarly literature Coedès 1952; Diloth 1984; Bauer Pierre-Yves Manguin at Oc Eo, where pp. 37–42, and, more recently, Falk 1997 (see Falk 1997; Stargardt 2001, p. 505), 1991a; Bauer 1991b. it was held by a villager. (with references to earlier literature); following the tendency to estimate paleo- 19. Compare Francis 2008–9, p. 412. 29. See, for instance, Wisseman-Christie Stargardt 2000; Skilling 2005b. graphic dates by comparing script speci- here are some much earlier inscriptions 1998 (on Javanese coins) and Mahlo 5. One variant of these votive stupas mens from India while ignoring the in Tamil Brāhmī script, but they seem 2012 (on Burmese coins). is illustrated in Jacq-Hergoualc’h II. 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